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NARRATIVES
OF THE
DAYS OF THE REFORMATION,
CHIEFLY FROM THE MANUSCRIPTS OF
\
JOHN FOXE THE MARTYROLOGIST;
WITH TWO
CONTEMPORARY BIOGRAPHIES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.
GOD is never better served than in adversity. Wealth maketh us wantons ;
peace breedeth pride. We have quite forgotten Mariana tempora."
Edmund BicknoWs Sword against Swearers and Blasphemers, 1561.
EDITED BY
JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, F.S.A.
PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LIX.
WESTMINSTER :
J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PRINTERS,
25, PARLIAMENT STREET.
[LXXVII.]
COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR 1860-61.
President.
THE MOST HON. THE MARQUESS OF BRISTOL, F.S.A.
WILLIAM HENRY BLAAUW, ESQ. M.A. F.S.A.
BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. M.P. F.SA.
JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. V.P.S.A. Director.
JOHN PAYNE COLLIER, ESQ. F.S.A. Treasurer.
WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A.
JAMES CROSBY, ESQ. F.S.A.
JOHN FORSTER, ESQ.
EDWARD FOSS, ESQ. F.S.A.
THOMAS W. KING, ESQ. F.S.A.
THE REV. LAMBERT B. LARKING, M.A.
JAMES HEYWOOD MARKLAND, ESQ. D.C.L. F.R.S. F.S.A.
FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. Treas. S.A.
ROBERT PORRETT, ESQ. F.S.A.
WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A. Secretary.
WILLIAM TITE, ESQ. M.P. F.R.S. F.S.A.
The COUNCIL of the CAMDEN SOCIETY desire it to be under-
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa-
tions that may appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors
of the several works being alone responsible for the same.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE.
Foxe's Acts aud Monuments ...... ix
His Manuscript Collections . . . • . . . xii
The Works of Strype ........ xvi
The character of Foxe and of his great work .... xxii
I. THE REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTH, Archdeacon of Nottingham,
written in the year 1579.
Biographical Memoir of the Writer ..... 1
Introductory letter addressed to John Foxe . . . .15
The examination of the blind boy of Gloucester . . .18
The strange and hasty death of doctor Williams, chancellor of
Gloucester ......... 20
The tragical life and end of a right Catholic priest in London . 23
Of an ancient Protestant called Mr. John Petit, burgess for the
City of London in Parliament ..... 25
Visits of John Frith to Mr. Petit 27
The history of Mr. William Ford, usher in Wyckham college
at Winchester 29
The story of Richard Wever of Bristol 31
Of Mr. Anthony Quynby of Oxford 32
Of the shameful murdering of Mr. Edmund Louthe, of Sawtrey
More of Mrs. Anne Askew ....... 39
More of Mr. John Phil pot, archdeacon of Winchester . . 47
Of Cooke, the registrar of Winchester, and persecutor of Mr.
Philpot, and God's vengeance upon him .... 49
The first occasion of the Cardinal's overthrow by good Queen
Anne .......... 52
The death of Mr. Zouch of Codnor castle .... 57
Postscript, addressed to Foxe . . . . . .59
VI CONTENTS.
PAGE
II. THE IMPRISONMENT OF JOHN DAVIS, a Boy of Worcester, written
by himself in after-life ....... CO
III. THE MARTYRDOM OF EDWARD HORNE, at Newent, in 1558 . . 69
IV. AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVE OF THOMAS HANCOCK, Minister of
Poole.
His suspension under the Six Articles . . . . .71
Preaching at Christchurch and Salisbury in Edward's reign . 72
Interview with the Duke of Somerset at Syan. ... 76
His ministry at Poole ........ 77
Second interview with the Duke of Somerset . . . .79
The Mass restored at Poole 81
Hancock goes into exile ....... 84
V. THE DEFENCE OF THOMAS THACKHAM, Minister at Heading, in
regard to his conduct towards JULINS PALMER . . .15
Letter of Thomas Purye to Foxe 87
VI. AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL ANECDOTES OF EDWARD UNDERHILL, esquire,
one of the Band of Gentlemen Pensioners . . . 132
His arrest at Limehouse, for a balled he made against the
papists, upon the proclamation of Queen Mary . .134
Digression 1. His controversy with sir Edward Hastings at
Calais concerning the natural presence of Christ in the
sacrament of the altar . . . . . . .136
His examination before the council at the Tower . . .138
Digression 2. His preserving Lord Russell from drowning in
the Thames . 140
His altercation with secretary Bourne, and allusions to that
statesman's history ....... ib.
His delivery to the charge of the sheriff of Midd^sex . . 145
His committal to Newgate . . . . . . .146
Digression 3. His services at Landreci and Boulogne . .147
Digression 4. God's mercy to his servants during the great
persecution in Queen Mary's time . , . .149
Underbill's illness in Newgate . . . . . .150
CONTENTS. vii
PAGE
VI. UNDERBILL'S AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL ANECDOTES — continued.
Digeession 5. Christening of his son Guilford, queen Jane
being Godmother, and the lady Throckmorton her deputy :
the latter, on her return to the Tower, finds her mistress's
royalty terminated . . .' . . . .152
His release from Newgate, and return to Limehurst . .153
Rides on horseback to see queen Mary's coronation procession
pass St. Paul's .- 154
Digression 6. His prosecution before archbishop Cranmer of
the vicar of Stepney, quondam abbot of Tower-hill . .157
Digression 7. His prosecution of certain notorious gamblers,
and of the ballad he put forth against them, and a bill he
wrote in defence of bishop Hooper . . . . .158
Digression 8. His contest at Stratford on the Bow, on taking
the pyx from the altar . . . . . . . 1GO
His removal from Stepney parish for fear of religious persecu-
tion, and lodging in Wood Street 161
His anecdotes of Wyat's rebellion ...... ib.
Serves with the band of pensioners at the queen's marriage at
Winchester, having withstood and overcome the scruples of
bishop Gard.yner and mr. Norris . . . . .168
His religious books are walled up in his chamber by Henry
Daunce, the preaching bricklayer of Whitechapel . .171
Removes to a house near Coventry . . . . . ib.
Digression 9. Notices of master Luke of Coleman Street,
physician, the author of John Bon and Mast Parson, and
anecdotes of the publication of that book . . . 1 73
Digression 10. Underbill's arrest of Allen the prophesyer,
who had circulated a false report that King Edward was
dead .......... t&.
A prayer composed by Edward Underbill, out of the Psalms of
David .... . . 175
His verses on Christian Charity .... .176
vni CON1I.N1-.
PAGE
VII. I'm TROUBLES OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE, Rector of St. Michael,
Tower-Ryal, in the reign of Queen Mary: written by
himself . .177
The Communion at St. Michael's Tower-Ryall . . .178
Interview with bishop Gardyner . . . . . .179
Good works in the days of King Henry and King Edward . 182
Imprisonment in the Marshalsea . . . . . .184
Wyat's offer to the prisoners . . . . . . 185
Libel against King Philip . . . . . . .187
Racking of Thomas Stoning in the Tower .... 188
Mowntayne is sent to Cambridge Castle . . . . .190
Entertained by the sheriff of Huntingdonshire . . .194
Pacifies the keeper of Cambridge castle . .... 199
Arraigned at the sessions ....... 205
Discharged upon sureties ....... 208
Royal procession through Cheapside ..... 209
Mowntayne escapes to South wark, and to Colchester . .210
Sails from Gravesend to Dunkirk . . . " . . .212
Teaches school at Antwerp 216
Returns home after the death of Queen Mary ... . ib.
VIII. THE LYFE AND DEATH OF THOMAS CRANMER, LATE ARCHE-
BUSHOPE OF CANTERBURY.
His birth and education . . . . . . .218
His judgment on the King's divorce . . . . .219
Embassies to France, to the Emperor, and the Pope . . 220
Made Archbishop . . . . . . . .221
His Collections of Law, and on the Sacraments, and from
the Holy Scripture and the Holy Fathers . . 221, 338
His arguments against the Pope's supremacy .... 222
Preparation of the Bishops' Book or "The Institution of a
Christian Man N ........ 223
His conduct in King Edward's settlement of the Crown . . 225
His letter on the mass being re-established at Canterbury . 227
His disputation at Oxford ....... 228
His dying declaration ...... 229
CONTENTS. IX
VAGE
IX. ANECDOTES AND CHARACTER OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER: by Ralph
Morice, his Secretary . . . . . . .234
Notices of Ralph Morice, and his various contributions to John
Foxe 235,341,342
Birth and education of Cranmer 238
His first marriage at Cambridge . . .... 240
Arguments on the King's divorce 241
His embassies to the Pope and Emperor .... 243
His second marriage in Germany ...... ib.
Made Archbishop 244
Qualities wherewith he was specially endowed . . . ib.
His lenity and kindness towards the Papists .... 246
His opposition to the Six Articles ...... 248
His coat of arms ......... 250
Parries the attacks of the prebendaries and justices of
Kent 251, 252, 342
of Sir John Gostwyck . . . 251, 253
of the popish members of privy council 251,254
Saves the lady Mary from imprisonment in the Tower, and dis-
closes the behaviour of queen Katharine Howard . .259
Manner and order of his hospitality and housekeeping . .260
His maintenance of the temporalities of his see . . .263
Behaviour towards his family . . . . . .268
The " infamy " that he had been an osteler . . . .269
X. CRANMER AND CANTERBURY SCHOOL : by Ralph Morice . . 273
XI. THE ANSWERS OF MR. THOMAS LAWNEY : by the same.
Concerning priests' wives ....... 276
Concerning Bishop Stokesley and his portion of the New
Testament translation . . . . . .277
XII. CHRONICLE OF THE YEARS 1532 — 1537, written by a Monk of
St. Augustine's, Canterbury ... . 279
XIII. SUMMARY OF ECCLESIASTICAL EVENTS IN 1554 . 287
CAMD. SOC. b
x CONTENTS.
PAGE
APPENDIX OF ADDITIONAL NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
To the Reminiscences of John Louthe . . . . 292
The first Protestants at Oxford 293
Bearing a fagot 294
John Petit, citizen for London in Parliament . . . 295
The Murder of Robert Packington in 1536 . . 296
The Racking of Anne Askew 303
Protestant Ladies of the Court of Henry VIII. . . .311
Anne Hartipole and the Countess of Sussex . . .313
To the Imprisonment of John Davis . . . . .315
To the Autobiographical Narrative of Thomas Hancock . . ib.
Extracts from Bale's " Expostulacion," &c. . ' . . ib.
To the Defence of Thomas Thackham 319
Letters patent for the Mastership of Reading School . ib.
To the Autobiography of Edward Underbill .... 320
The Band of Gentlemen Pensioners . . . . . ib.
King Edward the Sixth and Saint George . . .323
Doctor Luke Shepherd, the author of John Bon and Mast
Person 325
Allen the Prophesyer and his charms .... 326
Examination of William Wicherley, conjurer . . .331
To the Autobiography of Thomas Mowntayne . . .335
George Eagles, or Trudge-over-the-world . . . .336
To the Life and Death of Archbishop Cranmer . . .338
The Literary History of Cranmer's Collections from the
Holy Scriptures and the Fathers . . . . . ib.
To Morice's Anecdotes, &c. of Cranmer ..... 341
Further Additional Notes. — Mary of Henawde and Queen
Philippa, and the families of Beaumys and Le Moyne . 344
The Cruel Treatment of William Maldon when a Boy, at
Chelmsford, by his Father 348
Glossarial Index .......... 353
1 k-ueral Index . 357
PREFACE,
THESE Narratives are derived, for the most part, from documents
which have great literary as well as historical importance, in rela-
tion to the works of the two most voluminous authors upon the
Ecclesiastical History of this country. They were the stores once
laid up in the study of John Foxe — the reliquiae or "remaines"
of the ACTES AND MONUMENTS OF THE CHURCH. On the other
hand, they were the very materials which first encouraged John
Strype to embark on those researches that occupied nearly forty
years of his laborious life. But since they passed from the hands of
Strype they have not received all the attention that is due to their
interest and importance.
Notwithstanding the suspicions upon the veracity of John Foxe
which have been sedulously suggested by his enemies, and, in part,
too readily admitted by many who ought to have stood his friends,
there has been little attempt to test his statements by contemporary
documents. Indeed, such was the mass to which his work had
grown, that it would seem rather to have been the ordinary effort
of its successive editors to compress or abridge, than in any way to
add to its information, or authenticate and illustrate its statements.*
Even in the last edition, professedly " complete," prepared by the
* The work has always had inattentive editors, among whom we must
include even John Foxe himself. A remarkable instance of this is pointed out
in p. 290 of the present volume. An important erratum committed in the first
edition, discovered before its publication, and there acknowleged, was never
rectified in the text until the printing of the last edition by Mr. Cattley.
xii PREFACE.
Rev. Stephen Reed Cattley, this was the last thing thought of. That
gentleman contented himself with comparing the old printed
editions and forming a text from them ; and- it was not until the
great deficiencies and inaccuracies of his book, in every respect, had
been exposed by the repeated criticisms of the Rev. Dr. Maitland,
that an attempt was made to supply, in some measure, what was so
manifestly wanting, by the means of supplementary notes and
appendices. Recourse was then at last had to Foxe's Manuscript
Collections, preserved in the British Museum — partly in the Har-
leian and partly in the Lansdowne collections * — and a very few pieces
resembling those which form the present volume were transcribed
and printed.f At the same time copies of Foxe's letters were placed
* Dr. Bliss, in his edition of the Athenae Oxonienses, erroneously stated
that " all Foxe's original collections were purchased for Lord Oxford, and are
now in the Harleian Collection." But some that had been in Strype's hands
were not included in that purchase, but found their way into the Lansdowne
Collection. Dr. Bliss made a still more unfortunate assertion when he
remarked that it was perfectly unnecessary to enlarge on the biography of
John Foxe, because it had been written so often and so well. In no case
could such an encomium have been so undeservedly paid. Mr. Townsend and
Dr. Maitland are agreed upon that point, if not on any other. The former
laments " that the memoir of Foxe by his son, is written without any attention
to dates," and that "it is impossible to reconcile its discrepancies." The
latter maintains that it was not written by Foxe's son at all, and is of no
authority. Yet upon that life the several biographers of Foxe have hitherto
relied. One of the most important points upon which Dr. Maitland considers
that the life in question is not to be believed, and which, if so, goes far to
condemn it, is its assertion that Foxe was expelled from his fellowship at
Magdalene College. I should state that I was not aware of this circumstance
when I printed the note in p. 59.
f John and Roger Hall to John Foxe : [their] information of one Day, a
priest, curate of Maydston. In Mr. Townsend's Life, 1841, p. 149; 1843,
p. 94; from MS. Harl. 416, fol. 123.
Morice's paper concerning the communication of Latimer with Baynehain
PREFACE. Xiii
in the hands of Mr. Canon Townsend, who had undertaken to write
the Martyrologist's life; and in that composition, which is prefixed
to Mr. Cattley's work, some fifty of these letters were printed, in
many instances very incorrectly. Besides these, Grindal's corre-
spondence with Foxe has been edited by the Parker Society in their
" Remains of Archbishop Grindal."
Such is the inadequate attention that has in modern times been
paid to these important records. It is true that Strype in most of
his works had made very considerable use of them : but it should
not be supposed that he had exhausted all their stores of information,
nor that in every case he has employed them to the best advantage,
or even always viewed their contents in their true light. Neither
has he edited them with that exactitude which is now generally
required and bestowed. Some he has printed entire, but in the or-
thography of his own day ; of others he has given a part here and a
part there, or stated their substance in his own language; and of
others he has employed the information without referring to its
source.
Strype did not introduce into his published works so much of
Foxe's personal history as he might have done, because he contem-
plated the Life of Foxe as a distinct book. This appears from a
letter of the Eev. Dr. Samuel Knight (author of the Life of Erasmus)
to the Rev. Dr. Zachary Grey, written after visiting the venerable
historian when " turned ninety, yet very brisk, and with only a
decay of sight and memory,1' — in the following passage : —
Mr. Strype told me that he had great materials towards the Life of the old
Lord Burghley and Mr. Foxe the martyrologist, which he wished he could
have finished, but most of his papers are in characters ; his grandson is learning
to decypher them. *
when in Newgate. In vol. iv. p. 770, of the 1843 — 49 edition ; but not in that
of 1841, as I have incorrectly stated in p. 237 hereafter.
These are all, or nearly so.
* Nichols's Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century, vol. v. p. 360.
XIV PREFACE.
Strypc is an author to whom very frequent reference has been,
and must continue to be, made by all writers who follow him in the
field of the Ecclesiastical History of this country. His compila-
tions, however imperfect in many respects, are, from their great
scope and extent, not likely to be readily superseded ; and even if
they were so, by the production of some very superior work, they
would still continue to be cited, both for the documents which they
contain, and for the various passages in which their statements are
now interwoven with our subsequent literature, both historical and
controversial. But it is not ungrateful towards an industrious and
honest, but not very judicious author, to assert that it has been too
much the practice for modern writers to adopt the statements of
Strype upon events in the sixteenth century, as if they came with
the authority of a contemporary, a deference to which they certainly
are not entitled. Every earnest searcher after truth will, on the
contrary, be desirous to ascertain upon what evidence the statements
of Strype are founded; and in this view alone the " Foxii MSS."
from which he derived so much, must be esteemed as of especial
importance.
The earliest of Strype's historical works was his " Memorials of
Cranmer," published in the year 1693, in the preface to which he
made the following acknowledgment : —
I have been conversant in what remaineth of the papers of John Fox,
communicated to me by the favour of my good friend William Willys, of
Hackney, esquire, among which there is a MS. Life of Cranmer * ; Annals
writ by an Augustine Monk of Canterbury, from the year 1532 to 1538 f ;
many letters of Fox, and other learned men to him, relating to the affairs or
afflictions of the Church in those times ; and abundance more, too long here to
be inserted.
Again, in the preface to his Ecclesiastical Memorials, written
nearly thirty years later, Strype says —
* That printed in pp. 218—233 of the present volume.
f Printed in pp. 279—286.
PREPA< XV
I have had also the use of numerous MSS. of ecclesiastical affairs, sometime
belonging to the famous Martyrologist, John Fox ; and that by the kindness
of a gentleman that was executor to the said Fox's last descendant deceased.
By " Fox's last descendant" Strype appears to have meant Sir
Thomas Fox Willys, Bart, who died in 1701 a lunatic; and by the
latter's "executor," his cousin William Willys, esquire,* before named
in the preface to the Memorials of Cranmer. The mother of Sir
Thomas Fox Willys was Alice, daughter and sole heir of Thomas
Fox, M.D. of Waltham Abbey, who was the son of Samuel Fox,
and grandson of John Foxe, the Martyrologist.
The manuscripts, it would seem, were either eventually given to
Strype, or allowed to remain in his hands until his death, at a very
advanced age, in 1737. The greater part of them were then pur-
chased by the Earl of Oxford, whose agent Humphrey Wanley had
long kept his eye upon -them. These now form the volumes 416 to
426 inclusive of the Harleian collection;! besides which, some of
Foxe's papers are bound in a volume of larger dimensions, numbered
* Sir Thomas Willys and Sir Richard Willys, two brothers, were both
created Baronets by Charles the First, the former in 1641 and the latter in
1646. Sir Richard married Alice, daughter and sole heir of Thomas Fox,
M.D. who had issue an only son, Sir Thomas Fox Willys, on whose death the
baronetcy conferred on his father became extinct in 1701. Of the other family
there were six Baronets, the last of whom died in 1732. William Willys,
esquire, of Hackney, to whom Strype was indebted for the use of Foxe's
manuscripts, was a Hamburgh merchant, a younger son of Sir Thomas, the
first Baronet of Fen Ditton, co. Cambridge, and consequently cousin to Sir
Thomas Fox Willys. He died in 1726. (Courthope's Extinct Baronetage,
8vo. 1835, p. 216.)
f They are described at considerable length in the Catalogue of the Harleian
Manuscripts, vol. i. pp. 236 — 250. Their arrangement, however, both as
respects subjects and dates, is as confused as it could possibly be : no trouble
whatever, in that respect, had been taken when they were bound.
XVI PREFACE.
590.* A few, however, were separated from the rest; but, having
found their way into the collection of the Marquess of Lansdowne,
are now, like the others, in our national museum. These are now
interspersed in the Lansdowne collection (Nos. 335, 388, 389, 819,
1045, and possibly others, for others of the Lansdowne MSS.
belonged to Strype).
A learned and judicious gentleman, already named, well known
for the attention which he has for many years bestowed upon eccle-
siastical history, as well as for the peculiar advantages which he has
enjoyed of access to some of its most important sources, has not long
since circulated among his friends a few pages bearing the title of
NOTES UPON STRYPE ;f repeating the arguments which he had
written some ten or twelve years before, in recommendation of a new
edition of Strype's works, at the request of a London publisher.
It will (Dr. Maitland remarks) be admitted by all who are in any degree
acquainted with it, that there is no period of our history which is more
interesting than that of the Reformation. And this, not merely considered in
an ecclesiastical, but in a political and philosophical point of view ; and as
bearing on our constitution, our laws, habits, modes of thought and action, —
on the whole history of our country since that time, and our own state and
circumstances at the present day. Neither will it be denied, that for anything
like familiar acquaintance with this period, we are incomparably more indebted
to Strype, than to any other man. The industry and integrity with which,
during a long course of years, he devoted himself to the collection of materials
* It is in this volume that the narrative of William Maldon occurs, which,
having been observed too late for the text of this volume, is placed at the end
of the Appendix. There is a remarkable passage at its commencement, showing
Foxe's habits in soliciting materials for his work. In the same volume is also
preserved a contemporary narrative (but imperfect) of the murder of the
Hartgills by Charles Lord Stourton : this is introduced by Strype, but with
several errors, in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii. and is reprinted by Sir
R. C. Hoare in his Modern Wiltshire, Hundred of Mere, p. 153.
f Octavo, pp. 15, dated Gloucester, Feb. 22, 1858.
PREFACE. xvii
for the history of those times, entitle him to our warmest gratitude ; and the
treasure of facts and documents which he collected, whether considered in
respect of its bulk, or of its interest and importance, is altogether unrivalled.
. After bestowing upon Strype this well-merited eulogy, Dr. Mait-
land proceeds to lament that the works of that laborious compiler
are less familiar than they ought to be to English readers ; that they
are presented in a very uncomfortable, unreadable state, or kept from
circulation by their costly price ; that, whether in the old unwieldy
folios, or in the twenty-five octavo volumes reprinted by the Clarendon
Press, they are individually unfurnished with indexes; and though,
in the latter respect, there is a general index to the whole series, yet
it is unreasonable and absurd to require the purchaser of any one of
the works to buy an index to the whole, itself forming two thick
volumes; whilst the total cost of the series is an expense which few
students will be disposed to incur at one time.*
Such are some of Dr. Maitland's objections against the works of
Strype in their present state : but the more important charge which
he brings against them is, that they are full of errors of transcription
and the press, of which he exhibits many examples that very mate-
rially affect the meaning of the documents and quotations introduced.
On these grounds Dr. Maitland recommends that the labours of a
careful revision should be bestowed upon the works of Strype, and
that they should be again issued in an amended state .f
* The price of the Oxford edition, in 27 vols. (including the General Index)
is now reduced from 14/. to 71. 13s.
f There have been two modern attempts to republish Strype, the Memorials
of Cranmer having been edited anonymously for the Ecclesiastical History
Society in 1848, and by Philip Edward Barnes, esq. B.A. for Mr. Rout-
ledge, in 1 853. On both occasions it was proposed that Strype's other works
should follow, but no more made their appearance. Indeed, the Ecclesiastical
History Society broke down after having published only two volumes out of
three.
CAMD. SOC. C
xviii PREFACE.
On the other side of the question it might be alleged, and perhaps
with equal truth, that not any one of Strype's works is in itself
complete as respects any particular period or transaction ; that most
subjects of which he treats are discussed in more than one of his.
books,* and that therefore a General Index is the best, and indeed
the only satisfactory, key to them ; and consequently, in order to
make them really what could be wished, the whole should be recast
into a chronological narrative, or at least the disjecta membra of
certain important transactions should be brought together, and
properly connected.
On the whole, the more the subject is considered, the more evident
it appears that it is not merely revision, but a remoulding and
rewriting, that the works of Strype require. Whilst on the one
hand his documents undoubtedly ought to be collated, and should
never be again reprinted without collation, because they are imper-
fect and incorrect ;f so, on the other, his narrative ought to be
remodelled, not because it is often prejudiced or intentionally unfair,
but because it is frequently confused in arrangement, imperfect in
information, and now obsolete in style.
In many places where Strype has reported, in his own terms, a
story of the sixteenth century, his language is now really more
old-fashioned and unlike our own, than the plain but effective
* The history of Foxe's Actes and Monuments affords an example, among
scores of others. That work, and the various editions of it which appeared
during the reign of Elizabeth, form a subject which is treated of by Strype in
some half-dozen different places.
f " I do not mean to reflect on Strype, whose integrity and good faith are
beyond, all doubt : but to the question whether the documents and extracts, as
they stand in his works, are in fact accurate copies of their originals, only one
answer can be given. They are NOT In many cases, — and some-
times in documents of great importance, whereof one would desire to have
correct copies, — there is, as the words now stand, nothing but obvious non-
sense." (Notes on Strype, by the Rev. S. R. Maitland, D.D. p. 6.)
PREFACE. XIX
phraseology of his original. Of this circumstance the present
volume will afford frequent proofs.
Whether Strype will yet obtain an editor so patient and so
devoted as Dr. Maitland has imagined, may now be doubted; but it
must be generally admitted that it would be only a well-deserved
testimony to the past labours and merits of the industrious historian
in question, as to his more eminent predecessors, that any future
Ecclesiastical History of England, on a large and comprehensive
scale, whether accomplished by university, society, or individuals,
should acknowlege upon its title-page that it was " founded on the
works of Foxe, Burnet, Strype," &c.
By printing " The Diary of Henry Machyn " in its integrity the
Camden Society has already made public one of the most curious
sources of Strype's information, and the present volume may be
regarded as a further instalment towards a critical edition of the
documents employed by Strype. There are few historical students
who will not prefer to read the ipsissima verba of the actors and
sufferers in the perilous days of the Keformation rather than any
modern version of their histories; and, though most of the writers
in the present volume are shockingly astray from any recognised
standard of orthography, yet it is well that at least one edition of
their narratives should be printed as they themselves penned them.
If the assertion of Doctor Johnson, that " those relations are com-
monly of most value in which the writer tells his own story," be
admitted to be just, and 'one of general acceptation, then the amount
of autobiography contained in the present volume will be greatly in
its favour.
Archdeacon Louthe,* the writer of the first paper, relates his
* Among the letters transcribed in Foxe's copy-book, which is now bound
up in the Harl. MS. 417, at fol. 102 v. is the following, which is attributed to
John Aylmer, bishop of London, in a side-note written by Strype ; but I think
it much more probable that it was written by our friend John Louthe, the
archdeacon of Nottingham : —
XX PREFACE.
anecdotes as of matters in which he had a personal concern, and of
which he might say with the poet, Quorum pars magna fui. The
narratives of John Davis, Thomas Hancock, Edward Underbill,
Thomas Mowntayne, and William Maldon were all written by
themselves; and the justification of the conduct of Thomas Thack-
ham towards Julins Palmer also proceeded from his own pen.
In several instances the accuracy of Foxe's book is brought into
question. Archdeacon Louthe offers a determined defence of the
rnartyrologist upon that point, and it is on that account that I have
placed his papers foremost in the present collection.
He attributes the outcry that had been raised against Foxe's work
entirely to the malice of the mortified papists, and alludes especially
to the attack which had proceeded from Louvaine, under the name
of Alan Cope, but really written, as was supposed, by Nicholas
" Salutem in Christo. Accepimus Reginam Scotorum paralysi graviter
laborare, vel ad desperationem, et aliis nonnullis torqueri morbis. Rex
ipse, optimae spei adolescens, parliament! autoritate decrevit de una religione
confirmanda et papistica e finibus suis exterminandii, ita ut quisque missam
auditurus prime moneatur, secundo bona ipsius fisco adjudicentur, si tertio
peccaverit solum vertere cogatur. Hsec ad te scripsi, turn ut hujus boni
participem faciam ; turn ut a te preces cum lachryrnis Christo nostro fundantur,
et nos beare, et suum evangelium propagare pergat. Quse concedat optimus
Jhesus noster, quern non minus tibi familiarem existimo quam est amicus
quisque amico. Ora, ora, mi frater, nam pluriinurn apud Christum tuas
valere preces non dubito.
" Tui amantiss. JOHANNES LOND."
Strype has introduced this letter in his Life of Bishop Aylmer, p. 43,
(Oxford edition, p. 24,) and assigned it to about the year 1578. If the bishop
of London addressed the martyrologist in these terms, they are certainly very
extraordinary proof of the high estimation in which he was held by a prelate
in so eminent a position ; but I am inclined rather to think that they came from
the enthusiastic and highly intolerant John Louthe — who yet did not choose
to appear exactly in propria persona, but signed JOHANNES LOUD, hot LOND.
as printed by Strype, and as it had been before by Foxe (see p. 14).
PREFACE. XXI
Harpsfield. But Louthc's own anecdotes furnish some proofs of the
inexact reports to which Foxe was unavoidably subject, particularly
when the reminiscences of years long past were revived.
The third article, that relating to Edward Home, was purposely
written to correct some imperfect information in " the Booke of
Martyrs," and yet it seems never to have been brought into its
>per place.
"he " Defence of Thomas Thackham " is a direct expostulation
Foxe in regard to some statements respecting Julins Palmer in
whih Thackham's name had been introduced. His protestations,
how&er, appear to have obtained little credit with Foxe's original
infonknts, in consequence of the opinion they had formed of his
insince\ty. Though Thackham's arguments are excessively prolix,
and too, tedious to be desirable as a whole, the portions I have
extractecWill be found to contain some remarkable passages, and
some very^urious examples of Elizabethan phraseology.
Foxe, tnugh a very laborious, was never a careful author. He
admits this 5m self in the reply which he made to Alan Cope with
respect to uk story of Sir John Oldcastle lord Cobham: " I heare
what you wilVaie, I should have taken more leisure, and done it
better. I gra% and confesse my fault; such is my vice, I cannot
sit all the daiem. Cope,) fining and minsing my letters, and
combing my hea\ an(J smoothing myself all the daie at the glasse of
Cicero. Yet notVhstanding, doing what I can, and doing my
good will, me think j should not be reprehended."
The contents of V present volume certainly prove that Foxe,
though always busy, \s not foncl of revising his writings. Several
of the papers preservl among his Manuscripts were, like that of
Home, communicated \i^m for t^e express purpose of correcting
his great work, were pkrve(} by him for that purpose, and yet
were never brought to the\|estjne(j use
I deem it perfectly unn\ggarv? however, to attempt any formal
XXli .. PREFACE.
defence of Foxe's honesty and veracity. I believe him to have
been truth-seeking,* but liable to mistakes in an age of difficult
communication, and perhaps occasionally subjected to intentional
misinformation. f The violence of his invective too often overshoots
its object, and the coarseness of his abuse is necessarily offensive in
the ears of a more refined age. In that respect he too much re
sembles his friend and associate Bale, who may very probably ha^e
been the author of some of the comments, particularly in the sue-
notes, of the Book of Martyrs, that are so much in his style. It nust
also be admitted that in his remarks on the conduct and suffeings
of those from whom he differed in matters of faith and discipline,
Foxe too constantly discovers a merciless and unsympathisinf spirit,
as well as a jocularity towards holy things which is both Xl-timed
and profane.
The Rev. Dr. Maitland, in his various essays J on Feme's great
work, has not only taken just exception to the tone a*d spirit in
which its author wrote, but has shown some instances c^ what must
* See in p. 17, note, his own admission, " Although I deny i>t," &c.
t I am not myself aware of any proved instance of thi; but it is thus
stated, and judiciously commented upon, by Granger, in his Biographical
History of England : " The same has been said of Foxe wfch was afterwards
said of Burnet ; that several persons furnished him with ac°unts of pretended
facts, with a view of ruining the credit of his whole pfformance. But the
author does not stand in need of this apology ; as it waFimpossible in human
nature to avoid many errors in so voluminous a worJ a great part of which
consists of anecdotes."
J A Review of Fox's History of the Waldenses. J3?. 8vo.
Six Letters on Fox's Actes and Monuments. 18^-
Six more Letters. 1841.
Notes on the contributions of the Rev. George ownsend to the new edition
of Fox's Martyrology: Part 1. On the memor°f Fox ascribed to his Son;
Part 2. Puritan Thaumaturgy ; Part 3. Historic x authority of Fox. 1842. 8vo.
Essays on subjects connected with the Refoaation in England. Reprinted,
with additions, from the British Magazine. S4^. 8vo.
PREFACE. xxiii
be condemned as culpable carelessness in the treatment of historical
evidence, and imperfect skill in learning and scholarship. All this
Dr. Maitland has demonstrated with such minuteness and perse-
verance as might have been deemed unnecessary, or excessive, had
not the advocates of the martyr ologist, in a spirit of blind and
injudicious partisanship, assumed undue weight for his historical
authority. The proposition of the Convocation of 1571, that "the
Monuments of the Martyrs" should be placed for public perusal in
the houses of bishops, deans, and dignitaries, and in cathedral
churches — which last expression has been grossly exaggerated into
" all parish churches," — in company with the Holy Bible and other
like books pertaining to religion, seems to have exalted the Actes
and Monuments of John Foxe, in the estimation of his over-zealous
admirers, to a rank scarcely inferior to that of the Acts of the
Apostles.
It can now no longer be disputed that as a general history of the
Church, in its earlier ages, Foxe's work has been shown to be partial
and prejudiced in spirit, imperfect and inaccurate in execution;
but it is when approaching his own times — if allowance be still
made for the prejudices and partiality which of course continue —
that the book becomes most valuable as a record of the doings and
sufferings, a mirror of the opinions, passions, and manners of the
people of England. For the early annals of the Church there are
other authors to be preferred, both of antecedent and of subsequent
date; but for familiar pictures of public and private struggles for
conscience sake, it is probably unequalled in any country or
language. It is the Chronicle of the days of the Reformation, the
BOOK OF MARTYRS upon which the intense interest of their own
and many subsequent generations was concentrated.
John Foxe had set himself the task of writing a History of the
Church in Latin, and he thought it derogatory to his character as a
XXIV PREFACE.
scholar to appear in any other language.* It was the demand of
the English public — or, if there was then no literary public in
England, of John Day his London publisher, supported , no doubt,
by Bishop Grindal and other influential persons, — that, even against
the author's will, produced the English edition, and it was the zeal
and enthusiasm of a Protestant people that made it so successful.
Foxe had given his work in its original language the title of
Commentarii, and in its English form that of " The Actes and
Monuments of the Church ; " t .it was the English people themselves
that called it The Book of Martyrs. This popular title in itself
* This appears in his dedication addressed to Queen Elizabeth, in which he
apologises that " the story being written in the popular tongue serveth not so
greatly for your own peculiar reading, nor for such as be learned ;" and again
in his letter sent with a copy of the first edition to the President and Fellows
of Magdalen College, Oxford : — " Hoc unum dolet, Latino non esse scriptum
opus, quo vel ad plures emanare fructus historia, vel vobis jucundior ejus
posset lectio. Atque equidem hoc multo maluissem, sed hue me adegit com-
inunis patrias ac multitudinis sedificandae respectus, cui et vos ipsos id idem
redonare aequum est." We have also Foxe's own statement that the transla-
tion of his Latin book into English was not made by himself, but executed by
others whilst he was occupied in further researches into episcopal registers.
f The title of " Actes and Monuments " appears to have been borrowed from
the book entitled Actiones et Monimenta Martyrum, printed by Jean Crespin,
at Geneva, in 1560. Grindal, to whom Foxe was chiefly indebted for the
materials relating to the Marian persecution, speaks in his letter to Foxe
dated Strasburgh, 19 Dec. 1558, of their projected work as Historia Martyrum.
It is therefore contrary to what might have been expected that the word
Martyrs did not appear on the English title-page. But, although it did not,
there are many proofs that the work was from a very early time recognised as
The Book of Martyrs. It is so called by Thackham at p. 93 of the present
volume, and by Deighton in p. 69. Archdeacon Louthe, in p. 15, styles it
" the booke of Actes and Monumentes of Martyres." When directed to be
placed in cathedral churches, &c. in 157 1> it was called " Monumenta
Martyrum,"
PREFACE. xxv
shows that the portions of the work which really fastened themselves
upon the public mind, were not its early historical details, whether
faithfully or partially related, but its heart-stirring narratives of
events of more recent occurrence, which came home to the sympa-
thies and the passions of those who had shared or witnessed their
transaction and their effects.*
For a similar reason the autograph Narratives of some of the
sufferers still appeal to us with a more than ordinary degree of
interest. Nor are they altogether merely the details of private
doings and sufferings. They are connected, indirectly, with many
of the most important national events, as will at once be perceived
on turning over the leaves of this volume, or by looking down its
Table of Contents.
In order to render its illustrative notes more complete, I have
trespassed on the time and attention of many of my friends.
To the Rev. James Raine,! of York, I am indebted for a copy of
* Foxe himself looked forward to this sort of personal interest that would
be taken in his work — " Neque non juvabit et illud nostrorum fortasse animosi
quuni multi in his historiae monumentis suos reperient, alii parentes, alii filios,
nonnulli uxores, pars maritos, quidam cognates aut affines, plurinii vicinos aut
amicos : de quibus hie legere aliquid, velutique loquentes audire, pro suo
quisque affectu avebit." (Dedication of the Commentarii to the Duke of
Norfolk, dated at Basle, September 1, 1559.) And yet he seems to have
expected that all his readers should understand Latin.
f In how different a position, unfortunately for literary and biographical
research, are the records of the two archiepiscopal courts at present placed !
While those of the province of York haye been liberally thrown open, and to
a certain extent made public by the aid of the Surtees Society, those of the
province of Canterbury, by the arrangements of the new Courts of Probate and
Divorce, have become more rigidly closed than ever. No other copies or notes
are permitted than those which are made by the official scribes, and are officially
authenticated. Above a certain date, when the handwriting becomes especially
CAiyrp. soc. d
XXVI 1'KEFACE.
the will of Archdeacoii Louthc. The Rev. W. II. Gunner and the
Rev. Mackenzie Walcott have both assisted me in illustrating
Louthe's biographical anecdotes by extracts from the records of
Winchester College, The Right Hon. Lord Monson has obliged
me with many valuable suggestions in my endeavours to trace the
domestic history of Anne Askew, but which have been rewarded
with less success than I was willing to anticipate.
To William Hobbs, F.S.A. of Reading, I owe some information
respecting Thomas Thackham, and particularly the patent for the
mastership of Reading school which is printed in the Appendix.
But the most important contribution I have received is that of
Morice's Anecdotes of Archbishop Cranmer, communicated by the
Rev. J. E. B. Mayor, and which led me to introduce the preceding
paper, entitled " The Life and Death of Archbishop Cranmer,5'
Both of these articles I fully expect will be regarded as adding
materially to the value and interest of the present volume, as they
plain and legible, and free from the pothooks and hangers of modern legal pen-
manship, the fees for transcription are unreasonably doubled, as if in especial
despite to historical inquiry. It will scarcely be credited that the brief will of
John Petit, which occupies fourteen lines of the present volume, cost, with the
formal record of probate (for we must take the husk with the kernel), the sum
of five shillings.
At the recent change of the Ecclesiastical Courts a great opportunity for the
propagation of historical knowledge was suffered to pass by. The proper
course would have been to have relieved the Will Office by removing its
records of a date anterior to the year 1700, to the Public Record Office, or to
the British Museum.
Can it not still be arranged that literary inquirers should be allowed to take
WMuthcnticated copies or extracts, when furnished for that purpose with a
certificate from II. M. Keeper of Public Records ? Some such concession may,
perhaps, yet be made, when the new buildings of the Prerogative Oflice are
completed.
xxvn
show the principal sources of one of the most important portions of
Foxe's work.*
The llev. W. D. Macray, of Oxford, has examined for me the
Ashmolean MS. 861, and has ascertained that it contains extracts
Irom the same Journal, kept by Anthony Anthony, which was
quoted by Bishop Burnet with respect to Queen Anne Boleyne, as
mentioned in the note in p. 305 ; and also in regard to the racking
of Anne Askew. Though the passages relating to the latter subject
have not been recovered, yet the Ashmolean extracts are sufficient
to prove that the document whicb (as I have remarked) was ignored
by Mr. Jarcline once existed, if it is not now to be found, and that it
proceeded from a contemporary writer whose testimony is entitled to
some respect and consideration.
By the use of the unpublished sheets of the u Athenae Canta-
brigienses," with which I have been favoured by their authors,
Charles Henry Cooper, Esq. F.S.A., and his son, Mr. Thompson
Cooper, I have had the gratification to be the first of a long line of
editors that will have to acknowledge their continual obligations to
a work which is as elaborate and careful in its execution as it is
important and comprehensive in its design.
It was my intention to have included in this preface some account
of the origin, formation, and literary history of Foxe's great work;
but, in pursuing this intention, I have found the materials grow
upon my hands to an extent exceeding the limits to which it is
* Morice's paper was communicated by archbishop Parker to Foxe before
the preparation of his second edition in 1570, (not 1576, as misdated in p. 234,)
in the Index to which the reader's particular attention is directed to it by the
following singular entry : —
"Thomas Crannicr made Archbyshop of Canterbury 1200. Ilis storye is
worthc the reading, and begynneth 2032."
It lasts from that page to p. 2072.
XXV111 PREFACE.
necessary that I should here confine myself. I must therefore defer
" The Literary History of the Book of Martyrs " to some other
occasion. I have only further to apologise for a slight error that
has been more than once repeated in the present volume. There
were nine standard editions of the ACTES AND MONUMENTS, which
were published in the years 1563, 1570, 1576, 1583, 1596-7,
1610, 1631-2, 1641, and 1684. All of them, except the last, are
nqw more or less scarce books; and two, those of 1570 and 1583,
are not at present in the library of the British Museum. It arose
from this circumstance that I have in several places termed the
edition of 1576 the second edition instead of the third. By the
kindness of Mr. George OfFor I have since seen a copy of the edition
of 1570,
NARRATIVES
OF THE
DAYS OF THE REFORMATION.
L
THE REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUDE OR LOUTHE,
ARCHDEACON OF NOTTINGHAM,
ADDRESSED TO JOHN FOXE IN 1579.
JOHN LOUDE, Louthe, or Lowth, as the name was more commonly written,
claimed descent from several families of importance. His grandfather Thomas
Louthe esquire was of Castle Hedingham in Essex, Cretingham in Suffolk, and
Sawtrey Beaumys in the county of Huntingdon, and had married Anne,
daughter and heir of Thomas Mulso a of Cretingham ; Lionel Louthe,b father
of Thomas, had married Katharine Dudley, of the family of Sutton alias
Dudley, barons of parliament and knights of the Garter ; and Roger Louthe,*
father of Lionel, is said (by John Loude) to have married " Mary of Henawd,"
a cousin of Lionel earl of Ulster, and duke of Clarence, son of king Edward
the Third. Queen Philippa, the mother of that prince, was a princess of
Hainault ; but who " Mary of Henawd" may have been it would perhaps be
a Called sir Edmund Mulso by John Loude, but see the note, p. 4.
b Lionel Louthe died Nov. 30, 1471, leaving his widow Katharine possessed of the
manor of Bealmes in Sawtrey : see an abstract of his inquisition post mortem in the
Appendix. His name occurs as a feoffee in 22 Hen. VI. in Collectanea Topogr. et
Geneal. iv. 136.
c Roger Lowth was one of the gentry of the county of Huntingdon returned by tb«
commissioners in 12 Hen. VI. List printed in Fuller's Worthies of England
CAM1X SOC. B
2 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
vain to inquire.4 Possibly this part of the Loude genealogy partakes of
imagination, suggested by the Christian name Lionel. The other alliances,
however, are confirmed b by the coats of arms which were found in the manor-
house of Sawtrey when Nicholas Charles made his Visitation of Huntingdon-
shire in the year 1613. From that book (already printed for the Camden
Society) the following is an extract, with the names of some of the coats of
arms supplied : —
In Laurence Farron's howse at Sawtrey in the hall wyndowes.
These 3 in the north wyndowe of the hall.
[Lovetoft.]
[Edward Sutton, lord Dudley,
elected E.G. 18 May, 1509,
died 31 January, 1521-2.]
[John de Vcre, earl of Oxford,
elected K.G. before 22 April,
1486, died 10 March, 1512-13.]
These 6 escocheons stand in the south wyndowes of the hall aforesaid.
[Louthe=Stukeley.]
[Louthe=Mulso.]
[Louthe=Dudley.]
a See, however, some further remarks in the Appendix.
b The arms of Edward lord Dudley, E.G., were evidently set up as those of a kins-
man of whom the family of Louthe was proud. From a similar reason, or as a mark of
11EMINISCENCE8 OF JOHN LOUTHE.
[Louthe=IIenawd?] [Louthe— Somayne ?] [Louthe.l
In Sautrey Church 9 August! 1613.
Upon a monument in the south side of the chancell :
Mense Aprilis, Anno Domini Mcccciiij. et
Maria uxor ejus, quor' animab' propiciet' deus. Amen.
[Moyne.]
[Moyne=» Somayne ?]
[Moyne.]
feudal respect, they were accompanied by those of the earl of Oxford, upon whom the
family were doubtless dependent at Castle Hedingham. The coat of Louthe or Lowth is
blazoned thus : Sable, a wolf salient argent and in dexter chief a crescent of the second.
The first impalement appears to have been intended for Stnkeley, the wife of Edmund
Louthe (p. 4) : it was properly Argent, on a fess sable three mullets of the field (as on
the monument, p. 6) , The fourth coat seems to partake of the like error, in having two
bars instead of a fess. The fifth impalement is the same as that impaled on the monument
of Moyne below : with a bordure nebulee instead of engrailed it is assigned by Glover to
the name of Somayne. See the blazon of Moyne in p. 6.
4 NABEATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Thomas Louthe became possessed of the manor of Kettlebers in Cretingham,
Suffolk, either from his wife or his mother the heiress of Mulso.a lie died on
the 26th Oct. 1533, having survived his son Edmund and grandson Lionel,
whereupon Margaret his great-granddaughter, being then of the age of four
years and more, was by inquisition found to be his heir.
Edmund Louthe had died in 1522, of wounds received in an affray with
two of his neighbours, the circumstances of which are related at length in the
following pages b by his son John, who represents the occurrence as a shame-
ful and deliberate murder. Its perpetrators were tenants of the abbey of
Sawtrey, and the son plainly asserts that this atrocity was instigated by
the monks. He adds that the widow, who was Edith daughter of John
Stukeley, lord of Stukeley near Huntingdon, sued an appeal of murder, but
that, through ecclesiastical influence, her suit was unavailing, her late husband
being regarded, as a heretic.
Lionel Louthe, the son of Edmund, died in 1532 c (the year before his
grandfather,) having married Elizabeth, eldest daughter of sir Thomas Blener-
hasset of Frenze in Suffolk ; who was remarried to Francis Clopton esquire of
Melford park in the same county .d
Margaret Lowth, the heiress, carried the representation of the family into
that of Cornwallis. Sir John Cornwallis, of Brome in Suffolk, the lineal
ancestor of the earls and marquesses Cornwallis, and who died steward of the
a In the note from the Inquisition on his death, (Inq. 26 Hen. VIII.) " Pro terris in
Sawtre, Bealmes man', [et] Stilton," given in the Visitation 1613, p. 11, his wife is
named Thomasine. John Loude (in his Reminiscences hereafter) states that she was
Anne, daughter cf sir Edmund Mulso. A pencil note in MS. Coll. Arm. Vincent 125,
f. 40, makes Anne, daughter and coheir of Thomas Mulso of Newton, the mother of
Thomas Louthe. Mr. A. Page, in his " Supplement to the Suffolk Traveller,1' 1844, 8vo.
p.. 91, stated that the heiress of Mulso was Anne, only daughter of William Mulso the son
of Thomas. Mr. Davy's Suffolk Collections do not clear these discrepancies, but the
following notes in them show that the manor of Kettlebers descended from Thomas
Mulso to Thomas Lowth: —
" Rentale manerii de Kessingland, fact, ibidem 16 Edw. IV. Imprimis, heredes Thomaj
Mulsoe armigeri tenent manerium de Kettlebers, et alia terr. et ten. in Cretingham et
Ashfield, et reddunt per ann. de libero redd. lijd. vjd.
(At another date.) " De Thoma Lowth pro manerio voc. Ketylburgh haule, lijs. vjd."
(MS. Addit. 19,096, f. 180.)
b See pp. 35—39.
c Monument at Cretingham, described hereafter.
d Compare pedigree of Blenerhasset in Harvey's Visitation of Suffolk, 1561, and Davy's
Suffolk Collections, MS. Addit. 19,118, f. 353.
KEMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 5
household to prince Edward (afterwards Edward the Sixth) in 1544, by his
will, made a few days before his decease, left " To my [third] son Richard my
ward Margaret Low the, which I bought of my lord of Norfolk, to marry her
himself if they both will be so contented, but if not that he should have the
wardship and marriage of her, with all advantages and profits." The lady is
described in the Cornwallis pedigree as Margaret, daughter and heir of
Lionel Lowth, of Sawtrey-Beaumys in the county of Huntingdon, esquire.
She was married a to Richard Cornwallis esquire, and had issue six children,
of whom the eldest was John, and the second sir Thomas Cornwallis, groom-
porter b to Queen Elizabeth and King James, knighted in 1603, to whom
there is a remarkable monument, with his effigy, in the church of Porchester
in Hampshire.
Richard Cornwallis esquire had resided at Okenhill hall, and was buried at
Shotley, in Suffolk.c His widow resided at Badingham, and having reached an
advanced age, she died on the 4th Sept. 1603, and was buried at Cretingham.
A few years before she had erected in the church of that place, where her
family had inherited the manor of Kettlebers, a grand monument to the heraldic
glories of her race, and nominally to her father, who had died sixty-four years
before. It is thus described by Mr. Davy : d
u Against the north wall of the chancel a large mural monument of stone,
painted, and under the arch thereof, adorned with Attic pilasters, the figure of
a man in armour, with his head bare, a ruff about his neck, kneeling to the
front on a cushion, his hands joined and erect, his helmet and sword lying by
his side. On the architrave above is the following inscription :
Hunc tumulum charo vult Margarita parenti
De Sawtry antiqua Louthorum stirpe creato.
Cui pater Edmundus, Thomas avus, hie Leonellus,
Hsec heres ex asse fuit, conjunxq. Richardi
Cornwaleys, parili pietate et sterninate claro.
Hoc viduata viro, quern sexta prole beavit,
a John Blenerhasset, of Barsham in Suffolk, esquire, brother to Elizabeth the wife of
Lionel Louth, married Elizabeth daughter of sir John Cornwallis ; and there were several
other alliances between the two families.
b The office of groom-porter remained long in the Cornwallis family : the uncles
of sir Thomas, Edward and Francis, having been successively groom-porters to queen
Elizabeth.
c The date of his death does not occur, but it was more than forty years before that of
his wife, as is stated in her epitaph.
d Suffolk Collections, MS. Addit. 19,096, fol. 187 b, and fol.!93b.
6 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Nunc annosa suis memoranda nepotibus offert,
Jure sepulturse cineres venerata paternos."
On the pediment above, a large shield of five coats, three and two: 1. Louth,
Sa. a wolf salient arg. ; 2. Mulso, Erm. on a bend sa. three goat's heads erased
arg. armed or ; 3. Moyne, Arg. two bars sa., in chief three mullets of the
second ; 4. Milverton,* Arg. on a cross az. five garbs or ; 5. Louth. Crest, on
a knight's helmet and torse a demi-man full-faced, clothed sa., his right hand
elevated, his left across his breast. On the dexter side of the arch a shield,
quarterly : 1 and 4. Louth ; 2. Moyne ; 3. [Beaumeys] ; impaling Mulso. Be-
neath this shield is written " Tho. Lovth — and Mulso." On the sinister side,
another shield of five coats, as the large one above ; impaling Stukeley, Arg.
on a fess sa. three mullets of the field. Below this is written, " Ed. Louth —
Stewcley." On the base of the monument : "Leonellus obiit A° D'ni MDXXXII.
Margarita posuit MDXCVI." And in the middle of this inscription, Louth of
five coats as before, impaling Blenerhayset, Gules, a chevron between three
dolphins embowed sa., on the chevron a trefoil argent within an annulet or.
Beneath this shield is written : " Leo. Louth — Blen'hayset."
The heiress's own monument stands in the same church, at the south-east
angle of the chancel, facing westwards, inlaid with English marble, and inscribed
on the cornice : In memoriam Margaritse relictae Richardi Cornwaleis armigeri
hoc posuit Johannes filius.
On a black tablet these verses :
Shotleia busta viri, sed conjugis ossa sacellum
Hoc tenet : unanimes corpore, morte duo.
Parturiit, fovit geniali foedere sola
Tergeminam prolem ; junxit, adauxit opes.
Namq. lares coluit viduas labentibus octo
Lustris, et nono mortua viva jacet.
Et tu nate tuse priscos venerate Penateis
Matris, qua vivis, vivere morte jubes.
Obiit 4° die Septemb. 1603°.
On the summit of the monument, Cornwallis of nine coats: 1. Cornwallis^
2. Buckton, 3. Braham, 4. Tye, 5. Tyrrell, 6. Samford, 7. Butler, 8. Mepersall,
a This coat was not Milverton, but Beaumeys, as borne by the ancient family which
gave its name to one of the manors of Sawtrey. (Visitation of Huntingdonshire, 1613,
p. 16.) The Louths appear to have assumed the quarterings of Moyne and Beaumeys,
and the crest of Moyne, whether by any right of blood may be doubted : but see some
further remarks on this point in the Appendix.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTI1K. 7
9. Cornwallis; impaling Louth of five coats, 1. and 5. Louth, 2. Mulso,
3. Moyne, 4. [Beaumeys]. Crests of Louth and Cornwallis, but both broken.
On the upper frieze, between festoons of fruit, are two shields, Cornwallis of
six coats, impaling Blenerhasset ; and the like impaling Molineux of nine
coats ; on the lower frieze four shields, Hearing, Bacon, Dade, and Futter,
each impaling Cornwallis quarterly of six (as more fully blazoned by Mr.
Davy in his descriptions).
By a deed of 34 Eliz. 16th Jan. Margaret Cornwallis of Badingham, widow,
late wife of Richard Cornwallis esquire deceased, with John Cornwallis her
eldest son, &c., recites a settlement on John 23 Dec. 30th Eliz. of the manor of
Sawtrye in Huntingdonshire, — to the use of Margaret for life; to John for life;
to such wife as John may leave him surviving during her life ; to Philip son of
said John, and his heirs male ; to Thomas son of said John, in tail male ; to
Francis, &c. ; to the heirs male of John ; to Thomas son of Margaret, and his
heirs male ; to the heirs of Margaret in fee.*
The manor of Kettlebers in Cretingham descended in the family of Corn-
wallis until the close of the seventeenth century, when Mary Cornwallis, the
heiress of this branch, having married John Rabett gent, he held his first court
in the year 1701. The Rev. Reginald Rabett was lord of the manor in 1810,
and in that family is still vested the representation of the family of Louth at
Cretingham.
We return to the member of the family whose Reminiscences have led us
into these genealogical researches.
JOHN LOUTHE, the writer of the following pages, was the youngest son of
Edmund Louthe, and born in the summer of 1519. He tells us that on the
day when his father received his mortal wound he was a child of three years
old, and carried in his father's arms. The circumstances of his father's fate
appear to have imbued him with a thorough detestation of monks and priests,
and yet eventually he was himself ordained and amply beneficed.
He received his education in the colleges of William of Wykeham at Win-
chester and Oxford, to the former of which he was admitted at the age of
fourteen,b and had for his fellow-student and friend John Philpot, afterwards
archdeacon of Winchester, and a distinguished Protestant martyr, of whom he
relates various anecdotes. And at Winchester he received his first impressions
of Protestantism from a perusal of Frith's " Disputacion of Purgatory."
a MS. Addit. 19,096, f. 180.
b " 1534. Johannes Lowthe de Sawtre, xiiij annorum in festo Nat. (sc. Sancti Jo-
hannis Baptistse.) Line. Dioc. In margine, recessit Oxon." Register of Admissions to
Winchester College.
8 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
He became a fellow of New college on the 24th July, 1540, and so continued
until 1543 ; and was admitted to the degree of bachelor of laws.*
Having been taken into the service of sir Richard Southwell, a privy
councillor, (master of the ordnance, and one of the executors of Henry VIII.)
he accompanied the eldest son of that gentleman to Bene't college, Cambridge,
where his name occurs as " mr. Lowth " in fellows' commons in the year
1545," and afterwards to Lincoln's-inn, in which latter quarter he describes
himself as narrowly escaping from detection and consequent imprisonment as
a heretic.
After the accession of Elizabeth, Louthe received several ecclesiastical pre-
ferments. On the 20th of April, 1560, he was installed prebendary of Leicester
St. Margaret's in the cathedral church of Lincoln0; on the 22nd July, 1561,
prebendary of Gaia Minor in the church of Lichfield.d In 1562 he became
chancellor of Gloucester, which office he retained until 1570. In the same
year (1562) he was proctor of the church of Gloucester at the convocation, but
did not appear when the votes were taken on the changes in the articles and
common prayer.e In 1565 he was collated by Thomas Young archbishop of
York to the archdeaconry of Nottingham' ; and on the 7th October, 1567, he
a See note c below.
b Masters, History of Corpus Christ! or Bene't College, 1749, 4to. p. 342, A biogra-
phical notice of Louthe is there given, derived entirely from Strype, whose sole authority
was Louthe's own narrative, which is now before us. Strype, however, fell into more
than one misapprehension. He stated (Memorials, vol. i. p. 368,) 1. That " he was a
member of Bene't College, and after removed thence to the inns of court p' but Louthe
does not tell us that he was himself either a member of Bene't college or of Lincoln's-inn,
but merely that he taught mr. Southwell at both places. 2. Strype states that his pupil
was "afterwards sir Richard Southwell, a privy counsillor,0 &c. but it will be found that
Louthe distinctly describes his pupil as the son of sir Richard. Strype erroneously makes
him tutor both to father and son. Though unnoticed by Anthony a Wood, Louthe
certainly went from Winchester to New college, Oxford, and completed his own education
at that university. Misled by Strype, Masters has further (at p. 373) claimed sir
Richard Southwell as a member of his college, and given a memoir of him ac-
cordingly.
« His name is printed as " John Londe, LL.B." in Le Neve's Fasti Ecclesise Anglicanse,
edit. Hardy, 1854, ii. 169. The next prebendary mentioned was installed 1581.
d " John Lounde, Lanne, or Lownde," Hardy's Le Neve, i. 609. The next prebendary
collated 1578.
e Strype, Annals, i. 339.
f Willis, Cathedrals, i. 107. He was installed on the 30th June, 1565.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 9
was instituted to the rectory of Gotham, which he held until his death.
On the 2nd March, 1568-9, he was instituted to the vicarage of St. Mary's in
Nottingham, which he resigned in 1572. In 1570 he became prebendary of
Dyndre in the church of Wells.* On the 7th August, 1574, he was insti-
tuted to the rectory of Hawton near Newark, which he resigned in October
1589.
In the year 1572 he contributed to the work of a physician, who resided
near Nottingham,5 and wrote in praise of the medical waters of Bath and
Buxton, the following commendatory lines : —
Johannis Ltidi Archidiaconi Nottinghamiensis Tirpa^ntaffr^ov in laudem et usum
Tkermarum nostrarum.
Balnea sunt variis calefacta salubria morbis,
Ad multosque usus us ^roXu^^ffrce, valent.
Non externa valent curare pathemata tantum,
Ast interna etiam tollere posse scio.
Si bene quis novit thermis cautissimus uti,
Proderit ille sibi : sin male, damna ferent.
Ni prius evacues, pletorica corpora laedunt,
Nee minus et succis corpora facta malis.
Gens sua quaeque solet plenis extollere buccis,
Anglica sed cunctis sunt meliora duo.
Altera rex Bladud nobis, comes alt'ra c Salopse
Exornata dedit sumptibus ipse suis.
Tot bona (lector) habes magno tibi parta labore,
Prseter sudorem nil tuus Author habet.
The archdeacon of Nottingham died in the year 1590, having shortly before
made his will, in which he mentions his son John Louthe, then in his minority :
the son of Mary Louthe alias Babington his wife. To that son he left his
house at Keyworth in Nottinghamshire, in which he then resided ; and for
want of heirs of the said John the house was entailed to the heirs male of the
testator's daughter Thomasine the wife of mr. Zachary Babington of Lichfield ;
and, such failing, to the heirs male of Humfrey Louthe of Sutton in Ashfield,
co. Nottingham, gentleman, — to the heirs male of William Louthe of Maldon
in Essex, gentleman, — to those of Robert Louthe of the Queen's majesty's
* Le Neve's Fasti Eccl. Angl. (edit. Hardy,) i. 193.
b " The Bathes of Bathes Ayde : compendiously compiled by John Jones, Phisition,
anno Salutis 1572, at Asple hall besydes Nottingam."
c i.e. Buxton. This alludes to the second part of doctor Jones's work, which sets
forth " The Benefit of the auncient Bathes of Buckstones."
CAMD. SOC. C
10 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
court, — to those of Peter Louthe late of Nottingham ; so that there were
several junior branches of the family, though the main stock in Huntingdon-
shire had terminated in a female heir. The archdeacon's widow was to occupy
the house during his son's minority ; but in the case of her re-marriage she was
to vacate it in favour of her brother mr. Francis Babington clerk, who was
made one of the supervisors of the will, together with the archdeacon
of Nottingham for the time being, Henry Pierpont esquire, Launcelot
Kolston gentleman, mr. Richard Syrnney, mr. John Parker, and mr. Humfrey
Louthe the testator's cousin; the widow being executrix. He desires his
body to be buried in the north side of the choir of St. Mary's at Nottingham,
and a small monument of brass to be nailed upon a stone in the wall to his
memory; but no such memorial is mentioned by the historians of Nottingham
as having existed in recent times. He also contemplates that funeral sermons
might be preached by his " scholars and friends," which seems to intimate that
he continued a schoolmaster after he was well preferred in the church.
WILL OF JOHN LOUTHE, ARCHDEACON or NOTTINGHAM.
(From the Original in the Registry at York.)
In the name of God, Amen. The xxixth daye of July, anno Domini 1590,
I John Louthe, archdeacon of the archdeaconrye of Not', whole of bodie and
mynde, thanked be God, doe make this my last will and testament in maner
and forme followinge.
First, I give and bequethe my soule into the handes of Allmightie God my
heavenly Father, who hath from the begininge of the world ordayned his
sonne Jesus Chryst to be a Saviour and Redeemer to me and to all other
sinners that beleve to be saved by the deathe and passion of Chryst, in whom
only I hope and surely trust in my harte to be redeemed from all my sinnes
and by non other meanes.
And as touchinge the disposinge of my transitorie goodes I doe give and
bequeth to my daughter Thomazine Babington the wyfFe of mr. Zacharie
Babington of Litchfeld the some of xxu poundes of good and lawfull money
of England, to be payd her for her chyldes parte, besydes those thinges which
she and her husband mr. Zacharie Babington have allreadie taken and
receaved at my handes to their owne use : which some of xxfi poundes my
mynde and will is shalbe payd to her at two severall dayes of payment next
after my decease, viz. the one hallf therof within three monethes next after my
decease, and the other half to be payd her within foure monethes next after that.
Item I doe give to my sonne John Louthe the sonne of Marye Louthe alias
Babington my wyflfe my mansion house with all other houses and buildinges
therunto belonginge, scituate, lyinge, and beinge in Kayworthe within the
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTIIi:. 11
countie of Nottingham, wherin I nowe dwell, with all and singular the ap-
purtnances appertayninge unto yt, and all other landes, pastures, medowes,
feedinges, commons, royalties, and eomodities whatsoever which in anie wyse
appertayne unto the same house and landes ; to have and to hold the same
house with all landes and commodities appertayninge to yt as aforesayd to the
sayd John Louthe my sonne the sonne of the sayd Marye duringe his natural!
lyffe, and after his decease to the heyres of his bodie lawfully begotten for
ever, provyded notwithstandinge that duringe the minoritie of the sayd John
Louthe my sonne I give and bequeth unto the said Mary Louth my wyffe (so
longe as she keepeth her self widowe) the use, occupyinge, and possessinge of
the sayd house and landes, with all and singuler the appurtenances aforesayd ;
and by this my last will and testament doe ordayne and appoynte that she
shall and may peaceably and quyetly without anie maner of lett, interruption,
or contradiccion of anie person or persons whatsoever, have, hold, use, occupie,
possesse and enjoye to her owne proper use and uses all that my sayd mansion
house and landes with all and singuler their appurtnances as aforesayd, so that
yearly, and from yeare to yeare duringe the minoritie aforesayd, she doe well
and trulye paye, satisfye, and content, or cause to be payd, satisfyed, and
contented, unto the sayd John Louthe my soune for and towardes his inayn-
tenaunce and bringinge up in good learninge ten poundes of good and lawfull
Englishe money at the feastes of the Agnunciacion of Marie and St. Michaell
th'archangell by equall porc'ons : and allso so that duringe her sayd widowheade
and the sayd minoritie she doe mayntayne and uphold the sayd mansione house
with all other the buyldinges thereunto appertayninge in good and sufficient
reparacions : and yf it fortune that Marye my sayd wyffe doe marrye duringe
the minoritie of my sayd sonne, then my last will and mynde is that from and
after the daye of her sayd marriage she shall have nothinge to doe with mj
sayd house and landes, neyther that she shall occupie, possesse, or enjoye anie
parte or parcell therof, but that forthwith she shall leave and departe from the
same : and from and after the daye of her sayd marriage, by this my last will
and testament I doe ordayne and appoynte that my brother in lawe mr.
Francis Babington shall duringe the minoritie of my sayd sonne peaceably and
quyetly occupye and enjoye my sayd mansion house and landes in suche maner
and sorte and not otherwayes as my sayd wyffe shold have donne yf she had
kepte her self widowe. And for want of heyres of the bodie of the sayd John
Louthe my sonne lawfully by him to be begotten I doe give the same house
and landes with all and singuler the commodities and appurtnances appertayn-
inge unto yt as aforesayd to the heyres males of my daughter Thomazine
Babington lawfully begotten of her bodie for ever. And for wante of suche
heyres males lawfully begotten of the bodie of the sayd Thomazine Babington
12 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
I doe give the same house and landes with all and singuler the commodities
and appurtnances appertayninge unto yt as aforesayd to the heyres males of
Humfrey Louthe of Button in Ashfield in the countie of Nott. gent, lawfully
begotten of his bodie for ever. Arid for wante of suche heyres males of his
bodie lawfully begotten I doe give the same house, landes, and commodities
with th'appurtnances as aforesayd to the heyres males of William Louthe of
Maldon in Essex gent, lawfully begotten of his bodie for ever. And for wante
of suche heyres males of his bodie lawfully begotten I doe give the same house
and landes and commodities pertayninge to yt as aforesayd to the heyres
males of Robert Louthe of the queenes maties courte lawfully begotten for
ever. And for wante of suche heyres males of the same Robert Louthe to
the heyres males of the bodie of Peter Louthe late of Nottingham lawfully
begotten for ever. And for wante of suche heyres males of the bodie of the
sayd Peter Louthe to remayne to the crowne of England for ever.
The residewe of all my worldly goodes not herin given nor bequethed I doe
give and bequethe the same wholly and fully to Marye Louthe my sayd wyffe
and to John Louthe my sayd sonne equally to be devyded betwyxt them
imediatly after that my funerals are fully discharged, my debtes clearly payd,
and legacies sett outt : after whiche devision equally made my last will and
mynde is that all that whole part and porcion which shall fall out to be due
and belonginge unto my sayd sonne John Louthe shalbe delyvered into the
handes of my sayd brother in lawe Frances Babington by him to be used and
letten forthe for the benefyte, commoditie, and good mayntenaunce in learninge
of my sayd sonne, so that the sayd Frances Babington doe with one or two
sufficient suerties enter into sufficient bonde unto Marie my sayd wyffe to
repaye all that sayd parte and porcion unto the sayd John Louthe my sonne
at his full age of xxitie yeares or when otherwyse he shall lawfully demaunde
the same : and in the meane tyme duringe his sayd minoritie, to paye unto my
sayd sonne yearly for and towardes his sayd mayntenaunce in good learninge
all the increase and proffitt that shall redounde by his sayd parte and porcion.
And for the bodie of my sayd sonne duringe his minoritie I make Mary my
wyffe and Frances Babington my sayd brother in lawe tutors and gardians.
And of this my last will and testament I make Marye my sayd wyffe my full
and sole executrix, revokinge herby all former wills and testamentes. And I
doe ordayne and make the supervysors herof my good brothers in Chryst the
archdeacons of Nottingham my successors for the tyme beinge, the right
worshipfull mr. Henry Perpoynte esquyar, Lancelot Rolston gent., mr. Richard
Symney, mr. John Parker, mr. Frances Babington my welbeloved brother,
and mr. Humfrey Louthe my cosine. And my mynde and will is that my
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 13
executrix doebestowe xxs. in gloves and bestowe themuppon my supervisors,
viz., to everye one accordinge to his callinge and degree, to see to the full-
fillinge of my will, and the educac'on of my sonne in true religion in the
universities and the innes of the courte, untill he come to the age of xxiiiilie
yeares as I have sett downe in my whyte written booke.
And as for my bodye I commaunde my executrix and will my supervysors
to see yt buryed in the north side in the quyer in St. Maries in Nottingham
without anie pompe or solemnitie, savinge only a sermon to be made to teache
the people to dye well : and a small monument of brasse to be made with my
name, to be nayled uppon a stonne in the wall. I leave it to the discrec'on and
devoc'on of my executrix what sermons shalbe made by my scollars and
frendes, and what money shalbe delt to the poore.
In witnesse wherof unto this my last will and testament I the sayd John
Louthehave subscrybed my hande the day, moneth, and yeare first above written.
Further I the sayd John Louthe the testator, concerninge the bestowinge
of John Louthe my sonne in marriage, I referre it to mr. Henry Perpoynte
esquyer, Frances Babington clarke my brother, and Launcelot Rolston gent.,
or to two of them. In witnesse whereof hereunto I have putt my hande and
seall the daye and yeare above sayd. JOHN LOUTHE, Archd. Nott.
These being witnesses,
Our.) (jur.) (jur.)
FRANCES BABINGTON, RICHARD SYMNEY, WILLIAM BARKER.
And further my will is, and by this my last will and testament I doe
ordayne and appoynte, that yf yt shall please God to take awaye the lyffe
of my sayd sonne John Louthe duringe his minoritie, that then Mary my
sayd wyffe shall duringe her naturall lyffe hold, occupie, possesse, and enjoye
(notwithstandinge her marriage yf hereafter she shall marrye) all that my
house and landes aforesayd with all and singuler the appurtnances whatsoever
as aforesayd to her the sayd Marye and her assygnes, yeldinge and payinge
therefore yearly duringe her sayd lyffe unto William Babington sonne of
Zachary Babington of Litchfeld aforesayd fyve poundes of good and lawfull
Englishe money at the feastes of the Agnunciacion of Marye and St. Michaell
th'archangell by equall porcions. In witnesse wherof hereunto allso I have
subscrybed my name the daye and yeare aforesayd.
JOHN LOUTHE, Arch. Nott.
Witnesses herof,
(jur.) (jur.) (jur.)
FRANCES BABINGTON, RICHARD SYMNEY, WILLIAM BARKER.
14 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
The death of the archdeacon shortly after the making of his will is shown
by its being proved at York on the 12th September following its date.
What became of his son John has not been ascertained. His son-in-law
Zachary Babington, M.A., was chancellor of the diocese of Lichfield in 1581?
was made prebendary of Curford in that church Feb. 19, 1583-4, and installed
precentor July 10, 1589. He afterwards proceeded doctor of laws at Oxford
in 1599."
The ensuing anecdotes, which exist in Louthe's own handwriting among the
papers of Foxe the martyrologist, directed on their back " To Mr. John Foxe»
p'chere, at mr. Jo. Dayes, printen " are dated in the year 1579. Very small
portions of them were published b} Foxe ,b but various others were worked up
by Strype in different places of his Memorials and Annals, and Life of
Cranmer. They were disregarded by the editors of the last edition of the
Actes and Monuments.
The writer wished his name to be kept secret, and it was evidently on that
account that he somewhat disguised it by writing Loude instead of Louthe,
for in the MS. he continually wrote Louthe habitually, and altered it to Loude.
Foxe effectually, though apparently by accident, fulfilled that object by
printing the name Lond. In the Catalogue of the Harleian Manuscripts it is
perverted into Lodon.
a Wood's Fasti Oxon. His successor as precentor was appointed in 1608, and his
successor as chancellor in 1613. The epitaph of his grandson Zachary Babington esquire,
at Whittington near Lichfield, is printed in Shaw's Staffordshire, i. 378.
b See pp. 19, 20.
c Except in the following brief notice, wherein the writer's name is mistaken, and a
Lansdowne MS. is quoted instead of the original in the Harleian collection : *' A little
before this he received one from Mr. John Lond, containing several new materials for
his Martyrology, and insisting more especially on the miserable end of divers Romish
priests, as of Dr. Wyllyams, the priest of St. Margaret's Eastchepe, &c. Lansdowne MS.
982, fol. 103." Life of John Foxe, by the Rev. George Townsend, M.A. p. 208.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 15
JOHN LOUDE TO JOHN FOXE.
[MS. Harl. 425, f. 134.]
Salutem in Christo Jhesu.
The love that I beare to the church e of Chryste constraynythe me
to gyve yow thankes for the happy and dayly paynes yow take in set-
tynge forthe the worthy actes of those late martyres of Chryste in
Englande. That worke servythe to the glory of Chryste, the corn-
forte of his members lyvyng, and godly memory of them which are
departed ; to the overthrow of Antichryste and eternall shame of all
antichrysteanes ; and I doghte not but that booke wyll brynge to
repentance the rable of the reste bloody butcheres yet lyvynge, so
many at lest as are not gyvyne up into a reprochfull mynde, who
have shutt up theyre eyes that thei may not see, &c. Of these sorte
are they that cry dayly, u Lyes, lyes ! more lies founde in the booke
of Actes and Monumentes of Martyres !" Wherwith yow owght not
to be discowraged (as I truste yow are not), but rather encowraged to
go forwarde in the same. Tu solus hanc Spartam nactus es, hanc
adorna. Rejoyce that yow are lyke to them same martyres that so
were ray led apon, yea lyke to Jeremy, crying: Cur fecisti me virum
rixoe ? hominem objurgiorum ! When ye reade of these Romyshe
raylynges, ye may have greate joye and cawse to thanke God that in
this poynte ye are resembled to his owne sonne the lorde Jhesus
Chryste. The dy vyles cryed against hym ; but they most rored when
thei sawe thei muste come forth of the man, and lose theyre kyng-
dome and power. Therfore wryght styll, cease not, seyng the booke
dothe so muche good in Chrystes churche, yt wyll doe more good
after your dethe then lyff. The memory of mr. John Philpott, a ons
my compaygnion in Wynthone,b Oxforde, and London, wyll never
dye. The same may be sayd of the other sanctes and martyres, and
god a mercy c to yow, and your booke. God wyll not forgett your
labores and paynes, that hathe cawsed his sainctes, his servantes, and
a Archdeacon of Winchester : of whom Loude gives some anecdotes hereafter.
b At Winchester College. ° Above the line is written gra mercy.
16 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
his enymies to be in perpetuall memory. Yt ys he that gyvyth yow
the wytt, the lernyng, the wyll, the philopony, and infrangyble
diligens. Els your helthe wolde be a lett, these peynes wold weary
yow, these tawntes wold dismay yow, wych dayly come forthe of
those lyyng lypps that crye, " Lyes, lyes ; so many lynes so many
lies !" Yet they perceave not that are of that religyone, how that the
father of lies and murder hathe devysed by ther helpe to deface the
heavenly doctryne of our Savioure Jhesus Chryste, by whome com-
ythe all trewth and grace, beynge hymselfe the lyght to lyghten the
gentyles, and to be the glory of hys people Israel. You are weak and
to weake of yourself to doo this noble acte ; but he hathe enabled
yow therto, that sayd to Pawle, Virtus mea in infirmitate perficitur.
Admitte that a Lovanyone luske,a lyinge longe in wayght with
so many felows, hath fownd in yowr great volume some smalle un-
throths (untruths), muste he therfor cry owt lyke adyvylle agaynst the
whole booke, for a letter, a syllable, a man's name, a towne, or suche
tryfle ? In multis peccavimus omnes. The poettes can suffer theyr
good Homere sometyme to slomber and sleepe, and the papistes theyr
a " A lusJce, lowt, lurden, a lubberly sloven," &c. Cotgrave. See also Nares and Hal-
liwell. The " Lovanyone luske " intended by Louthe was probably Alanus Copus,
who was a real person (see Wood's Athense Oxonienses, edit. Bliss, i. 465,) but under
whose name the more celebrated Nicholas Harpsfield (archdeacon of Canterbury,
and bishop elect of Winchester,) published his Dialogi sex contra Summi Pontificatus,
Monastic® Vitae, Sanctorum, sacrarum Imaginum Oppugnatores et Pseudo-Martyres.
Antverpise, 1566. The sixth dialogue was especially directed against Foxe's work, and
Foxe himself answered it at considerable length in the matter of sir John Oldcastle lord
Cobham. To the charge of having uttered " lies " he thus earnestly replied : " This
Alanus Copus Anglus contendeth and chafeth against my former edition, to prove me
in my historie to be a Iyer, forger, impudent, a misreporter of truth, a depraver of
stories, a seducer of the world, and what els not ? whose virulent woordes and contume-
lious termes, how well they become his popish person, I knowe not. Certes, for my
part, I never deserved this at his hands wittingly, that I do know. Maister Cope is a man
whom yet I never saw, and lesse offended, nor ever heard of hym before. ******
And therefore seriously to say unto you (M. Cope) in this matter, where you charge
my History of Actes and Monuments so cruelly, to be full of untruthes, false lies,
impudent forgeries, depravations, fraudulent corruptions, and feyned fables ; briefly and
in one word to answere you, not as the Lacones answered to the letters of their
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTIIE. 17
erthly God the Pope; they can full smothly solve in horryble
sores of lyffe, doctrine, relygione, and conscience. An historiogra-
pher ys excusable, not when he maketh a lye, but when he of an
other's informatione setteth down an untrothe. Then wee and the
papistes must neades alow the commun rule : Sit fides penes aucthorem :
imo sit culpa penes eundum. In some thynges that yow wryght, I
can shew that yow have not putt in wrytyng very muche that wolde
dawnte theadversares, honor God, comforte his churche, and sett owt
the mighty power of God. As here folowing I wyll doo yow under-
stand.
Now to yow pestilent papistes : I myght more justely falle owt with
my brother John Foxe then yow, I (aye), for that [he] hathe not
wrytten these thynges so necessary as ys declared. But he hathe
one answere for us bothe: " The fawlte was not in me, but in the
informatione gyven, or not gyven; truly gyven, or not truly gyven."
But this I say, yf mr. Foxe wer as swhyfte a scrybe as Esras, yet he
shoulde not be able to wryght all your abhominable lyffes and doc-
trines, yowr cruell tormentyng and manaclyng of Chrystes saynctes in
this lyff, and (lyke divyles) ye labore so muche as any fynde of
hell can do to bereave them, by yowr doctrine, of lyff everlastyng.
Then what lye can he or any man wryght of yow, but yt shalbe
fownde trew, ether in your detestable cruel tee, fylthy sodomy, or
divyllyshe doctrine: he as muche offendythe that thus termythe
yow, as he that should call yowr father the divill knave, by whose
suggesyons yow fullfylle the measure of your fathers in all manner
of cruel tee and butchery of godly men. Theyr blood with Abel's cry
owt for vengans agaynst yow. Yowr forfathers could not murder all
God's chyldren, for some escaped theyr handes, and some were not
adversarie, with si, but with 6 si, Would God ( M. Cope) that in all the whole booke
of Actes and Monuments, from the beginning to the latter end of the same, were never a
true storie, but that all were false, all were lies, and all were fables ! Would God the
crueltie of your catholikes had suffred all them to live of whose death ye say now that I
do lie. Although I deny not but that in that booke of Actes and Monuments, containing
such diversitie of matter, some thing might overscape me, yet have I bestowed my poore
diligence. My intent was to profit all men, to hurt none." Edition 1579, p. 559.
CAMD. SOC. D
18 NAKKATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
then borne as yet to fulfyll the number of their bretheren by martyr-
dome; but those that to yow were left by them, how butcherly have
yow slayne ! Ye are the chyldren of your murdryng fathers, havyng
the same hate that they to Gode [and] godlynes, the same tyranny, all
laws caste behynde yow, the same doctrine, the same syar the
devyll, and therfor the same murderyng hartes as perteynyth to
suche a race, to make havoke (0 cruell wolves !) of Chrystes flocke.
God forgive yow; God open yowr eyes; God, thorow repentance,
make yow meeke Pawles, wych have ben so ragyng Sawles, thret-
nyng blasphemously wrath and slawghter to innocent lambes of
Chrystes flocke !
Now, mr. Foxe, thoghe your booke ys paste the prynte, yet I
wyll sett downe truly here (God ys wytnes) what I have creably
herd of some of the martyres more then yowr booke reportyth, in the
wych I beleeve I shall nether make lye, nor tell lye. The aucthores
therof ar so lawfull, I myght saye authentycke. Of whom I may
say with the poett : Quorum pars magna fuere. I know not whyther
ye may be occasyoned to use any of these additionall historyes wych
I have sent yow, as a taste of many more I have wrytten, a Mar-
ty rio Jo. Frythi. I pray yow encreace yowr booke, for I hope it wyll
be adbrydged,a and also enlarged, when yow shalbe gon to Chryste.
Nam tuus hie genium fertur habere liber.
Oportet imperatorem stantem et militem Christi pugnantem mori.
Cogita quae dico, inquit Stus Paulus.
The examynatyone of a blynde boy called the blynde boy
of Gloucester15 afore doctor Wylliams the judge. And
of the myserable ende of the same judge.
Thys boy called blynde Tome was browght afore the sayd doctor
a This anticipation, which has since been so repeatedly fulfilled, was accomplished
shortly after Louthe wrote. The first Abridgement of Foxe's work, by Timothe Bright
doctor of phisicke, was printed at London, 1589, in 4to.
b This blind boy had already figured in Foxe's narrative of the last days of bishop Hooper.
When the bishop was brought to Gloucester on the 8th of February, 1555-6, the day
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 19
Wyllyams the chawncelor,* and John Barkere alias Taylore the
register, b in the consistory by the south dore in the nether ende of
the churche. The ofTycers in whose custody the boy remeyned, by
commandment of the chawncelor, presented the poore boy at the
barre before the judge. Then doctor Wyllyams examined hym
apon sondry articles magistrall and usuall emonge the tormentors at
that tyme, as ye may fynd folio (blank) in mr. Foxe. c And namely
he urged the article of Transubstantiatyone.
Wyllyams. Doest yow not beleeve that after the wordes of con-
secratione of the preeste that ther remaynyth the veery body of
Chryste? Tome. No, that I doo not. Wyllyams. Then yow arte
an heretyke, and shalte be burnte. Who tawght thee thys heresy ?
Tome. Yow, mr. Chawncelor. W. Where, I pray thee ? Tome.
When in yonder place (poynting with his hande and lokyngd as it
were towerde the pulpytt, standynge apon the north syde of the
before his suffering at the stake : " The same day, in the after noone, a blinde boy, after
long intercession made to the guard, obtained licence to be brought unto master Hooper's
speech. The same boy not long afore had suffered imprisonment at Gloucester for confess-
ing the truth. Master Hooper, after he had examined him of his faith, and the cause of his
imprisonment, beheld him stedfastly, and (the water appearing in his eyes) said unto him:
Ah, poore boy ! God hath taken from thee thine outward sight, for what consideration he
best knoweth : but he hath given thee another sight much more precious, for he hath in-
dued thy soule with the eye of knowledge and faith. God give thee grace continually to
pray unto him that thou lose not that sight, for then shouldest thou be blind both in body
and soule." (Folio edition 1641, iii. 153). Subsequently, at p. 702 of the same volume,
we read that the blind boy's name was Thomas Drowrie, and that he was finally burned at
Gloucester, about the fifth of May 1556, together with Thomas Croker a bricklayer. Foxe
has on that occasion introduced the conversation given in the text, " Ex testimo. lo.
Lond." as our author's name is there misprinted.
a See p. 20.
b "John Tayler, alias Barker, occurs soon after the foundation of the bishopric, and
August the 31st, 1569." (Rudder, Hist, of Gloucestershire, p. 170.) In 1552, the sum
of forty marks was settled to be paid yearly to John Tayler, alias Baker, (sic) gent, for
keeping the register of the bishop of Gloucester. Strype's Memorials, ii. 357.
c "such usuall articles as are accustomed in such cases, and are sundry times men-
tioned in this book." Foxe, ubi supra.
d Above the word " loking" is written " turning," and so Foxe has printed.
20 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
churche). W. When dyd I so teache thee? Tome. When yow
preched there (namyng the day) a sermone to all men as well as to
me, apon the sacrament Yow sayd the sacrament was to be receaved
spiritually by fayth, and not carnally and really as the papistes have
hertofore tawght. W. Then do as I have done, and yow shalt lyve
as I do, and escape burnynge. Tome. Thoghe yow can so easly
dyspense with yowr selfe, and mocke with God, the world, and yowr
conscyence, I wyll not so doo. Wyllyams. Then God have mercy
apon thee, for I wyll reade thy condemnatory sentense. Tome.
Godeswyllbe fulfylled!
Here the register stoode up and sayd to the chawncelor, Fye for
shame, man ! Wyll ye reade the sentense, and condemne yowr
selfe ? Away, away ! and substitute another to gyve sentense and
judgement. Wyllyams. Mr. registere, I wyll obbey the lawe, and
gyve sentense me selfe acordynge to myn offyce. And so he
redd the sentense with an unhappy tounge, and more unhappy
conscience.
Ex testimonio John Taylore alias Barker, Registrarij Glouc\
olim ex cenobio Oxon. quod vocatur Omnium Sanctorum.
The strawnge and hasty a dethe of the same doctor Wyllyams.b
When God, of hys inestimable mercy havyng pytye of us, and
pardonyng owr synnes for hys sonnes sake Chryste Jhesus, hadd now
taken from us that blooddy prynces and sent us thys Jewell of joye
the quenes majestie that now raygnyth (and long myght she
a The word " hasty " is altered into " fearful " by Foxe, who (edition 1641, iii. 962)
appended this anecdote to his series recounting " God's punishment upon persecutors,
and contemners of the Gospel." He does not there give the authority of John Loude, nor
of Loude's informant the dean of Gloucester.
b John Williams, LL.D. He had been first appointed chancellor of Gloucester jointly
with Richard Brown, LL.B. 28 Nov. 1541. " This Williams, in king Henry's reign, ap-
pears very zealous in the execution of the six articles. In the next reign he was a sudden
convert to protestantism, and he began queen Mary's with depriving several clergymen of
their livings for marriage. In 1555 he condemned Henry Hicks, a carpenter or joiner in
this city, to carry a faggot in Berkeley church and in this cathedral. He was some time
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 21
raygne!) over us, and that the commissyoners for restitutione of
religione were commyng towarde Gloucester, and the same day doc-
tor Wyllyams the chawncelor dyned with W. Jenynges a the deane
of Gloucester, who with all his men were booted and ready at one of
the clocke to set forwarde towerd Chyppyng Norton, abowte xv.
myles from Gloucester, to meete the commissyoners, wych wer at
Chyppyng Norton, and sayd to hym, Chawncelor, are not thy boots
on? Chawnc. Whye should I putt them one? To go with me
(quoth the Deane) to meete these commyssioners.b Chawnc. I wyll
nether meete them nor see them. Deane. Thow muste needes see
them, for now it ys paste twelfe, and they wylbe here afore three of
the clocke, and therfor, yf thow be wyse, onne with thy bootes and
lett us go togyther, and all shalbe well. Chawnc. Go yowr wayes,
mr. deane ; I wyll never see them.
As I seyd, W. Jenynges the deane satt forwarde with hys com-
pany towarde the commissyoners ; and by and by coinmy th one upon
incumbent of the Holy Trinity in Gloucester, of Rockhampton, Beverstone, Painswick, Sid-
dington St.Mary, Coin St. Dennis, and Walford, and a prebendary of Gloucester." After
dr. Williams's death, his office was performed by the vicar-general of the province of Can-
terbury, during the vacancy of the see, after which John Louth, the writer of these pages,
succeeded to it. Rudder, History of Gloucestershire, p. 163.
a William Jennings, B.D. chaplain to the king, became in 1541 the first dean of
Gloucester, having been previously a monk of St. Peter's and prior of St. Oswald's in that
city. He must have been a person very accommodating to the changes of the times, as he
held the deanery until his death in 1565, when his body was buried before the door of the
choir. See his other preferments and epitaph in Willis's Cathedrals, ii. 729, and Rud-
der's History of Gloucestershire, p. 161. Bishop Hooper's dedication of his Annotations on
the Thirteenth Chapter to the Romans, commences " To my very loving and dear-beloved
fellow- labourers in the word of God, and brethren in Christ, William Jenins dean of the
cathedral church in Gloucester, John Williams doctor of the law and chancellor, and to
the rest of all the church appointed there," &c. Hooper's Works, printed for the Parker
Society, ii. 95.
b This commission for visiting the dioceses of Salisbury, Bristol, Exeter, Bath and Wells,
and Gloucester, was dated July 19, 1559, and addressed to William earl of Pem-
broke, John Jewel, S.Th.P., Henry Parry, licentiate in laws, and William Lovelace,
lawyer. Strype's Annals, i. 167. Sir John Cheyne was apparently substituted for the
earl of Pembroke, as shown by one of their reports : see the life of Jewel prefixed to his
Works printed for the Parker Society, pp. xiv. xv.
22 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
horsebacke to the deane, saying, " Mr. cliawncelor lyethe at the mercy
of God, and ys speechlesse." At that worde the deane with his
company prycked forwarde to the commissyoners and told them the
whole matter and communicacion betwene them two as above ; and
they sente one of theyr men, with the beste woordes they cowlde
devise, to comforte hym, with many promises. But to be shorte,
albeyt the commissyoners were nowe nearer Gloucester then the
deane and his company thoght, makyng veary greate haste, espe-
cyally after they hadd receaved these newes, yett dr. Wyllyams,
thoghe false of religione, yet trew of his promyse, kepte his ungra-
cious covenante with the deane, for he was dedd er they came to the
cyty, and so never sawe them in dede.
Hoc mihi narravit dictus decanus Glouc. cum ego Jo:
Loude apud eum una cum multis aliis ceneremus.
Hys woman or howsekeper (for suche wold bee with owt wyves,
but not with owt women) told hur fryndes many tymes, that hur
master kylled hym selfe with eatyng of rew. Jo. Aoi;Se. A lerned
man may hereby gathere that the doctore havyng an evyll con-
science, and no good opinione of the commissyoners' curtesy, poy-
soned hymself, more Romano, but, as it semeth by conjecture, re-
ceavyng suche a chearefull message by poste from the commissyoners,
wold have recovered hym selfe by medicyne, to late taken ; for nuttes,
rew, and fygges, ys a good antidotary preservative agaynst poysone,
being taken in tyme. Otherwyse, acordyng to the verse,
sero medicina paratur
Cum mala per longas invaluere moras.
The Commissyoners were these : mr. Jewell, a mr. Alley, b mr.
Parray, c mr. Lovelase,d mr. Dalabare, e &c.
a John Jewel, afterwards bishop of Salisbury 1559.
b William Alley, bishop of Exeter 1560,
c Henry Parry, afterwards an exile at Frankfort. Zurich Letters, iii. 763.
d William Lovelace, serjeant at law 1567. In 1572 he was recommended by Lord
Burghley to be steward of archbishop Parker's liberties. Correspondence of Parker,
Works, (Parker Society,) p. 405. See also the Index to Strype's Works.
e Anthony Dalaber, of St. Alban's hall, Oxford, brother to the parson of Stalbridge in
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 23
The tragicall lyfT and ende of a ryght Catholyke preeste
at London.
Ther ys a lytle paryshe (I thynke called St. Margaret*) in the ende
of Estcheape, in the wych served a curate of as good religione as
lyvyng, for bothe were sterke nowght, as any man by that wych
folowyth may judge, si homo ex fructibus. To be shorte, and as
clenly as I can devise in suche bawdy men's matters. A commande-
ment was gy ven that all curattes (what so ever) should not be at ser-
mones nor servyce longer than ix. of the clocke, that then the cu-
rattes with the paryshes myght come to Poles crosse and heare the
prechers. To this sayd this good curatt, " I wyll (quod he) make
an ende of service at the proscribed hower gladly, seing I muste
needes so doo. But so longe as any of these heretykes preche at the
Crosse as no we adayes thei do, I wyll never here them, for I wyll
not come there. I will rather hange." He was not so well occu-
pied, as ye may conjecture, by the proces of the matter. This curatte
tooke an howse-ende or a chamber in the paryshe wheare he served.
Yt chawnced the rente to be behynde. The rentegatherer was
angry, and axed wheare he was. " Belyke (sayd the neyghbores) he
ys gonne by Erythe bote into Kente, to some good wyves labore, as
he usythe every munday or sonday at night to doo." The rent-
gatherer takyng these wordes for a jeste, sayd in a great fume,
" Telle hym, and understand yow also his neyghbores, that yf the
rente be not payd me at suche a tyme, &c. I wyll breake apon the
chamber dore and distrayne." The day and tyme came, and the
rente-gatherer was there with a smyth and brake apon the dore. At
Dorsetshire. He was the author of a long and very remarkable narrative respecting
the persecutions of those who entertained the new doctrines in Oxford, inserted by Foxe
in his Actes and Monuments (commencing at vol. v. p. 421 of Townsend and Cattley's
edition), respecting which see Dr. S. R. Maitland's Essays on subjects connected with the
Reformation in England, 1849. Svo. pp. 13 et seq., and the Rev. J. A. Froude's History
of England, 1856, ii. pp. 45 et seq.
« Possibly St. Martin Orgar : for there seems to have been no church there dedicated
to St. Margaret.
24 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
the entryng thei fownd an horryble stynche; when the people drew
neare they saw a woman, all moste kneelyng in a cheare, hanged in
a roope ; but approchyng neare, thei perceaved that it was a man
smothely shaven and pared to the harde lether, maggottes crawlyng
owt of his mouthe, eyes, and eares. The paryshners sayd it was there
curatte. The crowner's queste came to fynde the cawse of his
dethe. The jury wold not abyde the stynche, but hadd rather lese
theyre fynes and amercyments then theyre lives. So the crowner
was enforced to brynge a wrytt called a decem tales de circumstantibus,
and by virtew of that wrytt toke among other one mr. W. Warren
to be of the Jewry, whose syster ys yet alyve, maryed to mr. Burton
chawndeler in Estchepe. She and other awncyent men of the pa-
ryshe can declare his name and all other particuler circumstaunces,
and avarre it trewe to theyre faces that shall denye it. I wyll sturre
no longer in theyr downge that ar of the pope's wyveles clergye,
lest they cry owt " Lyes ! lyes !" agaynst me, as they lately dyd
against mr. Foxe for telly ng the truthe. Only this I crave on them,
that thei wold skanne with this history the saying of Willielmus
Westmonasteriensis, and specially Polydore Virgil De Invent. Re-
rum, lib. 5, c. 4, concernyng the chastitie of theis cleane-fyngred
gentlemen of the pope's clergy. Thys mr. W. Warren one of thys
jury sayd that he [the curate] customably wente in Kente apon
sonday at nyght, et node prqfitebatur artem obstetricandi inter homines
non sui sexus. a
a That a man should practise the art of midwifery appears to have been, in the eyes of
John Louthe, a crime of heinous magnitude, perhaps scarcely increased by the circumstance
of his being a priest. The late Dr. Samuel Merriman, who was as conversant with the
literature as with the practice of his profession , in a letter signed Obstetricus in the Gen-
tleman's Magazine for Jan. 1830, has traced the history of the terms Midwife, Man-Mid-
wife, Accoucheur, &c. showing the several objections that have been made to the second,
and various substitutes that have been proposed. He says that " the earliest date at which
I have found the word Man-midwife is 1637, when it was employed in the preface of ' The
Expert Midwife.' " Midwife he regards as a contraction of modir-wife^ the old English
word modir having been used both for the mother and the womb. It may be presumed
that midwifery was little if at all practised by men in England before the year 1637. The
first book published in English on the subject was " The Byrth of Mankynde, newlye
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 25
Thes histores ar to be preserved in memory of man, to the con-
versione of many yet lyvynge and lykyng Egipte and Babilone ; as
the arses of the Philystines wer made of sylver by Godes commande,*
and reserved to the perpetuall shame of that idolatrous natyone.
Ex testimonio W. Warren unius juratorum dictorum.
Of an aunciente protestante called mr. John Petite.
This John Petite was one of the fyrste that with mr. Fryth, Byl-
ney, and Tyndall cowght a swheetnes in Godes worde. He was xxtl
yeares burgesse for the cyty of London, and free of the Grocers, elo-
quente and welspoken, exactly sene in hystores, songe, and the Laten
tongue. b King Henry 8. wolde axe in the parlamente tyme, in hys
waighty affayres, yf Petite wer of his syde; for ons, when the kyng
required to have all those somes of mony to be gyven hym by acte
of parlamente whych afore he hadd borowed of certeyn persons, John
Petite stode agaynste the byll, sayinge " I can not in my con-
science agree and consent that this bylle should passe, for I know
not my neighbores estate. They perhaps borowed it to lend the
translated oute of Laten into Englysshe, 1540," 4to. This was originally written by a
German, Roslin, or, as he classically styled himself, Eucharius Rhodion. The first edition,
which contains some of the earliest copper-plate engravings published in England, is dedi-
cated to quene Katheryne by her physician dr. Richard Jonas : the subsequent editions,
of which there are many, bear the name of the translator, dr. Thomas Raynold. See an
account of this work, by T. J. Pettigrew, esq. F.R.S. and F.S.A. in the Medical Portrait
Gallery, vol. i. (memcir of Sir C. M. Clarke, Bart.) The original MS. copy presented
to queen Katharine is in the possession of Mr. Pettigrew, and was exhibited by him to
the Society of Antiquaries.
a This alludes to chapter vi. of the first book of Samuel, where the offerings in question
are in our translation termed " golden emerods." Such offerings representing all kinds
of diseases and deformities are still customary in India, and are usually made of silver.
See an interesting note on the subject in Knight's Pictorial Bible.
b Notwithstanding the high character given by Louthe to John Petit, and his important
position for twenty years, as one of the four citizens representing London in Parliament, I
have failed to find any other memorial of him. The city historians are silent regarding
him, and so is Mr. Heath in his History of the Grocers' Company, and even his name as a
member of parliament does not appear on the lists, from their being imperfect in the reign
of Henry VIII.
CAMD. SOC. E
26 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
kyng. But I know myn owne estate, and therefor I freely and frankly
gyve the kyng that I lente hym." This burges was sore suspected
of the lord chawncelor and the prelacy of this realme, that he was a
fawtore of the relegione that they called newe, and also a bearer
with them in pryntyng of theyr bookes. Therfore mr. More a corn-
myth apon a certeyne tyme to hys howse at Liones kay,b then called
Petites kay, and knokkyng at the doore, mrs. Petite came towerd the
dore and seinge that it was the lord chawncelor she whypped in haste
to hur husbonde, beinge in his closett at his prayers, saing, " Come,
come, husbonde, my lorde chawncelor ys at the dore, and wold speake
with yow." At the same worde the lorde chawncelor was in the
closett at hur backe. To whom mr. Petite spake with greate cur-
tesy, thankyng hym that it wold please his lordship to visitt hym in
his owne poore howse ; but, becawse he wold not drynke, he attended
apon hym to the dore, and, ready to take hys leave, axed hym yf his
lordship wold command hym any service. " No (quod the chawn-
celor), ye say ye have none of these newe bookes?" " Your lordship
sawe (sayd he) my bookes and my closett." " Yet (quod the chawn-
celor), ye muste go with mr. lieutenante. Take hym to yow," quod
the chawncelor to the lyeutenante. Then he was layd in a doungeone
apon a padd of strawe, in close prison ; his wyffe might not come
unto hym nor brynge hym any bedd. After longe sute and dayly
teares of his wyff Lucy Petite, she obteyned license to send hym in
a bedd, and that he myght be broght to his aunswere, wheare they
hadd gotten a lytle old preest, that should say he hadd Tyndale's
testamente in Englyshe, and dyd helpe hym and suche other to pub-
lyshe theyre heretycall bookes in Englyshe, as thei termed them. But
a The illustrious sir Thomas More, who, notwithstanding his great intelligence and love
of learning, was not only immoveably attached to the ancient faith, but very zealous as a
persecutor of those who entertained the new doctrines. See Mr. Froude's remarks on his
illegal practice of detaining untried "hereticks" in prison, History of England, 1856,
ii. 75.
b "Next to (Billingsgate) is Sommer's key, which likewise tooke that name of one
Sommer dwelling there, as did Lion key of one Lion owner thereof, and since of the signe
of the Lion." Stowe's Survay.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 27
now at laste when mr. Petite hadd caght hys dethe by so nawghty
harbor of the lord chawncelor, he was called openly, and the preeste
that should have accused hym, axed mr. Petite forgyvenes, saying,
" Mr. Petite, I never saw yow afore this tyme; how should I then be
able to accuse you?" And so he was suffered to go whome, but he
dyed immediatly aftere apone the same yll harborowe. He thoght
his payne came over his cheste lyke a barre of yron.
Here is to be remembred a strange thynge or two. When John
Frythe a was in the Tower, he came to Petites kay in the nyght,
notwithstanding the straight watche and warde, by commandment,
&c. At whose fyrst commyng mr. Petite was in dowght whether it
was mr. Frythe or a visione : no lesse dowghting, nor otherwyse,
then the Apostles, when Rode the mayde broght tydynges that
Peter was gott owt of prison.5 But mr. Frythe shewed hym that y t
was God that wroght hym that liberty in the harte of his keper one
Philippes, who, apon the cautyone of his owne worde and promysc,
lett hym go at liberty in the nyght to consulte with godly men.
The same underkeper suffred mr. Petite, being imprisoned under
mr. Bylney,c by removyng a borde, to dyne and suppe to gyther,
and to cheere one and othere in the Lorde, with suche symple fare
as papistes' charitee wold alowe them. The trothe ys, when [the]
lorde chawncelor came to serche his closett, ther laye undernethe
mr. Petite's deske a new testamente in Englyshe and an other in
Laten above, yet the chawncelor saw it not, by what meanes God
knoweth, and I leave it to every godly man's judgemente.
Thys mr. Petite wold neades be buryed in the churche yarde, and
the preested d preestes powred sope ashes upon hys grave, affirmyng
a John Frith, having denied the real presence, was burned in Smithfield, July 4, 1533.
See Index to the Parker Society's works, p. 335. His " Disputacion of Purgatory " is no-
ticed hereafter.
b Acts, xii. 31.
c Thomas Bilney, who suffered in Smithfield, March 10, 1531. See Froude's History
of England, 1856, ii. 84. To him Latimer owed his conversion.
d Sic in MS.
28 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
that God wold not suffer grasse to grow upon suclie an heretyckes
grave, and many of the Balaamytes came to see and testyfie the
same.
In fyne, mr. Petite, albe yt he had great ryches by his fyrste wyff
(being his mistress and a widow) and specyally by his seconde wyff
Lucy Wattes, dawghter and heyre unto the kyng's grocer mr. Wattes,
yet he dyed not ryche ; for ij cawses, the one for that the lord chawn-
celor made hym pay the debte of one for whose aparance mr. Petite
stoode bownd in la we. The party was sycke of a tympany, therfor
mr. Petite was enforced to bryng hym in a carte to London an hun-
dryth myles by estimacion, wherof he dyed ; but the chawncelor, of
a popyshe charyte, wold neades lett the pryncypall go, and take it
apon the suertee, J. P.
An other cawse was thys: mr. Petite gave muche to the poore,
and specyally to poore prechers, suche as then wer on this syde the
say and beyonde the say; and in his debte booke these desperatte
debteshe entred thus, — " lente unto Chryste ;" and so commanded his
exequutors to demande non of those debtes. Hys wyll therfor
amounted not above the valew of viijxx for his ij dawghters un-
maryed, Audrey and Blanche Petite, over and besydes those despe-
ratt debtes and his land in Shoredyche and Waltamestowe. One W.
Bolles, the laste husbond of Lucy Petite, hathe the land in Shorle-
dych, yetalyve, andreceaved vijxxlib. of sir Jeifray Gates,a a debtor
of Petite's, and so muche goodes besyde as he therwith was able to
by the receavorshipp of Chester, Derby, Nottingham, and Lincoln.
Lytle of it came to mr. Petite's chyldren.
Teste ipsius uxore Lucia Petite.
a Sir Geoffrey Gates was in 1523 a captain of the army sent into France under the duke
of Suffolk. (State Papers, vi. 170.) He died in 1526, leaving as his son and heir sir
John Gates, afterwards vice-chamberlain and captain of the guard to king Edward VI.,
who was beheaded with the duke of Northumberland in 1553. (Morant's Essex, ii. 146.)
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 29
How dangerous a tliyng it ys to communicate with papistes
in ther service, may appere by this history following.
Mr. Wylliam Forde,a some tyme scholer and after ushere of
Wykam colleadge besyde Wynchester, beinge at length with muche
adoo broght from the popyshe doctrine (assiduo jurgio et contentione
Jo. a Luda) became at laste a greate enemye to papisme in Oxforde,
being there felowe and civilian as mr. John Philpott was in Wykam
colleadge ; and afterwardes being ushere under mr. John Whight, b
scholmaster.
Ther was many golden images in Wykam 's colleage by Wynton.
The churche dore was directly over agaynste the usher's chamber.
Mr. Forde tyed a longe coorde to the images, lynkyng them all in one
coorde, and, being in his chamber after midnight, he plucked the
cordes ende, and at one pulle all the golden godes came downe with
heylw Rombelo* Yt wakened all men with the rushe. They wer
amased at the terry ble noyse and also disamayd at the greevous sight-
The corde beinge plucked harde and cutt with a twytche, lay at the
* " 1534. Willielmus Forde, de Brightwell, xiij ann. in festo Mich, prseteriti. In
margine, Hypodidascalus Wynton: Rector de Newberye." Register of Admissions to
Winchester College.
b John White, head schoolmaster of Winchester college 1534, warden of Winchester
1541, bishop of Lincoln 1554, and of Winchester 1556 ; deprived 1559 ; died 1659-60.
See Index to the works of the Parker Society, p. 786 ; also Machyn's Diary, Index ; The
Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 174 ; and Collectanea Topog. et Geneal.
vii. 213. His first entrance at Winchester is thus recorded : "1521. Johannes Whyte
de Farnham, xj an. in festo Nat. D'ni praeterito — Sutherye. In margine, Inform. Wynton.
Gustos Wynton." (Register of Admissions.) On his examination in bishop Gardiner's
cause, in 1551, betook credit for having instilled into his scholars the doctrine of the
royal supremacy, declaring "that about twelve years ago, or thereabouts, as he doth
remember, this deponent (then being schoolmaster of the college of Winton) did, by
commandment of the bishop of Winchester, make certain verses extolling the King's supre-
macy, and against the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome ; which said verses this depo-
nent caused his scholars to learn, and to practise them in making of verses to the like ar-
gument ; the said bishop encouraging this deponent so to do." (Foxe, first edit. ii. 845.)
c The burden of a song. It occurs — ruiiibylowe — so early as 1314, attached to a
rhyme made by the Scots on the battle of Bannockburn, which is introduced 4>y Fabyan
in his Chronicle.
30 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
church doore. At laste they felle to serchyng, but mr. Forde, moste
suspected, was fownde in his bedd ; yet he hadd a dogges lyff among
them, mr. Whight the scholemaster, the felows of the howse, and
the scholers, crying owt and raylyng at hym by supportacyone of
their master. Lewde men lay in waight for mr. Forde many tymes,
and one nyght going into the towne he muste neades come whome to
the collydge by the towne walles, the gattes of Trinitee colleadg
be(ing) shutt. This was espyed, he was watched, and when he
came to a blynd darke corner by Kynges gate, they layd one hym
with staves; he clapped hys gowne coler, furred with foxe furre,
rownd abowte his head and necke; they layd on hym some strookes,
but by Godes providence the moste parte, in the great derkenes, dyd
lyght apon the grownd ; so they ranne away, and lefte mr. Forde for
dede ; but he tumbled and roled hym selfe to the gate, for thei hadd
made hym paste goinge; and then he cryed for helpe, and people
came to take hym up, and bare hym to his lodgyng.
Now to the purpose. Mr. Forde, in quene Maries dismole days,
was in mr. Rychard Whalleis howse at Welbecke ; a he was com-
manded to go with his master to sir George Perpountes knyght,b
a The abbey of Welbeck (now the residence of the duke of Portland) was granted
to Richard Whalley in 30 Hen.VIII. Richard Whalley esquire, of Sibthorpe and Screve-
ton in the county of Nottingham, was steward to Edward duke of Somerset, and re-
ceiver-general of the county of York. See two letters of his, and other notices of him, in
Tytler's " Edward VI. and Queen Mary." He was involved in his master's trouble (see
The Literary Remains of King Edward VI. pp. 241, 303, 355, 423), and deprived of his
office, but retained much of his wealth, and founded a family long resident in Notting-
hamshire. "The Grounds of Artes, by Robert Record, doctor of physicke," first edit.
1549, is dedicated "to the Ryghte Worshypfull mayster Rycharde Whalley Esquyre."
He died Nov. 23, 1583, aged 84 ; and there is an engraving of his monument, with
his effigy, in Thoroton's History of that county, p. 130. One of his grandsons, Walter
Whalley, S.T.B. was resident at Cherry Orton in Huntingdonshire in 1613, and entered
his pedigree in Nich. Charles's visitation book,— printed for the Camden Society, 1849,
p. 35.
b Sir George Pierrepont, ancestor of the earls Manvers, and the extinct dukes of
Kingston, was the son of sir William Pierrepont by his second wife, danghter of sir
Richard Empson, chancellor of the exchequer. He purchased, 32 Hen. VIII. some manors
that had belonged to the abbeys of WelLeck and Newstead. He was knighted at the
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 31
dwellyng at Wodhowse a myle of. There he herde chawntynge,
syngyng, and torche-berynge in day-light at masse. Apon this he
fell in a my sly king of hym self. The dyvyll tempted hym conti-
nually, specyally in the nyght, as many knew. At laste G. Petite,
the sonne of mr. John Petite, told these news to John Loude, how
his old frynd and scholer was tempted of Sathan to kylle hym selfe
apon a smale occasyon, as some thoght. Then John Loude, from .
Adenborow a in Nottingham shere, wrote a comfortable letter by G.
Petite to mr. Forde, at readynge of whych letter he greatly rejoced,
and toke spirituall comforte ; ofte tymes kyssyng the letter, et gratias
agens Deo et ejus servo J. L. And so at laste being well recomforted,
he was made person of Newbery by the meanes of mr. Forteskew b
some tyme his scholer in humanitee, rather then folower in religione,
and, with continuall paynes in techyng the grammer schole ther and
prechyng, he chawnged this lyff for a better in great feablenes of
body more then of sowle and mynde.
Yet one Rychard Wever of Brystole felle into lyke temptacyone for
hearyng masse, and receavyng a great space muche consolatyone
by the great and tedious travayle of one precher now neadles to be
named, yet at laste, when he should go whom,c he ranne to the
infamous mylles of Brystolle, and cowght a chylde of vij yeares age
in his armes, and so lepped in to the water and wer bothe drowned.
Tower Feb. 22, 1547-8, previously to the coronation of Edward VI., and died March 21,
1564. "The Newes owte of Heaven both pleasaunt and joyfull," written by Thomas
Becon at Alsop in the Dale in the Peak of Derbyshire, were dedicated as a new-year's
gift " to the right worshipful master George Pierpount," to whom the author acknowledged
himself to be greatly bound. (Becon 's Works, printed for the Parker Society, i. 37, 44.)
The passage in the text seems to show that he afterwards sympathised with the opponents
of Becon. Yet his son Henry was evidently a friend of Louthe, being appointed one of
the supervisors of his will. (See p. 12.)
* Now Attenborough. Louthe may have had the living : but Thoroton, the historian of
Nottinghamshire, gives no lists of incumbents.
b Perhaps sir Adrian Fortescue, whose widow Anne, daughter of sir William Read, was
remarried to sir Thomas Parry. In 1554 Thomas Parry esquire, and his wife dame Anne
Fortescue, resided in the college of Wallingford. In 1585 she was buried at Welford, six
miles from Newbury. Lysons, Berkshire, pp. 399, 413. e t. e. home.
32 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
It is not to be conceled that this poore miser, tempted nyghtely,
and almoste choked of the fynd, for none other cause then is re-
hersed, fownd a longe tyme unspeakable comforte of the saying of
saint Paule,a " Chryste came into this world to save synners, of the
wych I am the greatest;" pretendyng a great reverence and love to
the prechere, and ever recy vyng the sayd sentense ; but being broght
to the servyce at the colleag a° 4 Elizab. he was cleane altered, and
that love turned in to a servile feare and terror of the prechere,
seekynge occasyones to steale from behynde hym, but beinge of hym
espyed, he wolde be marvelously abashed, and as it wer tremble for
feare, thoghe of the prechere he hadd all the fay rest and plesant
wordes that he cowld devyse.
By this doble history, wych is well known to many, all men I
truste may lerne that the masse was never devised with owt the
dyvylle, seing the heeryng of masse hathe so divyllyshe effect in those
that yelde unto it.
Hcec qui scripsit ecce coram Deo vera esse novit.
Of mr. Quynby of Oxforde.
After the apprehensyone of John Frythe b many were detected0
in Oxforde, as this mr. Quynby ,d Talbot,6 John Man,f all of the
New colleadge; and Bartholomew Traheron,g an olde disciple.
» 1 Tim. 2. b In 1533.
c This was a customary term, and one which may be frequently found in the pages of
Foxe, signifying impeached or informed against.
d I have not ascertained the Christian name of this Quinby, but he was probably a rela-
tive of Anthony Quinby, bachelor of law, whose memory has been preserved in the fol-
lowing epitaph placed "under the proportion of a man on a brass plate," in the east
cloister of New College chapel.
En nuda Antonii Quinby lapis iste, Briani
Wottoni hie positus sumptibus, ossa tegit.
Hie duo (viventes sic junxit amor) sua jungi
Post mortem optabant corpora corporibus.
Ast aliter Dominus decrerat : namque Brianus
Londini, Oxonie conditur Antonius.
(For Notes e f s see next page.)
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTIIE. 33
John Man recanted, whom mr. Traheron called the stonny ground,
on whom the good seedes of God's worde tooke no rowte. Talbote
Primum in lege gradum pariter suscepit uterque,
Cultor uterque Dei, doctus uterque fuit.
Det Deus in cells animus jungatur uterque,
Disjunctum quamvis corpus utrumque jacet.
Obiit Antonius xxix die Maii MDLIX.
Brianus vero xiv calend. Feb. MDLX.
Wood's Colleges and Halls of Oxford (edit. Gutch), 1786, vol. iii. p. 212 ; where it is
added that Quinby's friend Brian Wotton was buried in the churchyard of St. Alban's,
London, his father Edward lying in that church. The following are the entries of the
admissions of the two friends at Winchester in the same year :
" 1547. Antonius Quinbyede Fernham, Winton. dioc. xiij an. in f° Paschse praet.
" Brianus Wotton de parochia S'ci Albani, London, dioc. xiij an. in f° Simonis
et Judae prseterito." (Register of Winchester College.)
Among the witnesses examined in the proceedings against bishop Gardiner in 1551,
was " Robert Quinby of Farnham clothmaker, where he was born, of the age of 27 or
thereabouts : M see Foxe, Actes and Monuments, first edit. ii. 841.
e This was Robert Talbot, one of our earliest English antiquaries, who wrote a com-
mentary on the Itinerary of Antoninus. Wood tells us that he became fellow of New
college (after he had served two years of probation), an. 1523, and left it five years after,
being expelled for heresy. That he afterwards " sterte back " in his faith, as Loude tells,
appears to be confirmed by the provisions of his will. See the memoir of him in Athenae
Oxon. (ed. Bliss) i. 263. His name is not to be found in the register of Winchester
college.
f John Man is said to have been born at Lacock in Wiltshire, but the entry of his
admission at Winchester states that he came from Winterbourne Stoke, which is in the
same county, but more than twenty miles from Lacock. It is as follows : " A.D. 1523.
Johannes Manne de Wynterbourne Stoke xj an. in f° Assump. praet." He was elected
from Winchester to New college 1529, proctor of the university 1540. He also was
expelled New college for heresy, but in 1547 was made principal of White hall, and in
1562 warden of Merton college. In 1565 he became dean of Gloucester. He died in
1568. See memoir of him in Athena? Oxon. (edit. Bliss) i. 366. He had a contemporary
at Winchester of the same name and nearly the same age, admitted "A.D. 1527.
Johannes Manne de Wrytyll, xij an. in f° Omn. ScVm praet. In margine, Rector de
Horwood."
S Bartholomew Traheron was either of Exeter college or Hart hall. He became
library-keeper to king Edward the Sixth, and was made dean of Chichester 1551. See
the memoir of him in Athense Oxon. (edit. Bliss) i. 323, and various incidents of his
biography in the Index to the Parker Society's works, p. 761.
CAMD. SOC. F
34 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
also sterte backe lyke Deimcya (He serves the lord Wriothysley,
teachyng his chyldren), and were never the lesse expulsed by the
warden, doctor John London .b Quynbe was iraprisonncd veary
stray ghtely in the steeple of the New colleadg, and dyed halfe
sterved with colde and lacke of foode. He desyred his fryndes that
came to see hym that he myght receave the Lordes supper in both
formes ; but it wold not be graunted. He was axed of his fryndes
what he wold eate; he sayd his stomache was gonne from all meate
excepte it wer a warden pye.c " Ye shall have it," quod they. " I
wolde have but two wardens (quod he) baked : I meane, to be
playne (sayde he), owr warden of Oxforde and owr warden of Wyn-
chester, London and More;d for suche a warden pie might do me
and Christes churche good ; wheare as other wardens from the tree
a This name is very obscure in the MS. The next passage is written in the margin.
It apparently relates to Talbot.
b John London, D.C.L. is a person whose name frequently appears in connection with
the visitation and suppression of the monasteries, for which purpose he was a visitor ap-
pointed by Henry VIII. (See Letters on that subject edited for the Camden Society by
Mr. T. Wright.) His entry at Winchester is thus recorded : " A.D. 1497. Johannes
London de Hammolden, filius tenentis Oxon. xj an. in festo Nat. D'ni pra?t. — Berks.
In maryine, Gustos. Oxon." (Register of Admissions to Winchester College.) He was
elected warden of New college in 1526, and remained so until 1542. He was also a
canon of Windsor, dean of Osney, and of Wallingford : for his other preferments see Wood,
Colleges and Halls (edit. Gutch), iii. 188, and Fasti Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 47. He died
in 1543 in the Fleet prison, to which he had been committed on a charge of perjury.
c It is perhaps too well known to require remark that the warden was a species of
baking pear, said to have derived its name from the Cistercian abbey of Warden in Bed-
fordshire.
d "A.D. 1492. Edwardus More, deHavant, filius tenentis Winton. xiij an. in festo Nat.
D'ni praet. In margine, Infor. Wynton. Custos Wynton." (Register of Admissions to Win-
chester College ) In explanation of the designation " filius tenentis,'' which but rarely occurs
in the register, the Rev. W. H. Gunner remarks, that the tenants of the college property
had by the statutes a right to consideration in the appointment to scholarships, and in the
very early indentures of election they are bracketed as persons residing in locis ubi bona
collegii vigent. Among those who supplicated for the degree of B.D. at Oxford in 1518,
but no one was admitted, was " Edw. More of New college, who was admitted the eighth
warden of Wykeham's college near Winchester 29 Oct. 1526, and dying 1541, was
buried in the choir of the chappel there." (Wood's Fasti Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 47.)
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTIIE. 35
can doo me no good at all." Thus jcstyng at their tyranny, thorow
the cherfulnes of a saffe conscience, he turned his face to the walle
in the sayd belfry; and so after his prayers sleapte swheetly in the
Lorde.
But to what open shame doctor London was afterwardes putt,
with open penance with two smockes on his shoulders, for mrs.
Thykked and mrs. Jennynges, the mother and the daughter, and.
how he was taken with one of them by Henry Plankney in his
gallery, being his syster's sonne — as it was then knowen to a number
in Oxforde and elsewheare, so I thynk that some yet lyvynge hathe
it in remembrans, as well as the penner of this history. J. L.
Of the shameful murderyng of one mr. Edmund Loude of
Sawtrey, by the monkes and preestes of Sawtrey Abbey, abotite
a° 13 H. 8, A° D° 1522. A° 5 post Lutheri predicationem.
This Edmund Loude, the sonne and heyre of mr. Thomas Loude
of Hynnyngam castle,a Cretyngam,b and Sawtry, a myle from Sawtre
abbey, descended of noble parentage: for his mother, Anne Loude,
was the dawghter and heyre of sir Edmund Molso; hys grand-
mother Kateryn Dudley, maryed to Lionell Loude ; his great-
grandmother was Mary of Henawd, maryed to Rogere Loude, and
cossen to Lyonell erle of Ulstere and duke of Clarense. He was
an enymy to the wanton mounkes of the abbey, and to two lewd
persons of Sawtrey,0 for they hawnted moste shamfully the wyves of
mr. Thomas Loude hys tenantes in the towne. At the wyche mr.
Loude the father, and Edmund the sonne, specyally founde fawte
with thys rule of the monkes and preestes, and some tyme when
the howses by them were watched, and the monkes with theyr
a Apparently Castle Hedingham in Essex : see note in p. 3.
b Cretingham, in Suffolk : see p. 4.
c Sawtrey had two churches, dedicated to All Saints and Saint Andrew respectively,
otherwise called Sawtrey Moygne and Sawtrey Beaumys, and consequently two parsons,
or rectors. The monks were Cistercians, and their house a cell of that of Warden in
Bedfordshire. At the survey in 26 Hen. VIII. William Aungell was abbot, and the clear
revenue of the abbey was!4H. 3s. 8d. Valor Eccl. vol. iv. pp. 265, 267.
36 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
tenantes' wyves, the mounkes wolde beate downe the walles, and
slypp away to the abbey. So that some tyme ther was hott skyr-
myshes emonge tham. Harken, ye Catholykes, to the catholyk
lyfF of yowr bretherne ! At one tyme they cawsed the peace to be
taken of mr. Edmund Loude, and for breakyng of yt gotte hym in
Cambrydge castle; unto hym resortyd one Rychard Wyne, an abbey
lubberde of Kamsey and Sawtrey. He was an atturney, who sayd
unto mr. Loude, then the kyng's prisoner, ie A ! Loude, hadd it not
ben better for yow to have lyved quietly at Sawtrey, and hunt and
hawke at yowr pleasure, then here to remeyne a prisoner agaynste
yowr wylle?" " No (sayd mr. Loude), I am here but for strykyng
a lecherous knave, and I cownte it better to be here for so small a
cawse then to be sett in the stockes, as thou werte, for stealyng
sylver spones at Ramsey abbey ;" and with that reached Wyne a blow
with his fyste, and dashed out all hys for-teeth, by wych blow he
lysped as longe as he lyved. Thys blow was declared to the chaste
clergymen in the country, and by them to the myghty clergy at the
courte, and by them in the moste greevous manner to the kynge :
thynkyng tliys hadd ben ynoughe to have rydd hym owt of thyr
way at Sawtrey. But see the goodnes of God, and the clemency of
the prynce ! The kyng lawghed hertely at the peltyng a lawyer's
deformitee, and thoght it a condigne rewarde for suche a sawcy
felow, saying, " Do yow thynke yt was wel donne of hym to
upbrayde owr prisoner, beyng imprisoned by hys meanes? He was
served well ynough. I perceave Loude ys a talleb jentylman: wee
do pardon hym of his fawlte and imprisonment." So Edmund Loude
cume whom agayne after he hadd ben ther awhyle, makyng mery
continually with mr. Benet Molso and divers other gentylmen stu-
dentes in the universitee, who being of kynne to hym came dayly to
make mery with hym.
a " A very common epithet with our old writers to signify paltry or contemptible."
Glossary by Archdeacon Nares, who gives examples from Shahspere's Lear and Richard II.,
Beaumont and Fletcher, Ascham, &c.
b This was a term implying not merely tall, but one of good personage and manly
bearing.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 37
In sliorte tyme the mounkes and prcestes of Sawtrey lyke swhyne
revolted to theyr dyrty podles, and former stynkyng lyff. And
Edmund bearyng hym self bolde of the kynges late saying, and of
hys fryndes in the courte by raysone of hys blood, warned and thre-
tened them beatyng, yf they wolde not forbeare their resorte to hys
father's tenantes and hys. And see the chawnce ! One of these per-
sons, the person of St. Andrew's, hadd ben at Walsyngham, who was a
notable horemaster, and commyng home he kyssed many wyves,
and amongs them Kateryn Loude, dawghter to Edmund Loude,
openly in the churche yerde of Allhalows, for then it was thoght an
holynes, commyng from thens, to kysse maydes and women; and the
leacherous Catholyk hadd opinione that mr. Edmund Loude wolde
not be offended at his doynges. But it came no soner to mr. Loude
hys eares, but he, after hys wonte, toke hys molgpade a in hys hand,
and by chawnce quyckly mette with the preeste. The good persone
lykyng not hys lookes, downe upon hys knees, of with hys cappe,
prayinge hym not to bett hym, for he was within holy orders. " 0
thou bawdy knave, (sayd mr. Loude,) darest yow kysse my dawgh-
ter ? Wylt yow not leave thys weinen's cumpanye?" And seing
hys new brode shaven crowne, he toke up a cow cusen or cow turde
with his spade, and clapped it upon his crowne; addyng to his ill
deede worse wordes: " Yow, (sayde he,) all the sorteof yow, wyll er
it be longe be gladd to hyde yowr shaven pates, rather then they
shoulde be seene."
Besydes thys, the sayde Edmund Loude conceaved suche an hate
agaynst that religione and that holy preeste, that he came into the
churche and plucked the felowe from the altare as he was abowte to
make his God.
Shortely after, the cleane-fyngered clergy havyng encouragement
ynoughe bothe above in the courte and in the country, they con-
trived how he should be made away. This Edmund Loude used to
a This word is not in the glossaries : it was either a mould-spade, or one used in dig-
ging for moles.
38 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
walke a quarter of a myle to a greate pasture he hadd called Wood-
fylde close (vjC acres within an heage) assigned hym for his wyves
joynture, Edyth the dawghter of John Stuecly lord of Stuecly ny
Huntyngdon ; and he hadd with hym in his annes John Loude a hys
yowngeste sonne, of the age of iij yeares and more. Sodenly rushed
owt behynd the hedge and bushes Skelton the father, and Skelton
the sonne, tenantes to the abbatt, well weapened. Mr. Loude knew
thei came to dispatche hym, and they sayd no lesse. " Yet, (sayde
he.) do no harme to my lytle boy." With that they fearsely layd
at hym, and he at them. At laste corny the the good catholyke
preste in hys surplysse, with holy water, and the cunstable herde of thys
tragycall murder prepensed, and thoght to shew hym self not to
laches in doing his dewty, and came to them, fyndyng mr. Loude no-
thyng hurte, but he hadd catholycally basted the catholykes men, so
that they preyed peace of hym. And he to take breth was con-
tented to hold hys hand. The cunstable commanded the peace in
the kinges name to be kepte: they all agreed to obbey; so that mr.
Loude wold delyver his forreste bylle to the cunstable, wich he was
lothe to do, but for the cunstable's fayre promyses. They gave place
to mr. Loude to go afore them, and the cunstable nexte. There
when he was apon the style to go over, Skelton the father cawght
hym by the armes, and Skelton the sonne strooke hym apon the
hedd, and so he felle of the style; the clobbe was gotten in Monkes
wodd, half a myle from Sawtrey. So the preeste came to sone with
his holy water, for mr. Loude was alyve at hys commynge, yet he
was caryed whom,b and was speechlesse, for the fylme called the pia
mater was peryshed with the blow. Yet he lyved about vij dayes
after, and makyng all thynges straight the world, forgave all hys
enymies, and was layd up in a swheete reste, under the alter of God,
lookyng for the joy full resurrectyone. Hys wyff sued an appeale
of murder, but many delays wer made, and nothyng done, for
a The writer of this narrative.
b i. e. home.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 39
hur husband was taken for an hcrotycke, the clargy was mi-jhiv;
but see the vengens of God: Skelton with his sonne rune away; the
father was hanged, and the sonne drowned: the preestes coul<l<j
never gett the pardon of the good kyng.
Vindica sanguinem nostrum de Us qui, <Jr.a
More of mrs. Anne Askewgh.b
Thys good gentlewoman Anne Askewgh,c syster to the ryght
worshipfull sir Francys Askewghfl and mrs. Dysney of Norton Dys-
a Probably alluding to Revelations, vi. 10.
b That is, more than Foxe had already published. The history of the religious per-
secutions of Anne Askew was written by herself, and, shortly after her cruel execution,
was first printed at Marburg, in the county of Hesse, 12mo. 1547, with a long
running commentary by John Bale, afterwards bishop of Ossory. This has been
reprinted entire, in Bale's Select Works, for the Parker Society, 1849. Without
Bale's " elucydacyon," but with some other additions, the narrative was introduced
by Foxe into his Actes and Monuments ; and from that source it lias been retailed
in an endless variety of forms. Anne Askew is certainly one of the most interesting
personages commemorated in Foxe's pages, and, in addition, her story has the charm of
autobiography. It has been related with care in the Rev. Christopher Anderson's Annals
of the English Bible, 1845, vol. ii. pp. 190 — 200 : and is still more fully developed in the
Rev. James Anderson's Ladies of the Reformation, 1855, pp. 136 — 179. But by none
of her biographers, even including the last, is duo prominence given to her connection
with the Protestant party at court, and her influence with queen Katharine Parr, which,
if we may credit the commentary upon Foxe's narrative written by Robert Parsons the
Jesuit (and which will be found in the Appendix), was very considerable.
c Anne Askew was a daughter of sir William Askew, or Ayscough, of South Kelsey in
Lincolnshire, and was married at an early age to a gentleman named Kyme, resident in
the same county, from whom she separated in consequence of ill-usage, and came to
London, apparently to prosecute her cause in chancery. Her mind, however, was more
occupied with the great business of religion, and her Protestant zeal raised her public as
well as private enemies : who, finding her equally unyielding in spiritual as in temporal
matters, crushed without mercy a woman whom they could not intimidate. She had
dropped her married name, and the identity of her unworthy husband is uncertain :
but on this point see the Appendix.
d Sir Francis Ayscough was sheriff of Lincolnshire in 1544. Another brother, Edward,
was servant to archbishop Cranmer, and became one of the gentlemen pensioners. See
the note on the Gentlemen Pensioners in the Appendix.
F 4 4-
40 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
ney a in Lincolneshere, was lodged before hur imprisonement at an
liowse over-agaynste the Temple. And one great papiste of Wykam
colleadge,b then called Wadloe, a coursytore of the Chawncery, hott
in his religione, and thynkyng not well of hir lyffe, gott hymselfe
lodged harde by hur at the nexte howse, for what purpose I neade
not open to the wyse reader ; but the conclusyon was that, wheare he
came to speake evyll of hur, he gave her the prayse to mr. Lyonell
Trockmorton c for the devouteste and godliest woman that ever he
knew, "for (sayd he) at mydnyght she begynneth to pray, and
cessyth not in many howers after, when I and others applye owr
sleape or do worse." d
Hur fyrste examinacion in the Tower.6
My lorde mayre, sir M. Bowes,f syttyng with the cownsell, as
a Jane Ayscough was married first to sir George St. Paul of Snarford, co. Lincoln, and
secondly to Richard Disney esquire, of Norton Disney in the same county, who died in
1578. See pedigree of Disney in Hutchins's History of Dorsetshire, second edit. iv. 390.
b By this name it must be presumed that Louthe meant the college of Winchester, as
before in p. 29.
c Strype, Eccles. Memorials, vol. i. p. 387, lias incorrectly styled him sir Lionel. He
was Lionel Throckmorton, gentleman, of Flixton, in South Elmham, Suffolk, a nephew
of the author (see note in the Appendix).
d Misprinted by Strype, " appyed our sleep, or to work." ' Eccles. Memorials, i. 387.
e This examination was not in the Tower, but when Anne Askew, having first been
examined by an inquest at Saddlers' hall, .was denounced to the civil authority in order
to be committed to prison : " Then they had me unto my lord maior, and he examined me
as they had before, and I answered him directly in all things as I answered the quest
before. Besides this, my lord maior layd one thing to my charge, which was never spoken
of me, but of them; and that was, Whether a mouse, eating the host, received God or no I
This question did I never aske, but in deede they asked it of me, whereunto I made them
no answer, but smiled." This is the foundation of the story which Louthe has improved
as in the text. Anne Askew was committed by the lord mayor to the Counter, and whilst
there was visited by a priest, who followed up the argument on the mouse : " Fourthly he
asked, if the host should fall, and a beaste did eate it, whether the beast did receive God or
no ? I answered, * Seeing you have taken the paines to ask the question, I desire you also
to assoile it yourselfe, for I will not doe it, because I perceive you come to tempt me.' And
he said it was against the order of schooles that he which asked the question should answere
it. I told him I was but a woman, and knew not the course of schooles." In the text,
(For Note f see next page.)
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTIIK. 41
moste meetest for his wysdome, and seeing hur standyng apon lyff
and dethe, " I pray yow, (quod he,) my lordes, gyve rue leave to
talke with this woman." Leave was granted. Lord Maiore. Thou
folyshe woman, sayest thow that the prestes can not make the body
of Chryste? A. Askoivghe. I say so, my lorde, for I have redd that
God mayd man ; but that man can make God I never yet redd, nor
I suppose ever shall red yt. L. Maiore. No? yow folyshe woman:
after the wordes of consecratione, ys it not the Lordes body? A.
Askowghe. No, it ys bot consecrated bredd, or sacramentall bredd.
L. Maior. What, yf a mowsc eate yt after the consecratione, what
shalbecome of the mowse ? What sayeste thow, thow folyshe woman ?
A. Askowghe. What shall become of hur say yow, my lorde ? L.
Maior. I say that that mowse is damned. A. Askew. Alacke, poorc
mowse ! By this tyme the lordes had ynowghe of my lorde maiores
divinitie, and perceavyng that some cowld not keape in theyr lawgh-
yng, proceeded to the butchery and slawter that they entended afore
thei came thither.
I being alyve must neades confesse of hur now departed to the
Lorde, that the day afore her exequutione, and the same day also, she
hadd an angel's countenance, and a smylyng face ; for I was with
Lassells, sir G. Blagge,a and the other, and with me iij. of the
Louthe tells his story in ridicule of the lord mayor's divinity, without adverting to the cir-
cumstance that Foxe had already published the particulars more accurately. The
question whether the sacrament eaten of a mouse was the very and real body of Christ
was, however, gravely entertained by various learned doctors, and variously argued.
Bishop Gardiner maintained that " a mouse cannot devour God," though, on the other
hand, " Christ's body may as well dwell in a mouse as in Judas." (Detection of the
Devil's Sophistry, pp. 16, 21.) See other opinions stated in Bale's Select Works, p. 154.
It was this question that brought sir George Blagge into trouble, as related in the next page.
f Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith. See a note respecting him in Machyn's Diary, at p.
335 : to which it may be added that a copy of his portrait is at Gibside, co. Durham, the
seat of the earl of Strathmore : it is described by Mr. Surtees, History of Durham, ii. 254,
who remarks in a note, " He was not immediately of the house of Streatlam, but a
descendant of Bowes of York." The Goldsmiths' Company still possess a handsome cup
presented to them by sir Martin Bowes : it is engraved in H. Shaw's " Decorative Art>."
a Foxe has preserved " a briefe narration of the trouble of syr George Blage, one of
CAMD. SOC. G
42 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Throkmorton's,a syr Nicholas being one b and mr. Kellum the other,6
by the same token that one unknown to me sayd, "Ye ar all
the King's privy chamber, who being falsely accused by syr Hugh Caverley, knighte,
and master Littleton, was sent for by Wrisley lord chancellour the sonday before Anne
Askew suffered, and the next day was carried to Newgate, and from thence to Guildhall,
where he was condemned the same day, and appoynted to be burned the wensday
folowing. The words which his accusers had laid unto him were these : What if a mouse
should eat the bread ? then, by my consent, they should hang up the mouse. Wheras in
dede these words he never spake, as to hys lives encle he protested. But the truth, as he
sayd, was this, that they craftely to undermine him, walking with him in Paul's church
after a sermon of doctour Crome, asked if he were at the sermon, and he said yea. ' I
heard say (saith master Littleton) that he sayd in his sermon that the masse profiteth
neither for the quick nor for the dead.' 'No? (saide master Blage) wherefore then ?
belike for a gentleman when he rideth a-hunting, to kepe his horse from stumbling.'
And so they departing, immediately after he was apprehended (as is shewed) and con-
demned to be burned. When this was heard among them of the pryvye chamber, the
king hearing them whispering together, whych he could never abide, commaunded them
to tell hym the matter. Where upon the matter being opened, and sute made to the
king, especially by the good erle of Bedford, then lord privie seal, the king being sore
offended with their doings, that they would come so nere him, and even into his privie
chamber, without hys knowledge, sent for Wrisley, commaunding him eftsoones to draw
out hys pardon himself, and so was he set at libertye ; who, comming after to the king's
presence, 'Ah, my pig ! ' sayth the king to him (for so he was wont to call him). ' Yea
(sayd he), if your majestie had not bene better to me then your bishops were, your pig
had bene rested ere this time.' " Foxe, it appears, was told that he had committed an
error in naming " master George Blag to be one of the privie chamber ;" which he
excuses by noting " that although he were not admitted as one of the privie chamber,
yet hys ordinary resort thether, and to the kynges presence there, was such as, although he
were not one of them, yet was he so commonly taken." (Edit. 1576, p. 2007.) Sir George
Blagge was examined in the proceedings against bishop Gardiner in 1550, and was then
thirty-eight years of age. See his memoir in Athene Cantabrigienses, 1858, i. 104.
* So the MS. though only two are named. The third was probably Lionel, (already
mentioned in p. 40,) a cousin of the other two.
b Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, fourth son of sir George Throckmorton, of Coughton,
co. Warwick, by Katharine daughter of Nicholas lord Vaux of Harrowden. He was aged
thirty-five in 1550, "and one of the King's privy chamber," when examined in the
proceedings against bishop Gardiner. (Foxe, edit. 1563, 807.) He had a memorable
escape from a trial for treason in the reign of Mary (see Chronicle of Queen Jane and
Queen Mary, p. 75.), and afterwards became one of the most distinguished men of
his age. See Wotton's Baronetage, 1741, ii. 358.
c " The fifth son of sir George (Throckmorton) was Kenelme." Ibid. p. 359.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 43
marked that come to them ; take heedc to your lyffes." And mr.
Lassels,a a gentleman of a ryght worshipfull howse of Gatforde in
Nottynghamshere ny Wursoppe, mownted up in to the wyndow of
the litle parloure by Newgate, and there satt, and by hym syr Georg.
Mr. Lassels was mery and cherefull in the Lorde, commyng from the
hearyng of sentense of his condemnatione, and sayd these words:.
" My lorde byshoppe wold have me confcsse the Romane churche to
be the Catholycke churche, but that I can not, for yt ys not trew."
When the hower of derkenes came, and theyr exequutione,b &c.
mrs. A. Askow was so racked c that she could not stand, but the
• Anne Askew had three fellow -sufferers, who are described by Foxe as " one Nicholas
Belenian, priest, of Shropshire, John Adams a taylor, and John Lacels gentleman of the
court and household of king Henry." Foxe prints a letter of Lascelles, " written out of
prison," being an exposition of his faith : it is signed " John Lacels, servaunt late to the
king, and now I trust to serve the Everlasting King with the testimony of my bloud in
Smithfield ;" and a letter of Anne Askew (also printed by Foxe) is addressed to him.
He was either a younger son of Ralph Lascelles of Sturton, co. Notts, esq. by a daughter
of Topcliffe, or else a younger son of Richard (son of Ralph) by Dorothy, daughter of
sir Bryan Sandford : both which Johns died s. p. Bryan Lascelles esquire was of
Sturton and Gateford in 1575. (Vincent's Notts. 117, Coll. Arm. f. 181.) The martyr
was not improbably the same John Lascelles who appears in the proceedings against
queen Katharine Howard, and whose sister Mary was one of the principal witnesses
against that queen. This was bishop Burnet's opinion, who says : "it is likely he was
the same person that had discovered queen Katharine Howard's incontinency, for which
all the popish party, to be sure, bore him no good will." (History of the Reformation.)
He is described as " a gentylman of Furnyvalles inne," in the Grey Friars' Chronicle ;
where the name of " Hemmysley a prest, wyche was an Observand frere of Richemond,"
is given instead of Belenian ; whilst Stowe and bishop Godwin call the priest Nicholas
Otterden, and the tailor Adlam instead of Adams.
b This passage has been misunderstood by Southey in his History of the Church, in both
editions, for he states that " The execution was delayed till darkness closed, that it might
appear the more dreadful." As Mr. Anderson has remarked (Ladies of the Reformation,
p. 174), Louthe's allusion is evidently to the words of Christ to his enemies, " This is your
hour and the power of darkness." It was a summer's day, Foxe states about the month
of June; but Bale, Stowe, and Grey Friars' Chronicle fix it to the 16th of July.
c i. e. had been so painfully racked, a few days previously. After her condemnation,
Anne Askew was taken one afternoon to the Tower, and subjected to the rack, in
the hope that she might be forced to name some ladies or gentlewomen about the court
that entertained similar opinions to her own ; " and thereon they kept me a long time, and,
44 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
doungc carte was holden up betwene ij sarjantes, perhaptes syttyng
there in a cheare,a and after the sermone ended, they putt fyar to the
reedes; the cowncell lookyng one, and leanyng in a wyndow by
the spytle,b and emonge them syr Ry chard Southwell,6 the master
of the wryghtor herof. And afore God, at the fyrst puttyng-to of
the fyar they re felle a lytle dewe, or a few pleasante droppes apon
us that stode by, and a pleasant crackyng from heaven. God
knoweth whyther I may truly terme it a thounder cracke, as the
people dyd in the gospell,d or angell, or rather Godes owne voyce.6
because I lay still, and did not cry, my lord chancellor [Wriothesley] and master Rich
tooke pains to rack me in their own hands, till I was nigh dead." In this tragic scene,
Louthe's ridiculous story of the lord mayor and the mouse has evidently not its pi'oper
place : but it was the only time that Anne Askew was in the Tower. Some writers
have cast discredit upon the fact that Anne Askew was racked at all, apparently forgetting
that it rests upon her own authority. The reader will find in the Appendix the remarks
of Mr. Jardine and Dr. Lingard, with some evidence which they neglected to consider.
a Foxe states, " shee was brought into Smithfield in a chaire, because she could not
goe on her feet, by meanes of her great torments." It is difficult to ascertain the
precise purport of Louthe's account, which is exactly as above printed.
b The hospital of St. Bartholomew. One of the most curious cuts in Foxe's work
(edit. 1563, p. 678) represents " The description of Smythfielde, with the order and
maner of certayne of the Counsell, sytting there at the burnyng of Anne Askewe and
Lacels with the others." The populace are kept from the area by a ring-fence, within which
stands the pulpit from whence an admonitory sermon was delivered by doctor Nicholas
Shaxton. The back-ground exhibits the hospital buildings and church of St. Bartholomew.
c See p. 8. d John xii. 29.
e " Credibly am I informed by divers Dutch merchants which were then present, that
in the time of their sufferings the sky, abhorring so wicked an act, suddenly altered
colour, and the clouds from above gave a thunder- clap, not all unlike to that is written
Psalm Ixxvi. The elements both declared therein the high displeasure of God for so
tyrannous a murder of innocents, and also expressly signified His mighty hand pre-
sent to the comfort of them which trusted in him, besides the most wonderful mutation
which will, within short space, thereupon follow. And like as the centurion, with those
that were with him, for the tokens showed at Christ's death, confessed him to be the Son
of God, Matt, xxvii. so did a great number at the burning of these martyrs, upon the
sight of this open experiment, affirm them to be His faithful members. Full many a
Christian heart has risen, and will rise, from the pope to Christ, through the occasion of
their burning in the fire." Bale, who continues his discourse upon the thunderings at
much further length.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTIIE. 45
But thys I well know, that I could not, for feare of damnationc,
stand by and say notliyng agaynstc theyre cruelte ; therfor I with a
lowde voyce, lookyng to the cownsell, sayd, " I axe advenganse of
yow all that thus dothe burne Chrystes member." I hardly escaped
a cartar's blow at that same worde, and forthwith departed to mr.
Southwel's howse by Charterhowse, wheare was mr. W. Moryshe,*
gentylman ushere fyrst to mr. Pace,b and afterwarde to kyng
Henry viij., and there kepte in pryson with syr Ry chard South-
well knyght, by commandement of the lorde Rych and others,
who wold fayne have hadd hym bornte, for his lordshyppe of
Chyppyn Onger. And to hym I declared what I herde and saw in
Smyth fyld; and nyghtly, thoghe he wer but symply lodged, and I
lay nyghtly in my sylke bedd and good lodgyng in a parloure by
mr. Ry chard Southwell my pupyll,c yet I used to leave myn owne
a '* William Morice of Chipping Ongar, in the county of Essex, esquire, and Ralph
Morice, brother unto the said William," are mentioned in the narrative of Latimer's com-
munication with James Bainham (afterwards burnt) in the dungeon of Newgate, printed
by Strype, Memorials, vol. iii. p. [236]. William Morice was the son of James Morice, a
gentleman attached to the household of the lady Margaret countess of Richmond, and
employed by her in the building of her colleges in Cambridge. William Morice escaped
a fatal termination to his imprisonment by the death of Henry VIII. In the first parlia-
ment of queen Mary was passed " an acte for the repeale of a statute made for the
uniting of the parishe churches of Ongar and Grenestede, in the countie of Essexe,"
which statute in the preamble of the act of Mary is stated to have been made " by the
sinister labour and procurement of one Willyam Morys esquier, your Grace's late ser-
vaunt deceased, some time patrone of the parish churche of Ongar aforesayd, and one of
the burgesses of the parliament holden at Westminster," 2 Edw. VI. " inordinately seking
his private lucre and profitt." (Statutes of the Realm, iv. 234.) Ralph Morice his
brother was secretary to archbishop Cranmer, and a full account of him is given by
Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, p. 425. In the Ecclesiastical Memorials, i. 386, Strype
inadvertently makes William the father of Ralph.
b Richard Pace, some time Latin secretary to Henry VIII., dean of St. Paul's 1519,
and also dean of Exeter and Salisbury. He died at his vicarage of Stepney in 1532.
See a memoir of him in Wood's Athenae Oxon. edit. Bliss, i! 64, and see the index to
State Papers, 1852, vol. xi. p. 615.
c Afterwards Richard Southwell esquire, of Horsham St. Faith's in Norfolk, whose
marriages and issue will be found in Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, (edit. Archdall,) 1789,
vi. 6 : but no other particulars of his history are there stated. According to sir Henry
46 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
lodgyng and go and lye with hym, conferryng with hym of hys
answeres wych he hadd to make in religione afore the cownsell.
For this thyng I was vehemently suspected, and also for that mr.
Allyngton confessed to the benchers of Lincoln Inne that I hadd
lessoned with hym abowte the sacrament, and, namely, towchyng
the sense of hoc est corpus meum. And when mr. Foster, a mr.
Eoper,b and mr. Gryffyn,c benchores, came to lay me up upon sus-
picione^ they came fyrste to have mr. Southwel's good wyll, whose
sonne I tawght the Latyng tounge, the laws civyll and temporal!.
Mr. Southwell sayd that he knew no suche thynge by me, but that
I was a quiett man in hys howse and hadd well served hys turne,
&c., " but doo yow (quoth he,) as yow thynke good." So I
escaped.
Ther was one mr. Webbe, an olde preeste, who beyng veary
neare d syr Ey chard Southwell, used to speake veary well of me,
when hys master wold say, " He wyll make my boye lyke hymselfe,
to(o) good a Latinyste and to(o) greate an heretycke." In dede
mr. Ry chard Southwell was some tyme of good religione, so long as
he was my pupyll in Benett colleage, and in the innes of the courte.
Now towching the commendacion of Wadlo and the blessed ende
of thys woman, and thys heavenly noyse, I can say no more, butt
leave every man to hys owne judgement. Meethoght yt semed
rather that the angels in heaven rejoysed to receave theyre sowles
unto blysse, whose bodies then popyshe tormentors caste into fyar, as
Spelman, who relates the scandals of the Southwell family in his History of Sacrilege, all
sir Richard's children but the youngest daughter were really illegitimate, having been
born of his second wife Mary (Darcy) whilst his first wife Thomasine (Darcy) was living.
• William Foster, reader at Lincoln's inn 35 Hen. VIII. and again 6 Edw. VI. Dug-
dale's Origines Juridiciales, p. 253.
b Perhaps William Roper, some time clerk of the King's Bench, son of John Roper
attorney-general, and son-in-law of the great sir Thomas More.
c Edward Gryffyn, reader at Lincoln's inn 29 Hen. VIII. and again 36 Hen. VIII.
made " generall atturney of all courtes of recordes within England," 30 Sept. 1553, and
who continued attorney-general during the whole of the reign of Mary.
d i.e. in his confidence.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 47
not worthy to lyve any longer cmonge suche helhowndcs. God
send me no worse endc (0, ye blood thy rsty papystes !) then yow
procured for these holy persons ! 1 thynke ye wyll say Amen, and
Amen say I.
More of mr. John Philpott.
He being the sonne of syr Peetcr Philpott a knyght, ny Wynton,
was putt to Wykam colleadge,b wheare he profyted in lernyng so
well, that he leyd a wager of xxd with John Harpsfylde c that he
would makeijC verses in one nyght, and not make above iij. faultes
in them. Mr. Thomas Tuchyner,d our scholmaster nexte afore mr.
Whyght, was judge, and adjugged the xxd to mr. Philpott.
* Sir Peter Philpot was seated at Compton near Winchester. He was the son and heir
of sir John Philpot of that place, sheriff of Hampshire in 16 Hen. VII., and K.B. at the
marriage of prince Arthur in 1501, by Alice, daughter of William lord Stourton. Sir
Peter is also styled a kn,ight of the Bath, but it does not appear when he was so made.
He was esquire when he served sheriff of Hampshire in 16 Hen. VIII., and knight when
he again served in 27 Hen. VIII. In 1539 he was summoned to attend the reception of
the lady Anna of Cleves : see the Chronicle of Calais, p. 177. He married Agnes, eldest
daughter and co-heir of Thomas Troys of Hampshire esquire, by whom he had issue,
three sons, — Henry of Barton, ob. s. p. ; " John the martyr ; " and Thomas, ancestor
of those of Thruxton and Compton ; and two daughters, married respectively to Egerton
and Boydell, both of Cheshire. (MS. of Philipot the Herald in Coll. Arm.) The name
of the daughter resident in the neighbourhood of Winchester does not appear.
b " A.D. 1526. Johannes Phylpott de Cumpton, x. an. in fest. Nat. D'ni prat. In
margine, Archidiaconus Wynton." Register of Admissions to Winchester college.
e John Harpsfield, afterwards archdeacon of London (1554), brother to Nicholas, arch-
deacon of Canterbury. " 1528. Johannes Harpysfyld de London, xij. an. in festo
Pentecost, prset. Inmargine, Archid. London. Theo. Prof." (Register of the Admissions
to Winchester college.) He was a fellow of Winchester from 1534 to 1561. See biogra-
phical notices of him in Wood's Athense Oxon. (edit. Bliss) i. 439 ; the Index to Machyn's
Diary ; and The Examination and Writings of John Philpot, (Parker Society,) p. xxx.
d There were two masters of this name, John and Richard, the latter of whom was
succeeded by John White in 1534. Louthe is therefore in error as to his Christian
name —
" 1526. Jo. Tychener informator incipit docere.
" 1531. Richardus Twychene informator incipit docere." (College Register.)
Both John and Richard came from Oakingham, and they were probably brothers : —
48 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Wheane Stephen Wynton a bare ever yll wylle agaynste this
godly gentylraan, and forbadd hym prechyng often tymes, and lie
coulde not in hys consciance hyde his talante under so good a
prynce,b and in so popyshe a diocesse, at laste he [the bishop]
sent" for certeyn justices who came to his howse, named Wolsey,c
and there callyng mr. Philpott " Roge," &c., " My lorde, (saydhe,)
doo yow kepe a privy sessyons in yowr owne howse for me? and
calle me roge, whose father is a knyght and may dispende a 1000 lib.
within one myle of yowr nose ? He that can dispende x lib. by
the yeare, as I can, I thank God, ys no vacabond, &c. Wynches-
ter. Canste thow dispende xlib. by yeare? Philpott. Axe Henry
Frances, yowr syster's sonne. Henry Frances (kneelyng downe). I
pray yow, my lorde, be good lorde unto mr. Philpott, for he ys to
me a good landlorde. Winchester. What rente doste thow pay hym ?
(Frances.) I pay him x lib. by yeare. At thys worde Stephen Wyn-
thon was aferde and ashamed, for makyng so lowde a lye apon a
gentleman, and a lerned gentylman. So the kyng Edward 6. harde
of thys by the helpe of mr. Sternolde.d
Gentle reader, yow muste remember that Stephen Wynton pre-
ferred thys Henry Frances to the baylywyk of the Clynke,6 that
ys, he made hym capteyne of the stews and all the whoores therto
" 1515. Johannes Towchener de Okynggame, fil. ten. Oxon. xiij an. in festo Omn.
Scrm. preet. In margine, Informator Wynton. post Rector de Colyngbourne."
" 1518. Ric'us Twychener de Okyngame; xiij annorum in festo Sc'i Laurencii prseteriti.
In margine, Informator Wynton. post duxit uxorem."
John was admitted fellow of New college July 18, 1521, and Richard April 12, 1524.
a Bishop Stephen Gardiner. b King Edward the Sixth.
c Wolvesey palace, near Winchester college.
d Thomas Sternhold, groom of the robes to Henry VIII. and Edward VI. ; better known
as one of the translators of the Psalms into English metre. See notices of him in the
Parker Society's volume of Select Poetry, p. xlvi., and in the memoir of King Edward
VI. prefixed to his Literary Remains (printed for the Roxburghe Club), pp. Iv. Ivi.
e " The next is the Clinke, a gaol or prison for the trespassers in those partes; namely, in
old time, for such as should brawle, frey, or break the peace on the said Bank, or in the
brothel -houses, they were by the inhabitants thereabout apprehended and committed to
this gaol, where they were straitly imprisoned." (Stowe's Survay.) See several passages
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 49
belongyng.a And in dede he proved an excellent cutter and
ruffyne. Lerne, lerne, yow Chrysteanes, by thys unchrysteane
prelate, verteusly to provyde for yowr yowthe.
Of Cooke the register [of Winchester], a persequutor of
mr. Philpott, and Godes venjance apon Cooke.
Thys Cooke,b what with polyng and shavyng both laytee and
clergy in Wynthon diocesse, came to greate welthe. And as those
ofFycers having ons thyr offyce by patente can do, he flattered apon
Stephen Gardyner to gett, and fawned as faste apon doctor Poynett6
hys successor to holde it styll. And under them bothe he was
ennymye to mr. Philpott, — for religione under Stephen, for a yearly
pensyone under mr. Poynett, wyche he sayd the archdeacon was to
pay to the byshoppe. Thys matter bredd the good gentylman trebles
intolerable, and great slaunder in that diocesse to them bothe; whyle
so good a byshopp at the settyng on of so ranke a knave coulde fy nde
in hys harte to persequute hys brother, for lernyng and lyffmore
meete for the byshoprych then the archdeaconry. Well, to defalcate
unnecessary talke, thys Cooke hadd maryed a lady, and so roode
with more men then the lerned archdeacon; and, to please the
bishopp, he forstalled the way betweane Wynchester and mr.
from old writers relative to the Clink in Cunningham's Hand-book of London, 1849.
The bishop of Winchester's palace itself frequently went by the name of the Clink.
11 " Thou that giv'st whores indulgences to sin !"
The duke of Gloucester to cardinal Beaufort bishop of Winchester, in Shakspere's
Henry VI. Part I. act i. sc. 3. The privileges of the stews were finally abolished in
March 1546.
b John Cooke, registrar of the diocese of Winchester. See his examination relative to
bishop Gardiner in Foxe, first edit. p. 860, but it gives no particulars of him. Whether
he is to be identified with one who entered Winchester college in 1539 is doubtful :
" 1539. Johannes Cooke de Droxford (?) xij. ann. in festo Septem dormientium [27
July] prset. Winton. dioc." (Register of Admissions.)
c John Ponet, translated from Rochester to Winchester 1551, deprived 1553 ; well
known as an ardent Reformer. See Index to Parker Society's Works, p. 615 ; also
Machyn's Diary, p. 320 ; and Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 70.
CAMD. SOC. H
50 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Phil pott's syster, who dwelt iij. myles from the cyty, and there lying
lyke a thecff in waight for hyra, sett hys men apon hym and sore
beate hym; for mr. Philpott hadd as lusty a courage to defend
hymself as in disputacyone agaynste popyshe prelattes to impugne
theyr doctrine. He being thus beatten, hurte, and wounded,
thoghe a lytle afore the chawnge, yet remedy he could none have,
for the byshopp and his register were agaynst the archdeacon. The
lyke at thys day ys practised of our prelates under owr noble quene
Elizabethe.a
To conclude, marke the ende of the bishoppe, wych I lyste not
to reherse, and the open shame that thys ragyng register was putt
to. When mr. Robert Home b was now byshoppe of Wynchester, and
sett forwarde pure religione, wych hys register abhorred, and wold
gyve no heare to hys accustomed flatterers (whych he more
myslyked), he sett certeyn yowng boyes of the grammar schoole to
rayse an unsavery slawnder of the byshopp, viz. that they, being in
a tree, should see the byshoppe committe advoutrey under the same
tree, or suche an other unlykely tale they tolde. The register hadd
thys ofte in hys mouthe. At laste the byshopp, lyke a wyse man,
hearyng of it, broght it to the quenes virteous and moste honorable
cownsell. There Cooke in that hyghe court was dressed lyke a
schoolyone or one of the blacke garde,0 not muche unlyke suche an
one yf any man that knew hym lyste to describe hym. Now he
was compelled to shew the authors of this slawnder, Cooke hadd
none other then boyes for the authores, besyde that the tyme, place,
and persone were so unlykly. To close up the matter in fewe,
thys schoolyon of the pope's blacke garde was adjudged by the
a Is this a reflection of archdeacon Louthe upon his diocesan archbishop Sandys ?
b Robert Home, consecrated Feb. 16, 1561, died June 1, 1580.
c The scullions and inferior officers of the royal household, when following queen Eliza-
beth's train in her Progresses, were by the common people jocularly termed the black
gv&rd ; to which various allusions occur in old writers. See Nares's Glossary, sub voce,
the Parker Society's Index, Nichols's Progresses of King James I. vol. ii. p. 402, &c. In
all appearance, the term of reproach which has become so common in modern times, dates
its origin from this popular jest.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 51
awarde of those noble cownsellors to stande at Poles crosse, and to
declare and preche there hys owne shame; but with owt blushyng,
for hys syde panche and Croydon complexyonea wolde not suffer
hym to blushe, more then the black dogge of Bungav.b
I saw the good man make many and great fryndes, with often
and longe watchyng at my lorde of Leycester's chamber dore, with
a myghty powche hangyng by hys myghty Bonnar pawnche.0 But
my lorde wolde not so muche as looke upon hym, nor heare hym
speake. Yt muche rejoysed me, remembryng at that tyme what I
hadd herde of mr. Philpott, &c. My sayde lord dyd lyke hym self,
and I truste it may provoke all other of lyke nobilitee to shew lyke
cowntenanceto suche Cookes. Marke, good reader, that Godwyllnot
always leave the wronges unpunyshed that Catholykes doo to his
saynctes.
a i. e. as black as the faces of the colliers or charcoal-burners at Croydon, the great
market from which the metropolis was then supplied with fuel for cooking.
b The "black dog of Bungay " dates from the year 1577, only two years before Louthe
was writing. " This Black Dog, or the Divel in such a likenesse (God he knoweth who
worketh all ! ) running all along down the church with great swiftnesse and incredible
haste, among the people, in a visible fourm and shape passed between two persons, as
they were kneeling upon their knees, and occupied in prayer as it seems, wrung the necks
of them bothe in one instant clene backwards, insomuch that even at a moment where
they kneeled they strangely dyed," &c. See a contemporary pamphlet entitled "A Straunge
and Terrible Wunder wrought very late in the Parish Church of Bongay, a town of no
great distance from the citie of Norwich, namely the fourth of this August in ye yeare of
our Lord 1577, in a great tempest of violent raine, lightning and thunder, the like
whereof hath been seldome scene. With the appeerance of an horrible shaped thing,
sensibly perceived of the people then and there assembled. Drawen into a plain method
according to the written copye by Abraham Fleming." The tract has a rude woodcut in
the title-page of a black dog with large claws. The greater part of it is reprinted in the
Rev. Mr. Suckling's Collections for Suffolk : and the parish register records the names of
two men who were " slayne in the tempest in the belfry in the tyme of prayer upon the
Lord's day ye iiijth day of August." See also Notes and Queries, Second Series, vol. iv.
p. 314.
c An allusion to the person of bishop Bonner, so often caricatured in the cuts of the
Actes and Monuments of Foxe.
52 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
The fyrste occasyone of the cardynal's overthrows, by good
quene Anne. "
Ther was a yownge fayre gentlewoman wayghtyng apon the
countes of Pembroke, the lady Anne Boleyne. Ther was also in
servyce of the same noble countese one mr. George Zouche,b father
to syr John Zouche. This yowng jentleman was a sutor in way of
maryage to the sayde yowng gentlewoman called mrs. Gensforde ; c
and amonge other lovetyckes,d mr. Zowche plucked from hur a
booke in Englyshe called Tyndale's Obedience.6 At the same tyme
a Queen Anne Boleyne, and cardinal Wolsey.
b See hereafter, p. 57.
c George Wyatt, who wrote the life of queen Anne Boleyne which Mr. Singer has
appended to his edition of Cavendish's Life of Wolsey 1825, was indebted for his informa-
tion chiefly to two ladies — " one that first attended on her both before and after she was
queen, with whose house and mine there was then kindred and strict alliance." This was
mistress Anne Gainsford, who became the wife of George Zouche esquire, of Codnor in
Derbyshire, mentioned in the text. She was one of the daughters of sir John Gainsford of
Crowhurst in Surrey, who died in 1 543, (and who like his royal master had six wives,) by his
second wife Anne, daughter of Richard Haut, widow of Peyton ; and her sisters of the
whole blood were, Mary married to sir William Courtenay, Katharine married to sir Wil-
liam Finch, and Rose married first to George Puttenham and secondly to William Sack-
ville of Blechingley. (Pedigree of Gainsford, in History of Surrey, by Manning and Bray,
iii. 174.) Wyatt (besides the anecdote which ensues) tells the following on the authority
of Nan Gainsford : " There was conveyed to her (Anne Boleyne) a book pretending old
prophecies, wherein was represented the figure of some personages, with the letter H upon
one, A upon another, and K upon the third, which an expounder thereupon took upon
him to interpret by the king and his wives, and to her pronouncing certain destruction if
she married the king. This book coming into her chamber, she opened, and finding the
contents, called to her maid of whom we have spoken before, who also bore her name,
Come hither Nan, (said she,) see here a book of prophecy ; this he saith is the king, this
the queen, and this is myself with my head off. The maid answered, If I thought it true,
though he were an emperor, I would not myself marry him with that condition. Yes, Nan,
(replied the lady,) I think the book a bauble, yet for the hope I have that the realm may
be happy by my issue, I am resolved to have him whatsoever might become of me."
d So the MS. qu. Love-tricks ? It is so read by Strype, Memorials, i. 112.
e The Obedience of a Christian Man, by William Tyndale, first published in 1528 — " a
bold performance, in which the author vindicates the diffusion of the Scriptures in the
mother tongue, unfolds the duties of men in their different relations and conditions of life,
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 53
the cardinall hadd gyven command mente to the prelattes, but spe-
cially to doctore Samsone deane of the kynges chappell, a that they
shoulde vigilantely gyve eye to all men for suche bookes, that they
came not abroode, specyally to the kynges knowleadgeb; but it felle
exposes the false power claimed by the pope, and condemns the doctrines of penance, con-
fession, satisfactions, absolutions, miracles, the worshipping of saints, and other popish
dogmas." (Ladies of the Reformation, by the Rev. James Anderson, 1855, p. 75.) In
1528, remarks Mr. Offor the biographer of Tyndale, was published the most valuable of his
compositions, The Obedience of a Christian Man. Mr. Offor has a copy of the first edi-
tion, in small 4to. published May 1528, once the property of the princess afterwards queen
Elizabeth. It has her autograph beautifully written, but with all the pomp worthy of a
Tudor, Elizabeth, daughter of England and France. " This book," adds Mr. Offor, " pro-
bably assisted to fix her principles in favour of the Reformation." (Memoir of William Tyn-
dale by George Offor, prefixed to the reprint of Tyndale's New Testament, 1836.) The
Obedience of a Christian Man is reprinted in the first volume of Tyndale's Works, edited
for the Parker Society, by the Rev. Henry Walter, B.D., P.R.S.
* Richard Sampson, afterwards bishop of Chichester 1536, and of Lichfield and
Coventry 1543 ; died 1554. See Athense Cantabrigienses, 1858, i. 119.
b George Wyatt, in his life of Anne Boleyne, gives another and somewhat different
relation of this anecdote. After remarking that her society was advantageous to the king,
inasmuch as " her mind brought him forth the rich treasures of love of piety, love of
truth, love of learning," in proof of that assertion he proceeds, — " that of her time (that
is, during the three years that she was queen) it is found by good observation that no one
suffered for religion, which is the more worthy to be noted for that it could not so be said
of any time of the queens after married to the king. And amongst other proofs of her
love to religion to be found in others, this here of me is to be added : — That shortly after
her marriage, divers learned and christianly disposed persons resorting to her, presented
her with sundry books of those controversies that then began to be questioned touching
religion, and specially of the authority of the pope and his clergy, and of their doings
against kings and states. And amongst others, there happened one of these, which, as
her manner was, she having read, she had also noted with her nail as of matter worthy
the king's knowledge. The book lying in her window, her maid (of whom hath been
spoken) took it up, and as she was reading it, came to speak with her one then suitor to
her, that after married her ; and as they talked he took the book of her, and she withal,
called to attend on the queen, forgot it in his hand, and she not returning in some long
space, he walked forth with it in his hand, thinking it had been hers. There encoun-
tered him soon after a gentleman of the cardinal's of his acquaintance, and after saluta-
tion, perceiving the book, requested to see it, and finding what it was, partly by the title,
partly by some what he read in it, he borrowed it and showed it to the cardinal. There-
upon the suitor was sent for to the cardinal, and examined of the book, and how he came
54 NARRATIVES OP THE REFORMATION.
apon the wycked man's hede that he moste feared ; for mr. Zowche
was so ravyshed with the spryght of God, speakynge now aswell in
the harte of the reader as fyrste in harte of the maker of the booke,
that he was never well but when he was reedyng of that booke. Mrs.
Gaynsforde wepte becawse she could not get the booke of her wower
George Zouche, and as he was named so was he a zowche, a swheete
by it, and had like to have come into trouble about it, but that it having been found to
have pertained to one of the queen's chamber, the cardinal thought better to defer the
matter till he had broken it to the king first, in which meantime the suitor delivered the
lady what had fallen out, and she also to the queen, who, for her wisdom knowing now
what might grow thereupon, without delay went and imparted the matter to the king,
and shewed him of the points that she had noted with her finger. And she was but
newly come from the king, but the cardinal came in with the book in his hands to make
complaint of certain points in it that he knew the king would not like of, and withal to take
occasion with him against those that countenanced such books in general, and especially
women, and, as might be thought, with mind to go further against the queen more directly if
he had perceived the king agreeable to his meaning. But the king, that somewhat afore
distasted the cardinal, as we have showed, finding the notes the queen had made, all
turned the more to his ruin, which was also furthered on all sides." Upon this version of
the story the following remarks have been made : " Wyatt represents the cardinal as
bringing the book to the king to point out what he thought Henry would dislike, and to
complain of those who countenanced such books. But this is obviously not irreconcile-
able with the account given in Foxe's (Louthe's) MS.; nor is the king's continued hos-
tility to Tyndale incompatible with his being pleased for a time with a powerfully written
book, pressed upon his notice by the lady Anne; nor yet with his clearly perceiving that
the author had justly rebuked the inroads made upon the authority of princes by an usurp-
ing priesthood." (Doctrinal Treatises by Tyndale, edited for the Parker Society, by the
Rev. Henry Walter, B.D., F.R.S., vol. i. p. 130.) The Rev. Christopher Anderson
observes: "This incident therefore must in substance have occurred, although Foxe (i. e.
Louthe) goes on to build far too much upon it. The words, in Henry's mouth, were
probably nothing more than a compliment to the lady ; or, at best, a transient feeling,
similar to one of old, in the mind of king Herod towards John the Baptist. But be this
as it might, Campeggio was off to Italy, and the sun of royal favour had set upon Wolsey
for ever." (Annals of the English Bible, i. 220). Dr. D'Aubigne, in his History of the
Reformation in England, book xx. chapter x. has availed himself of both versions of the
story, and extended its detail to considerable length, interweaving various extracts from
Tyndale's book, and throwing the whole into a dramatic narrative. It is also related in
like manner in the Rev. James Anderson's "Ladies of the Reformation," 1855, where, at
p. 76, is a well-designed sketch by J. Godwin, of Zouch snatching the book from the
hands of mistress Gainsford.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 55
well-favored gentylman in dede.a And he was as ready to weepe to
delyver the booke.
In lyke manner was I in Wykam's colleadg, when mr. Thomas
Hardy ngb delyvered me John Frythes Purgatory0 to reade for two
dayes ; but I begged it and craved it for xxiij. dayes ; by
thys I lerned how lothe mr. Zouche was to delyver the cowntes*
booke.
But see the happe, yea the providence of God : mr. Zowche stand-
yng in the chappell afore doctor Sampson, ever reedyng apon thys
a In the absence of any other example of the word zowche in the sense apparently given
by Louthe, the reader is offered the following extracts from Florio's Italian Dictionary,
entitled " Queen Anna's New World of Words," 1611.
Zocco, a log, a block, a stocke, a stump.
Zucca, any kind of gourd or pompion.
Zucchiro, any kind of sugar.
Zugo, a gull or ninny ; also a darling, a wanton, a minion.
The first was certainly a word adopted into the English language, and by the family of
Zouch itself, for the stump of a tree or, branching vert, surmounted by a white falcon,
was the principal device on the standard of John Zowche of Codnor, temp. Henry VIII.
(Excerpta Historica, p. 315 : see also John son and heir of the lord Zowche, p. 323.)
But John Louthe's sense appears to resemble rather one of the other words.
b The following record of Harding' s admission to Winchester college shows that he
was born at Bickington in Devonshire about four years later than, from Anthony a
Wood's account, is generally stated : " 1528. Thomas Hardijngde Bekyngton xij. ann. in
festo Annunc. prset. In margine, Canonicus, Thesaurarius Sarum. Theol. Professor."
As a member of New college he graduated at Oxford, B.A. 1537, M.A. 1541, B.D. 1552,
D.D. 1554, was made professor of Hebrew 1542, treasurer of Salisbury July 17, 1555,
and deprived in 1 Elizabeth. After having been chaplain in the household of that great
patron of the Protestants the duke of Suffolk, Harding returned to the church of Rome,
and is remembered by the letter which the lady Jane addressed to him on his apostasy.
He was also celebrated for his controversy with bishop Jewel, occasioned by the latter's
"Apology for the Church of England " : see Lowndes's Bibliographer's Manual. Harding
died at Louvaine in 1572. See the memoir of him in Wood's Athena Oxon. (edit.
Bliss,) i. 402, and Walcott's William of Wykeham and his Colleges, 1S52, p. 397.
c " A Disputacion of Purgatory made by Jhon Frith," published at first without date,
but it is supposed in 1532, the year during part of which Anne Boleyne was countess of
Pembroke. The works of Tyndale, Frith, and dr. Robert Barnes, were edited by Foxe in
1573. There is a modern edition of the works of Tyndale and Frith by Thomas Russell,
A.M. in 1831, 3 vols. 8vo.
56 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
booke, the deane never havyng hys eye of the booke, called the gen-
tylman to hym, and snatched the booke owt of hys handes, axed his
name, whose man he was, [and] delyvered it over dm Cardinali. The
countes axythe Gaynsforde for the booke. Gaynsforde on hur knees,
&c.tolde all the circumstances. Shee was not sory, nor angry with either
of them two, perceavyng therby that the yowng gentylman was ooglit
with God's spryght (as mr. Harding sayde to me for cawse above
rehersed). " Well, (sayd shee,) yt shalbe the deerest booke that ever
the deane or cardynall tooke away." The noble woman goeth to
the kynge ; apon her knees she desyrythe the kynges helpe for hur
booke. Apon the kynges token* the booke was restored. Now,
bryngyng the booke to the kyng. she besowght his grace moste ten-
derly to reade the booke. The kyng redd and delyghted in the
booke, " for, (saythe he,) thys booke ys for me and all kynges to
reade." In lytle tyme the good kyng and faythfull servant of God,
by the helpe of thys vertuous lady by meanes as yow here, hadd hys
eyes opened to see the truthe, to serche the truthe, to avance God's
religioneand glory, toabhorre the pope's doctryne, hys lies, hyspompe
and pryde, to delyver his subjectes owt of the Egyptione derkenes,
the Babilonian bondage that the pope hadd browght hym and his
subjectes unto. And so contempnyng the threttes of all the world,
the power of prynces, rebellyones of his subjectes at whome, and
ragyng of so many and myghty potentates abroode, sett forwarde a
* When the king or other person in authority required a verbal command to be obeyed,
he sent a "token," usually a signet ring, or one he was well known to wear. Of this
custom two examples are supplied in the following passage of the history of John Frith.
" The day before the day appointed for his execution, my lord of Canterbury (Warham)
sent one of his gentlemen and one of his porters whose name was Perlebeame, a Welchman
borne, to fetch John Frith from the Tower unto Croidon. This gentleman had both my
lord's letters and the King's ring unto my lord Fitzwilliams, constable of the Tower, then
lying in Canon rowe at Westminster in extreme anguish and paine of the strangullion,
for the delivery of the prisoner. Master Fitzwilliams, more passionate than patient, under-
standing for what purpose my lord's gentleman was come, banned and cursed Frith and
all other heretikes, saying, Take this my ring unto the lieutenant of the Tower, and receive
your man your heretike with you, and I am glad that I am rid of him."
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 57
reformacione in religione, begynynge with the tryple-cornet * hedde
fyrste, and so came downe to the members, bishoppes, abbettes, pryors,
and suche lyke. Marke but the lyght occasyone of this reformatione,
and the efFectuall sequell, and ye muste neades say : That wych God
hathe shaped muste neades be wroght.
Abissus multa juditia tua, Domine.
[The death of mr. Zouch, of Codnor castle in Derbyshire.]
Thys noble jentleman, lynially descended from the lord Gray of
Codner castle, b hadd hys dayes cutt of and hys vertuous lyff short-
ened by the Maryane persequutione, for offycyall Woodcocke of
Derbyshire sent owt proces for mr. Sowche, notwithstandyng hys
age, imbeciletee, and worshyppe. So that he was (to save lyffe)
compelled to flee to hys lordshyppe of Benefylde,c takyng Sand-
fordes howse, wych hadd to strayght roome for hys familye, wherby
he colde not have hys accustomed order of dyett that he hadd at
Codnere, wych was once a weeke (by my cownsell as he sayde) to
swheate standyng by the fyer syde, wyth warme sheetes holden at
a The writer probably intended an equivocal expression, triple-crowned or triple-
horned. Strype, Memorials, i. 113, has read it " triple- crowned."
b Codnor castle, in the parish of Heanor, nine miles from Derby, came to sir John
Zouch, a younger son of William lord Zouch of Haringworth, in or about 1526, on the
death of his wife's nephew Henry last lord Grey of Codnor. George Zouch esquire, who
married Anne Gainsford, and is the subject of Louthe's anecdotes, was the son and heir of
sir John. The Codnor estate was sold by sir John Zouch and John Zouch esquire his
heir apparent in 1634. (Lysons, Derbyshire, p. 181.) In Wolley's Derbyshire collec-
tions is a record of the court of Exchequer, Mich, term 24 Hen. VIII. relating to the
tenure of the manors of Hoo, Halstowe, and Aylesford, in Kent; Benningfield, co. North-
ampton ; Codnor, co. Derby ; and Weston-hay, co. Bedford, belonging to George Zouch
esquire. (MS. Addit. Brit, Mus. 6698, art. 16.) Margaret Zouch, sister to George, was
married to sir Robert Sheffield, and was mother of Edmund first lord Sheffield of
Butterwick : see Topographer and Genealogist, 1846, i. 264.
c Benefield, near Oundle in Northamptonshire, also derived from the family of Gr«y to
Zouch, sold by sir John Zouch temp. Eliz. to sir William Hatton. (Bridges's North-
amptonshire, ii. 397.) Mr. Sandford was probably the tenant.
CAMD. SOC. I
58 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
hys backe. And this was to hym in stede of a stowfFe a called Laco-
nicum. Therfor the good gentylman was enforsed to returne whom,
for he fell sycke, and iij. of his chyldren, and many of his servantes;
yet he hadd but xl. persones there; and in the way he dyed, or
immedyatly at his commyng whom (home) , I am uncerteyne. Wee
parted at Ketlebee by Melton Moubrey, with suche cheere as those
dysmole dayes required.
A lytle before hys goinge from Benefylde, I fyndyng there one
Cooke, chapleyn in Lincolnes inne (Edwardo regnante), hyred now
to say masse, knowing hym a lytle afore a detestore of the masse, I
tolde hym my mynde veary hotely, beinge in my spryght coarcted,
as Pawle was so to doo before many. Cooke hadd on hys syde a
great man, as syr John Zowch knowyth ; yet this good mr. George
Zowch toke my parte, castyng no parells nor daunger, yt was to me a
great comforte, but sayd that great man b yet lyvyng, Yow, Augus-
tyne Bar.,c and suche other wyll make hym lose lyffand lyvynges
a i.e. a stove. Laconicum sc. balneum, a sudorific bath, a sweating-room. Cicero
Attic. 4, 10, 2. Riddle's Latin-English Lexicon.
b May not this great man have been sir William Cecill, afterwards lord Burghley?
whose timidity and temporizing in the reign of Mary form such a blemish in his
illustrious career.
c Over this abbreviated name Strype has in the manuscript written " Barnes", but it is
probable that the person intended was Augustine Bernhere, a Swiss who attached himself
as a personal attendant on bishop Latimer, and was the editor of some of his works. " This
Augustine (says Foxe) being a Dutchman, was Latimer's servant and a faithfull minister
in the time of king Edward, and in queen Maries time a diligent attendant upon the Lord's
prisoners." Side-note to Bradford's last letter to Bernher, which concludes thus, "The
keeper telleth me, that it is death for any to speak with me, but yet I trust that I shall
speak with you." See a note upon him in Bradford's Writings, (Parker Society,) vol. ii.
p. 186 : and see also the General Index to Strype's Works. Foxe, when describing a secret
congregation of Protestants which was maintained in London throughout Mary's reign,
says " they had divers ministers, first master Seamier, [afterwards bishop of Peterborough
and Norwich,] then Thomas Foule, after him master Rough, then master Augustine
Bernher, and last master Bentham," afterwards bishop of Lichfield and Coventry. Bern-
here eventually became rector of Southam in Gloucestershire. By several of the letters of
John Careles he is shown to have married Elizabeth, the sister of that martyr. " Note,
that both these (Bernhere and his wife) departed in quiet peace, the one 1565, the other
1568." Side-note by Foxe.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 59
all. In dede hys zcalc andjovc to God's wordc raaydc hyra lose no
ICSSG.
Teste Jo. Loude.
Thus muche I thought expedient to intimate unto yow, mr. Foxe,
havyng acquayntans with yow in Oxforde,a in Monjoy howse,b and
Stepney .c The matter ys trew; as yow thynke good, ye may buylde
ther one.
In an hystoriographcr ys required asmuche as the ordinary othe
requyryth of the exequutor of a testamente. " Ye shall swhear that
as for your owne actes thys ys a trew testamente, and as for others'
factes ye beleeve yt ys trew." That ys to say, in few, a cronieler
set ty the downe what he hath aut ex propria scientia, hie fides pos-
tulatur ; aut ex alieno auditu, ther credulitee excusyth ; wheryn yf
some thynges be not trew yet the Lovaniall L. d may not ryghtly
terme yt a lye, for it ys but an untrothe tolde, not made, of the
penner. And so muche saith the Evangelyste,e Sicut nobis tradide-
runt qui ab initio fuerunt ipsi ministri, et videruiit, &c. But John,
speakyng ex sua ipsius notitia, wrytithe more confidently, viz. Quod
vidimus, audivimus, prospeximus, which may be an answer to them
for us bothe. Meum nomen celatum cupio, opto siquidem omnibus
ignotus, mihi et Christo notus mori. Perge servire Christo ej usque
ecclesiaB.
Tuus J. L. 1579.
The last sheet is directed on its back,
To mr Joh'n Foxe p'chere,
At mr Jo. Dayes printere.
a Foxe was admitted of Brazenose college in 1532, elected fellow of Magdalen in 1543,
and expelled his fellowship for heresy in 1545.
b Probably the house of lord Mountjoy in London.
c Perhaps in the mansion of the lord privy seal Cromwell.
d See before, p. 16.
e Luc. i. [2.]
II.
THE IMPRISONMENT OF JOHN DAVIS,
A BOY OF WORCESTER,
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF IN AFTER LIFE.
(MS. Harl. 425, f. 69.)
In tbe preceding paper, archdeacon Louthe has related the sufferings en-
dured, for conscience sake, by a blind boy of Gloucester. The present is the
history of the persecutions, for alleged heresy, of an offender of the same
period of life, in the city of Worcester. John Davis was a lad of good parent-
age, a pupil in the grammar school, and likely to be the heir to his uncle Thomas
Johnson, an apothecary : but the jealousy of Alice Johnson, his aunt, together
with his early predilection for reading the new testament in his mother tongue,
and his presumption in composing a ballad on the " shaven crowns," prema-
turely raised him a host of enemies. After a long and painful imprisonment?
he would have incurred like the boy at Gloucester the last cruel penalty of
cremation, under the merciless act of the Six Articles, had not the death of
king Henry delivered him from his perilous position, together with so many
more of the destined victims of the priesthood.
Foxe made use of this narrative, but condensed it into much shorter compass.
His abridgment will be found in his edition of 1596, at p. 1879. No subse-
quent notice has been hitherto taken of the manuscript.
It was written whilst doctor Nicholas Bullingham was bishop of Lincoln, that
is, within the period 1560 — 1570 (see p. 65) ; and it appears to have proceeded
from the pen of John Davis himself, as Foxe says, when mentioning the trial
with a candle, " yet ( as the party himself e to me assureih) felt no burning thereof."
At the close Foxe adds of Davis, — " who is yet alive, and a profitable minister
this day in the Church of England : blessed be the Lord, qui fucit mirabilia
solus"
The yere of our Lorde 1546, and in the lastyere of kinge Henrye
the eight, in the citie of Worcester, was there a childe caled John
Davis, of the age of twelve yeres and under, who dwelled with one
mr. Johnson a pothicary, his ownckle, with whome allso dwelled
JOHN DAVIS, A BOY OF WORCESTER. 61
one Peter GofFe, prentice, whiche in the tyme of the vi. Articles
woulde reade the testament in Inglish, and such godlye bookes as he
then coulde gett. His mistris manye tymes hering hym so reade
would moste sharplie revile him, for she was then and is still
to this daye an obstinate papist. At length she disclosed the same
to one of her secte and affinite, a jolye stowte champion, indewed
with more riches then wisdome or godlie zeale; and thus consulting
together theye invented, with their adherents the canons of the
cathederall churchc, with the chauncelour that tyme being, whose
name was Johnson,8 chauncelor to doctor Heath then bishopp of
Woorcetour, to intrap and snare the sayde Peter, yf theye might by
anye meanes heare hym or see hym with having anye testament or
other godly booke ; but he, perceyving their purpose, kept him sellf
owt of their danger; notwithstanding, to urge hym, this worthie
wise man Thomas Parton would reade openlie in the streat, sytting
at his dore or ells lening at his shopp window, that all men passing
by might hear, a booke b named The hunting of the hare with curres
and bandoges, a trym tragedie dowbtles, and more estemed with the
pope's champions then the bible or booke of the Lorde. But when
he perceived he coulde not apprehend the saide Peter to hurte hym,
he woulde sometyme thretin hym that, yf he caught him reding
suche bookes as he harde saye he did reade by the confession of his
mistres, that he would make him twine or untwine; but his threat-
ninges prevailed him not, for he was sircomspecte, and kept him owt
of their bloody fingers.
a Robert Johnson.
b This book or pamphlet has not been traced, but it seems to have been a parody or
reply to doctor William Turner's Hunting of the Romish Fox, published in 1543, under
the pseudonym of William Wraughton : the popularity of which appears not only from
Turner's subsequent publications of The Rescuyng of the Romish Fox, 1545; The huntyng
of the Romyshe Wolfe (after 1553); and The hunting of the Fox and Wolfe, because they
did make havoc of the sheep of Jesus Christ (see Athense Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 363, and the
memoir of Turner in Hodgson's Northumberland, II. ii. 456); but also from bishop Bale's
Yet a course of the Romish Foze, 1543, published under the name of Johan Harrison (see
Herbert's Ames, iii. 1554).
62 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Notwithstanding, their thirst coulde not be quenched withowt
blood; by meane whereof they shortly invented a newe interprise",
and, bycawes the spite that Alice Johnson bare to John Davis her
husband's next kinsman, to whomc shee supposed the saide Thomas
Johnson her housband woulde leave some porcion of his goodes,
having no child as it was like, for God had made her barren, and
he had no other kinsman (as he would often saye) in all the wourld,
whiche increased the more the deadly hate of his wyf ; for she never
loved him, bicawes her housband so tendered him, and that appered
at the death of the sayd Thomas Johnson, for she cawsed her hous-
band to revoke that hee did give him by will, either being past me-
morye or ells specheles, — a good note of her love.
But shortlie after these papestes attempted to bringe their longe-
loked purpose to passe, by one Alice wife to Nicholas Organmaker
alias Brooke, and Oliver their sonne, that the said Oliver should
fawne freendshipp of the saide John Davis, as thowghe hee weare
verye desirous and joyfull of his company; manye tymes saieng, " I
woulde wee had some good Inglish bookes to reade; for my mother
cannot abide this pilde pristes nor their popish service ; but had I
good bookes I coulde please her well to reade everye night." Then
said John Davis, u I will bringe a booke with me;" and so he did
bringe a testament, and reade unto them. Then they requested him
to leve the booke behinde hym ; but he said the booke was not his,
neyther could he so doe. Then thei requested him to tell them what
abuses weare in the Churche, and ho we hee did like the vj. Articles;
and he breeflie toulde them what he thowght ; ' ' but I cannot now
tarye (saide hee) least I be shent." Then thei sayd, ** Bicawes ye
shoulde avoyd blame for comyng hether, wright your mynde." But
hee sayd, * ' I have no suche leisour, nor place ; yet would I gladly do
yt to doe you good ; but to~morow I shall to Peryewood feeldes to
gather eyebright a to still, and yf Oliver and you will gather for me,
I will wright all my mynde." And they agreed so to doe.
a Eyebright does not appear to be noticed in doctor William Turner's Herball. In that
by John Gerarde, chapter 216 treats " OF EYE-BRIGHT. Euphrasia, or Eyebright, is a small
JOHN DAVIS, A BOY OF WORCESTER. 63
And on the morow every one of them, according to ther pro-
myse made, mett in the fieldes, and the sayd John Davis did wright
his hoole mynde uppon the Sixe Articles, and made them allso a
ballet caled, Come downe, for all your shaven crowne.
But at lengthe this longe-hiddin conspiracie burst owte, for in-
continent this woman within one half howre she browght this
wrighting to the sayd Parton; and the sayd Thomas Parton dis-
clozed the same to the chauncelour and regester and other pristes;
which laide their heads together, and towlde them howe they might
bringe their pourpose to pass ; and cawsed the sayd Thomas Johnson
his ownckle to be their instrument to trye whether y t were his hand
or no; and he, under the coulour of friendshipp, came to the sayd
childe saieng, " I have kept the at the gramer skoole a great while,
and am minded to have you to keepe the shopp, for your aunte is
not in quiet with Peter bicawes of his bookes, wherefore I must putt
hym awaye ; but before I soe doe let me see how you can wright."
So he tooke penn and paper, and wrote these verses folowing —
Of all treasur cunning is the flower.
Loke uppon Diogenes whiche was both wyse and sad,
To obtayne this treasur Cunninge what labour that he had.
low herbe not above two handfuls high, full of branches, covered with little blackish leaves,
dented or snipt about the edges like a saw : the flowers are small and white, sprinkled and
powderd on the inner side, with yellow and purple specks mixed therewith. The root is
small and hairie. This plant grows in dry medows, in green and grassie wayes and pas-
tures standing against the sunne. Eye-bright beginnith to floure in August and con-
tinueth unto September, and must be gathered while it flowreth for physick's use
It is very much commended for the eyes. Being taken it selfe alone, or any way else, it
preserves the sight, and being feeble and lost it restores the same." Then several pre-
scriptions are given, concluding thus : " Three parts of the powder of eye-bright and one
part of maces mixed therewith, taketh away all hurts from the eyes, comforteth the me-
morie, and cleareth the sight, if halfe a spoonfull be taken every morning fasting with a
cup of white wine." (Gerarde's Herball, 1633, p. 663.) Drayton describes the gather-
ing of eyebright :
" And in some open place, that to the sun doth lye,
He fumitorie gets, and eyebright for the eye." — Polyolbion, Song 13.
And Milton alludes to it under its more learned name —
" Then purg''d with euphrasy and rue
The visual nerve, for he had much to see." — Paradise Lost, xi. 415.
64 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
So hee (the uncle) toke this wrighting, and went to these papists.
But whether he (John Davis) knewe/ but the first newes that he
harde was earlye in the morning his ownkle bid him make cleane
the stable in the Leche street, b and hee asked leve to gather herbes,
but hee sayd, " Naye, there are inowghe to still this two daies of yester-
daies gathering ; wherefore get you to the stable." And he obeyed
hym, knowing his facte was browght to light, and that no good was
ment to him, but trouble. But he no sooner entered the stable but
the boye Oliver cam after hym saieng, " John Davis, I praye you
reade this same wrighting once or twice over, that I maye learne to
reade it to my mother perfectlie." But he, perceiving his Judas-
like trick, sayde, " Get the hence ! I must doe my busynes." But
he was so importune in requesting that he could not bee ridd of
him. Then stept he into a litle howse, and there he spied Thomas
Parton and his ownckle Johnson standing under a wall barkening,
thinking to have taken them reding the foresayd wrighting ; but
when he perceyved their trechery, " Have thie mother and thou
dealt thus Judasly with me? Take this for thie paynes ;" and lent
him two or thre blowes with a brome ; and he cryed. Then came
theye in running, saying, "What is the matter?" Then sayd
Oliver, " Mr. Johnson, I woulde have had your boye to have reade
this wrighting whiche he made yesterday, and hee woulde not."
Then sayd Parton, " What wrighting is that? let me see." But
Parton knew yt right well; but sayd so for a cullor. Then did
theye force John Davis to reade the same before them. Then sayde
Parton, " Neighbour Johnson, yee have well bestowed your money
to bring upp suche an herytique, so yonge as hee is." Then sayd
Johnson, " I loked for joy e of him, having no childe of myn owne,
nor kinsman that I knowe; but no we he shall have as he hathe de-
served." And so Parton laide handes on him; and his ownckle
a A syncopised phrase signifying that a person more than suspected what he did not
positively know.
b " So called from its having for many ages been the only accessible approach to the
cemetery of the cathedral, by which the dead were brought thither for interment."—
Green's History of Worcester, 1796, 4to. ii. 4.
JOHN DAVIS, A BOY OF WORCESTER. 65
bownde his armes behinde hym, and browght hym to the towle-
shopp,a in the citie of Worcetour, mr. Dooding and mr. Richard
Dedicote being baylifFes b till the next Mighellmas after.
Then was he commaunded to the freeman's prison; at whiche
tyme one Richard Ho wbrough, brother-in-law to Richard Bullinirl:
which Bullinghamc is brother to the reverend father in God Nicholas
bishopp of Linkcolnc,d being keper of the prison, cam abowght nyne
of the clock as the custum was to see their prisoners saffe, and sayd
merely, " Thou hoorson, how wilt thow doe? they will burne the."
And he sayd, " They can do no more than God will suffer them."
" Tush ! (sayde he) prove by the candle c how thou canst abide the
fire." And he did soo, sayeing, " I am not affraide of the fire."
And so he helde his finger a good space, the other holding the candle,
not willing to hurt him ; till at length with admyracion he sayde,
a This was evidently the town-hall or head-quarters of the municipal government, ap-
parently deriving its name from being the office for collecting toll. The more ordinary
term for such places in olden times was toll-booth, and sometimes, the tolsey.
b William Dodington and Richard Dabitote, bailiffs in 1545, according to the list given
in Nash's History of Worcestershire, vol. ii. Appx. p. cxii. But the name of the former
was doubtless Dodding, as it is given ibid, under 1543, when he was lower bailiff: and
there was a Thomas Dodding bailiff in 1558, 1562, and 1564. The other, whose name
was probably Dabitote (after the ancient Worcestershire family of d'Abitot), was senior
bailiff in 1547. A Humphrey Debitote occurs bailiff in 1513 and 1521.
c Richard Bullingham was lower bailiff of Worcester in 1561, and upper bailiff in 1563.
A Thomas Bullingham had filled those offices in 1528 and 1530.
d Nicholas Bullingham was born in Worcester; educated at Oxford; was consecrated
bishop of Lincoln 1559, and translated to the see of his native city in 1570. He died in
1576, and was buried in the cathedral, where his monument remains, with a demi-effigy,
as described in Green's History of Worcester, i. 154, an\ engraved in Dr. Thomas's
Survey, 1737, 4to. p. 41. See a memoir of bishop Nicholas Bullingham in Wood's
Athense Oxon. edit. Bliss, ii. 813. There was also a John Bullingham, bishop of Gloucester
1581 — 1596, and previously prebendary of Worcester, whose memoir is ibid. col. 862.
e This test was not unusual. One of Foxe's cuts represents Bilney burning off the
forefinger of his right hand, on the day before his submission to the fire at Norwich.
Another exhibits bishop Bonner burning with a candle the hand of Thomas Tomkins,
whose body soon after was burned in Smithfield. In a third, Edmund Tyrrell, of Col-
chester, is burning in like manner the hand of one Rose Allin; and in the same place
bishop Bonner is stated to have forcibly closed the hand of a third person upon a live coal.
GAMD. SOC. K
66 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
" Felest thow not the heate?" and he sayde, " No;" but he woulde
skarse beleve him till he had loked, and sawe he was not so muche
as skorched. So he locked the dores, sayeing, " God night."
Shortly after there came another prisoner unto the same prisone,
for what cawes he knewe not; but it fortuned, the prisone being half
timbred or rather better, some of the clay of the wall was falen ; so that
this prisoner sayd to the keeper, " This heritique boye hath broken
the wall to steall owte ;" by meanes wherof he was put in an inner
prison caled the peep-hole, but yet without irons, untill Mighelmas ;
till one Eobert Yowle a was chosen lowe-baylef, a joly Catholik,
whiche quicklie bestowed his charite uppon him, laieng on a payer of
bolts that he coulde not lifte up his small legs, but lening on a staff
slipp them forward uppon the grownde, the beneffete whereof is an
extreame colde in his anckles to this daye, whiche he shall cary to
his grave. Moreover he was fayne to lye on the colde grownd, in
those boltes, having not so muche as a lock of strawe nor clothe to
cover him withall,but two shippeskins. Furthermore, one Feerefilde,
a waker,b coming nightlie throwgh the guilde-hall to go to the prive,
as he sayd, woulde come and call this child at the hold, whether of
his owne mynde or sett on by some other papest he knewe not, but
these weare his woordes, " Whie doste thow not recant? thow wilt
be feared one tyme or other, as I have, by robing the devill, which
a Richard Gowle in Nash's list (Hist, of Wore. Appx. p. cxii), but no doubt in error,
for under the name of Robert Youle he occurs as higher bailiff two years later, for 1548;
and again in 1552 and 1559.
b It must not be supposed that this was a watchman, or a particularly wakeful gentle-
man, who took nightly walks instead of lying in bed; but the writer means the occupation
which is commonly written walker, that is, a fuller, or dresser and finisher of cloth. Wor-
cester was at this period a great clothing town. Leland says, " The wealth of the towne
of Worcester standeth most part by drapering, and no towne in England, at this present
tyme, maketh so many clothes yearly as this towne doth." (Itin.) In 1590 queen Eliza-
beth, " at the humble petition of our wellbeloved of the misteryes or faculties of weavers,
walkers, and clothiers of our cittie of Worcester," granted them a charter of incorpora-
tion, of which Rowland Berkeley, citizen and weaver, was nominated the first master, and
two weavers and two walkers the first wardens : see it printed in Green's History of the
city, vol. ii. Appendix, No. xvi.
JOHN DAVIS, A BOY OF WORCESTER. 67
is like a raged colte, whiche hath ledd me abowght this hall all night
or now, and at length lawgh me to skorne, and sayd howgh hoo.9'*
Others would come and say, " Thow shalt be burned, thow here-
tique, this weke," and " that weke," " this daye" and "to-morow."
Furthermore nether mother nor none of his kinn that durst come at
him.
At length, to ease his payne, theye put into the same prison to
him, to beare him company bicawes he was alone, one attaynted of
treason, caled William Taylour, being a mad-man and owt of his
wittes; who in his frontique fittes would many tymes prefer to
thrust him in with a knyf whiche the sayd madman had to cutt his
meate withall.
Moreover, there came two pristes, canons of the cathederall
churche, the one called Jolyf,b the other mr. Yewer.c To them
was browght his wrighting against the Six Articles, and his ballet
called Come downe, which after they harde yt reade, and had resoned
with him, they burst owte in a pelting chaf, sayeing, " Hathe dis-
closed the in tyme, being such a ranck heritique at this age; but
God hath cut the of, else hadest thow bene the notablest hery-
tique in all christindome." Thus in a great fury, threatning fier
and fagot, and that shortly, they departed. Whether thei ware
sent to d the bishopp or no he knewe not, but shortly after mr.
Johnson the chauncelor sate in the guildhall uppon the said
John, and there were browght in his accusers and were sworne;
and 24 men were sworne and went on his quest, and fownd him
gilty; but he never cam before the chauncelor. This did he to
make all things in a redines against the corny ng of the judges,
a " R. C. a writer in Camden's Remaines (sir Robert Cotton) says that we use u>aha-
howe in hallooing as an interjection. (Rem. p. 33.) I have been curious to find an
example of it, but have not succeeded." Archdeacon Nares, in Glossary, 1842, 4to.
The above appears to be the same " interjection," differently written.
b Henry Joliffe, B.D., appointed prebendary of the fourth stall by the foundation
charter of the cathedral 24 Jan. 1541-2. He was one of the proctors of the university
of Cambridge in 1536, rector of Bishampton, co. Wore., and in 1554 dean of Bristol.
c Richard Euer, B.D., appointed to the third stall by the same charter.
c So the MS., perhaps for by.
68 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
that there might be no delay, but spedye execution; for the
whiche cawes sake he was sent to the common jayle,a and there
did lye amonge theves and murtherers; but God prevented their
poorpos, and toke awaye kinge Henrye the eight owt of the troble-
som woorlde. Yet notwithstanding he was araigned, being holden
upp in a man's armes at the barr; the judges being Portmanb and
Marven,c which when they perceived that they coulde not burne
him, woulde have had him presently whipped.
Then stept upp John Bourne then esquire,d and sayd, " And
please you, my Lordes, he hathe bene sore inowghe whipped allredy ."
Thus had he no farther troble ; saving he laye in pryson a weke after.
Many woulde have had him awaye from the barr, and especially a
priste ; but the sayd John Bourne toke him whome (home), and
the gentlewoman his wyf did anoynte his legges her owne selfe
with oyntment, which leges were styf and numbde by reson of the
irons, for he laye in prison from the 14. of August till within 7 daies
of Ester. And the said mr. Bourne travailed to bringe him to
beleve in the sacrament, sayeing it was Christes verye flesh and
blood in fourme of bread ; for, yf Christ sayd he should have given
us his bodye rawe in fleshe and blood, we shoulde have abhorde yt.
But at lengthe sayd his wyf, " Let us put awaye this herytique,
least he mare my sonne Anthony."
Moreover, in the dayes of queene Marye he was accused by six
protestantes ; and so constrayned to depart the contry, traveling
painfully unknown to any ; and solde his patrimony, which God had
sent him by his parentes, to releve him in that tyme of necessite;
to the which provident God be all honour and glory for ever !
Muche more myght be spoken of his last troble but for breve-
ties sake.
a This was in the Foregate, at Worcester : his former prison at the toll-shop or guildhall.
b Sir William Portman,a judge of the King's bench 1547, afterwards chief justice.
c Sir Edward Mervyn, a judge of the King's bench 1541.
d Afterwards sir John Bourne, secretary of state : who will figure more conspicuously
in Underbill's Autobiography hereafter. He resided at Battenhall near Worcester.
III.
MARTYRDOM OF EDWARD IIORNE
AT NEWENT IN 1558.
[MS. Hart. 425, fol. 121.]
THE following paper was written in correction of a statement which thus
appears in Foxe's first edition, 1563, fol. •*- 1546 :
" Jhon Home. And a woman. Martyrs. September 25. (1556.)
" Nowe not long after the death of the said youngman at Bristow, in the same
manner wer ii. mo godly martirs consumed by fire at Wutton underhedge in
Glocestershier, whose names are above specified, which died very gloriously in
a constant fayth, to the terror of the wicked, and comforte of the godly. So
graciously dyd the Lorde worke in them, that death unto them was lyfe, and
lyfe with a blotted conscience was death."
If the corrections now given proceeded from sound information, Foxe was
wrong not only in the Christian name of Home, but in the year of his death ;
which appears to have been 1558 instead of 1556. The 25th September, 1558,
would have been rather less than " eight weeks " before queen Mary's death,
on the 17th of November.
Who mr. John Deighton, the writer, was we do not know : but Strype
(Eccles. Memorials, iii. 463) supposes him to have been " a worthy minister in
those parts."
WHERAS in the last edition of mr. Fox his famous works
caled the booke of Martyrs, as likewise in all the former editions,
there is mention made of one John Home and a woman that
suffered martyrdome for the testimony of their faith at Wotton-
under-Edge in Gloucestershere, let it be knowne that the matter is
mistaken through the default of those that made the certificate for
mr. Fox out of the registers of Gloucester or Worcester; for it
cannot be proved that any such person or woman suffered at
Wotton aforesaide. But it is true that one Edward Home suffered
70 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
martyrdome at Newente in the said diocesse, and was burnt there in
a place caled the Court Orchard nere the churchyard ; and his wife
was condemned with him, but she recanted and refused to surfer
with him. I have bine at the place and spake with one or ij of the
same parish that did se him there burnt, and do testifie that at his
death he sunge the 146. psalme, untill that his lipps were burnt
away, and then they sawe his tonge move untill he fell downe in
the fier. They of the parish do say they knowe the ij persons that
made the fier to burne him, and they weare ij glovers or fell-mongers,
whose names I have in my nore-booke. He was executed about viij
weekes before queene Mary died.
The sonne of this martyr is now livinge in the same parish, and
caled Christopher Home, an honest poore man, beinge about 78 or
79 yeres, and borne in queene Maries tyme, about a quarter of a yere
before his father suffered. His mother, that promised to suffer with
hir husband and recanted after she was condemned, was after
married to one Whocke of the parish of Teynton, within a myle or
2 of Newent, where her first husband was borne ; et hoc ex relatione
ejusdem Christopheri Home,
By me JOHN DEIGHTON.
I wish for the reverence I beare to the memory of Mr. Fox, whose
person and place of dwelling I knew, and the honor and love I
beare to his works, that this smale error, which is none of his, weare
amended.
IV.
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVE OF THOMAS HANCOCK,
MINISTER OF POOLE.
[MS. Harl. 425, fol. 124.]
This narrative is preserved among the papers communicated to Foxe, but he
made no use of it. Strype has given some extracts in his Ecclesiastical Me-
morials, vol. ii. book i. chapter 9 ; vol. iii. chapters 7 and 66 ; and others in his
Memorials of Cranmer, book ii. chapters 7 and 26.
Thomas Hancock took the degree of bachelor of arts at Oxford in 1532.
(Wood's Fasti Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 51.) He was afterwards one of the exiles at
Geneva. The present narrative is imperfect ; and his history after his return
to England in Elizabeth's reign has not been recovered.
The laste yeare of the regne of king Henry the 8th, I, Thomas
Hancock, master of artes and curate of Amporte,8 dioces, Wiutonie,
was suspended a celebratione divinorum by doctor Raynold,b who yet
levith, than comissary under doctor Steward, who was than chan-
seller to bisshop Gardner, they ley ing too my charge the breache of
the Six Articles, by cawse I tawghte owtt of 9 cap. Hebreorum thatt
owre Savior Christ entered once into the holy place, by whych he
optayned unto siners everlasting redemption ; that he once suffered ;
and that his body was once offered to take away the sinnes off many
people ; and thatt one only oblation suffised for the sinnes of the
hole wordle.
a Amport, 4-£ miles from Andover, Hants.
5 Robert Reynolds, LL.D., prebendary of Lincoln 1555, Winchester 1558, died 1595.
72 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
The first yere of the regne of king Edward 6., I, the sayde
Thomas, having licence of bisshop Cranmore, preched at Christ-
churche Twinham, in comit. /Soivthe., where I was borne, mr. Smythe
vicar of Christchurche and bachyller of divinite being present; where
I, taking my place owt of the 16. Sfc. John, v. 8, Spiritus sanctus
arguet mundum de peccato, de justitia, quia vado ad Patrem, &c.
Heyre dothe owr Savior Christ saye that he goeth to the Father, and
that we shalle se him no more. The prist being than at mas, I de-
clared wnto the people that that the prist dothe holde over his head
they dyd see with their bodily eyes, but our Savior Christ dothe
heyre say plainly that we shal se him no more ; than yow that doo
knele unto hytt, pray unto hyt, and honor hytt as God, doo make
an idol of hytt, and yowre selves doo commyte moste horrible
idolatry. Wherat the sayde vicar mr. Smythe, syttinginhys chayre
in the face of the pulpett, spake thes wordes: "Mr, Hancocke, yow
have done well untyll nowe, and nowe have you played an yll kowse
parte, whych whan she hathe geven a good messe of mylke over-
throweth all wyth her fote; and soo all ys lost;" and wyth thes
wordes he gote hym owtt of the churche.
The first yere all soo of kyng Edward I all soo preched in St.
Thomas churche att Salisbury, doctor Oking a chawnselar too bishop
Kapen and doctor Steward b chawnselar too bishop Gardner being
present, with divers others of the clergy and laytye. My place c
being Omnis plantatio quam non plantavit Pater meus ccelestis eradi-
cabitur. By the whych place I inveyed agaynst the superstitius
cseremonies, as holy brede, holywater, images, coopes, vestments, &c.
a Robert Oking, D.C.L. at Cambridge 1534, chancellor first of Bangor and afterwards
of Sarum, archdeacon of Salisbury 1547 : see Athenae Cantabrigienses, i. 197. He was
presented to the rectory of Collingbourne Ducis, co. Wilts, by Edward earl of Hertford,
in 1545, and held it until 1554. (Hoare's South Wiltshire.)
b Edmund Steward, D.C.L. at Cambridge 1541 ; chancellor first of Norwich and after-
wards of Winchester; dean of Winchester 1553-4; died 1559: see Athense Cantabrig.
i. 265.
c Matt. xv. 13.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS HANCOCK. 73
and att the laste agaynst the idoll of the alter, proving hytt to be an
idoll, and no God, by the first of St. John's gospel,a Deurn nemo
unquam, &c., with other places of the olde testament; " but that the
prist holdeth over hys heade yow doo se, you kncle before hytt, yow
honor hytt and make a idoll of hytt, and yow yowr selves are moste
horrible idolaters:" whereatt the docters and sartayne of the clurgie
wentt owtt of the church, I chargynge them thatt they were nott of
God, by cawse they refused too hey re the word of God. The sermon
being ended, the mayore, mr. Thomas Chaffen,b came unto me,
layinge too my charge a proclamacion, in the whyche was commande-
ment geven thatt we shulde geve no necname wntoo the sacrament,0
as rownd Robin, or Jack in tlie box ; wertoo I awnswered thatt hytt
was noo sacrament, but an idoll, as they doo wse hytt.
a John i. 18.
b Thomas Chafyn was mayor of Salisbury in 1547 and Christopher Chafyn in 1550. In
1557 mr. Thomas Chafyn the younger is mentioned; and in 1565 Thomas Chafyn was one
of the gentry of Salisbury with goods valued at 180J., being the second person in the
town in point of wealth. History of Salisbury (Hoare's South Wiltshire), pp. 274, 696, 812.
c " Also this same time (Jan. 1547-8) was moche spekyng agayne the sacrament of the
auter, that some callyd it Jacke of the Boxe, with divers other shamfulle names; and there
was made a proclamacyon agayne shoche (such) sayers, and it (yet) bothethe prechersand
others spake agayne it, and so contynewyd." (Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London,
p. 55.) An original copy of this proclamation is preserved in the collection of the Society
of Antiquaries. It is dated the 27th Dec. 1547, and was made in pursuance of " a good
and godly acte and estatute (made in the recent session of parlement) against those who
doeth contempne, despise, or with unsemely and ungodly woordes deprave and revyle the
holy sacramente of the body and blood of our Lorde, commonly called the sacrament of tfie
Anltar." The statute is 1 Edw. VI. cap. 1. Statutes of the Realm, 1819, iv. 2.
Bishop Coverdale, in the preface to his translation of Calvin's Treatise on the Last
Supper, has this passage : " I will speak no more as concerning their fond inventions about
the ministration of this most blessed sacrament, lest I should be thereby an offence or
stumbling-block to the weak brothers, whose consciences are not yet fully satisfied as con-
cerning the true belief of this holy mystery : I mean, lest I should give them occasion to do
as certain fond talkers have of late days done, and at this present day do invent and apply
to this most holy sacrament names of despite and reproach, as to call it Jack in the box and
Round Robin, and such other not only fond but blasphemous names." (Coverdale's
Works, Parker Soc. p. 426.) In the last examination of bishop Ridley, before the queen's
commissioners, Sept. 30, 1555, referring to a sermon which he had delivered at Paul's
cross, (the precise date of which does not appear,) he said, " You shall understande there
CAMD. SOC. L
74 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Att thatt tyme was one Huntte and Kichard Whyghtt a commytted
to the gayle for such cawse by doctor Geffery,b who was chawnsler
too byshop Capon,c and soo wolde the maior all soo have committed
me too the gayle, had nott sixe honest men ben bownde for me thatt
I sholde awnser att the next syses.
Whan I came to the sises, syr Michel (Eichard) Lister d being lord
chefe justice, wylled me too have sertayne to be bownde for me that
I shold nott goo before the king in his procedings. I makyng not
haste too gett me sewarties, my lord chefe justice called upon me
very earnestly that I shold get sum too be bownde for me. The
bisshop sitting att the bench, I requested him thatt, forasmuch as
my treble was for the worde of God, that he and hys chaplyn, on(e)
were at Paules, and divers other places, fixed railing billes against the sacrament, terming it
Jacke of the Boxe, the Sacrament of the Halter, Round Robin, with like unsemely termes; for
the whiche causes I, to rebuke the unreverend behaviour of certaine evil-disposed persones,
preached as reverently of that matter as I might." (Poxe, edit. 1576, p. 1650.)
a Foxe, under the year 1558, gives at considerable length " The story and condemna-
tion of John Hunt and Richard White, ready to be burnt, but by the death of Q. Mary
escaped the fire." In a side-note Foxe remarks, " Rich. White, now vicar of Malbrough
in Wilshire:" — See an additional note in the Appendix.
b William Geffrey, or Jeffrey, D.C.L. 1540, sometime principal of St. Edward's hall
and afterwards of Bradgate hall, Oxford, archdeacon of Northampton 1549, chancellor of
Salisbury 1552-3; died 1558. "Not long before the death of queen Mary dyed doctor
Capon, bishop of Salisbury. About the which tyme also followed the unprepared death of
doctour Geffrey, chancellour of Salisbury, who in the midst of his buildings, sodainly being
taken by the mighty hand of God, yelded his lyfe, which hadde so little pittye of other
men's lyves before. Concerning whose crueltye partly mention is made before [in the
case of Hunt and White]. As touching moreover this foresayde chancellour, here it is to
be noted, that he departing upon a Saterday, the next day before the same he hadde ap-
poynted to call before him 90 persons, and not so fewe, to examine them by inquisition,
had not the goodnes of the Lord, and his tender providence, thus prevented him with death,
providing for his poore servauntes in tyme." — Foxe, " God's punishment upon Persecutors."
e John Capon, alias Salcot, who having been successively abbat of St. Benet Hulme,
and of Hyde by Winchester, was made bishop of Bangor 1533, and of Salisbury 1539. He
died 1557. See his memoirs in Athenae Cantabrigienses, i. 171.
d The lord chief justice of the common pleas was sir Richard (not sir Michael) Lyster.
See in the Winchester volume of the Archseological Institute, 1846, a memoir by Sir Fre-
derick Madden on sir Richard Lyster's monument and effigy in St. Michael's church,
Southampton, which had been attributed to lord chancellor Wriothesley. Sir Richard's
son and heir was sir Michael Lyster; he died in August 1561, before his father. See
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS HANCOCK. 75
master Ecve,a wolcle be bownde for me. My lorde chefe justice re-
buked me by cawse I chose my sewartis b owt of the benche, saying
thatt yf he wolde be my sewertye he wold nott take hym. Soo I
stode styll, nott sekyng any to be bownde for me; werat my lord was
nott very well pleased, and sayde unto me, " Why seke you nott
summe too be bownde for yow?" I awnseryd that I knew nott too
whome too speake.
There was present a wollen-draper, on Hary Dymoke, who asked
my lord what the band was, who awnswered on hundred powndes.
He sayde agayne, that a hundred of them wold be bownd in an
hundred pownde for me ; another sayde that a thowsand of them
wold be bownd in 1000 pownde for me; wherat my lorde rebuked
me, saying: " Se what an wpproare yow make among the people."
I sayd wnto him: " I pray yow, my lord, lay no such thyng to my
charge; I stand before yow, and store nott; hytt ys God that moveth
ther harttes thus too speak ; I prayse his name for hytt." Than dyd
my lorde agayne enter talke wyth th'above named Hary Dymoke;
and asked hym whether ten of (them) wold be bownd in an c11., for
yf an hundereth shold be bownde in an hundred pounde, the names
then wold occupy more inke and papyr than the obligation. Hary
Dymoke aunsered that I had no rewle of my selfe in that place,0 and
thatt they thowghtt thatt I wold breake the band, whych yf I sholld,
hytt wold greve them too forfytt x li. apece, but in thatt qwarell to
forfet xx s.d apece hytt wold never greve them. So was the first
Machyn's Diary, p. 8, where, by a like confusion as here, the son is called sir Richard. In ad-
dition to Sir F. Madden's pedigree it may be remarked that the first wife of the lord chief
justice was Jane, daughter of Ralph Sherley of Wiston, in Sussex, and widow of sir John
Dawtrey, of Moorhouse in Petworth. (Stemmata Shirleiana, 4to. 1841, p. 145.) Also
that the wife of his grandson, the daughter of lord chancellor Wriothesley, was married
first to William Shelley of Michelgrove : see Machyn's Diary, p. 273.
a i. e. probably, the bailiff of the bishop, (who might also be his chaplain.) who " for a
long series of years took precedency of the mayors of the city." History of Salisbury,
(Hoare's Wiltshire,) p. 698 : where a list of bailiffs is given, but it does not name the
officer at this period. b Sureties.
c Strype here inserts " i. e. the pulpit." The meaning seems to be that Hancock held
no benefice or other authorised place or appointment in Salisbury.
(I Misprinted " xx pound" by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, ii. 73.
76 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
band discharged, and my lorde bownd x. of them in x li. and my
self was bownd in 90 li.
Thys done, I ryd from Salesbury unto my lorde off Somersett hys
grace, who lay at thatt (tyme) at Syan. I reqwested hys grace tliatt
I mowghtt have hys letter for the discharge of them thatt were
bownde for me: he cawsed my lord treasurer hys honor that now ys,
whoo than was master of the reqwestes,8 to wryt to my lorde chefe
justice for the discharge of the band ; wych letter, why 1st I was
wyth my lorde att Hampton b too deliver, the bell rong too the
sermon. My lorde asked me whether I mynded too preach? I
awnsered yea. My lorde sayd unto me that Hampton was a haven
towne, and that yf I shold teache such doctrine as I tawght at
Sarurn the towne wold be divided, and soo sholde hytt be a way or
a gapp for the enemy to enter in, and therfor he commawnded me
that I shold nott preache ther. I awnswered thatt I wold not take
thatt for a forbiddyng, butt that forsomuch as the people resorted too
the church att the ringyng of the bell too heyre the worde of God,
they shold nott returne whome (home) agayne voyd of God's word.
My lorde sayde agayne unto me thatt I shold not preache, and thatt
ther was on in the Tower (meanyng bysshopp Gardnar) that he wold
beleve before 400 such as I was. I awnsered hym thatt he spake
those words betwyxt him and me, but, yf I had record of them, he
wold nott speake them. Soo my lorde sent for the mayor and hys
bretherne. Mr. maior asked me whether I wolde be content that
an other shold supply the rome for me ? I awnsered yea ; and thatt
I was as wylling too heyre the word as to preach my self. Soo dyd
mr. maior send too on mr. Gryffeth, who dyd preache ; and my lorde
being present, he ehalenged him that he, being chefe justice of the
lawc, dyd suffer the images in the churche, the idoll hangyng in a
string over the alter, candlestikes and tapers on them wppon the
alter, and the people honoring the idoll, contrary too the law ; wyth
much other good doctrine. I praysed God for hytt. And thus
a William Cecill (afterwards lord Burghley). b i. e. Southampton.
c Misprinted " land " in Strype, Eccles. Memorials, iu 73.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS HANCOCK. 77
were my Trends of Sarum thatt were bownde for me discharged there
band.
Thys treble being overcum, an other foloweth; for, after thys, I
was called the same yeare, whych was the first yeare of kyng
Edward, to be the minister of God's word at the town of Pole, in
comit. Dorset, whych town was at the time welthy, for they en-
braced God's word, they were in favors with the rewlars and gov
nors of the realme, they were the first thatt in thatt parte of England
were called Protestantes ; they dyd love one an other; and every one
glad of the company of the others; and soo God powred his blessing
plentifully wpon them; but now, I ham sory too sett my pen too
wryte hytt, they havebecum pooer, they have no love to God's word,
they lacke the favor and frendshop of the godly rewlars and governors
to defend them ; they fall from there profession ; they hate one another,
one can not abyd the company of the other, but they are divided
emongst them sellves; butt, 0 Lord God, heavenly Father! which
workest all things for the best unto thine elect and chosen, and arte
a God of mercy and long suffering, suffer nott that towne of Poole,
yf hytt be thy good wyll, too cum to dessolation; butt, mercifull
God, who haste the hartes of all men in thine handes, and dost
turne them whom thow wylltt turne, geve them hartes to repent, and
powre thy blessings uppon them thatt they may embrace thy word,
thatt they may be nott only heyrers butt obedientt folowers and
doers of the same, thatt they may love one another, and soo powre
uppon them thy blessings, thatt they may cum nott to a worse
butt to a better state, for thy dear son Christ Jhesu's sake, our only
mediator and advocate !
I being the minister of God's worde in that towne of Poole,
preching the word uppon sume Sunday in the monthe of Juli, in-
veyed agaynst idolatry and covetousnes, taking my place owtt of the
6th of Timothy, Deus immortalis est, et lucem habitat inaccessibilem,
quern nemo hominum vidit sed nee videre potest. The bryghtnes of
the Godhed ys such thatt hytt passeth the bryghtnes of the sun, of
aungells, and all creatures; soo thatt hytt cannott be seen with owr
78 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
bodyly eyes, for noo man hath seen God at any tyme and leveth.
The prist at thatt time being att mas, yf hytt be soo thatt noo man
hath sene God, nor can se God with thes bodyly eyes, than thatt
whych the prist liffteth over his head ys nott God, for yow doo se
hitt with yowr bodyly eyes ; yf hytt be nott God, yow may nott honor
hytt as God, nether for God. Whereatt olde Thomas Whyghtt,a a
greate rych marchantt, and a ringleader of the papistes, rose owtt off
hys seate, and wentt owtt of the church, saying, u Come from hym,
good people; he came from the divell, and teacheth wnto yow
divlish doctrine." John Notherel,13 alias John Spicer, folowed him,
saying, " Hitt shal be God whan thow shalt be but a knave."
The same yeare, in the day of All Saynctes, as they call hytt, after
thatt I came from expownding sum place of the scriptures, at
evening prayer, the above named Thomas Whyghtt, John Notherel,
and William Haviland c came too the prist, commawnding him that
he shold say dirige for all soils: I commawnding hym the contrary,
they sayd they wold make me too saye dirige; I awnswered, nott
whyle they leved. Than dyd they all as hytt wer with on mowth
call me knav and my wyff strompett, som of them threatning me
thatt they wold make me draw my gutts after me. The maior,
being an honest good man, Morgan Reade d by name, thrust me
into the qwier, and pulled the qwyer dorse fast too, commanding
them to kepe the king's peace: but they spared nott to call the
maior knave; the maior had much worke too stopp thys horly
burly, untyll he had gotten the chef of them owtt of the churche.
Soo was I driven agayne too be a seuter too my lord of Somersett
hys grace, who wylled me too resorte to mr. Cicel than master of
* The name of Thomas Whyte occurs in the list of mayors of Poole in 1504, 1510, 1511,
1517, 1531, 1538, in 1545 Thomas Whyte senior, and in 1551 Thomas Whyte junior.
The family were afterwards seated at Fittleford, in the parish of Stourminster Newton :
see a pedigree in Hutchins's Dorsetshire (second edit.) iv. 183.
b John Northerell was mayor of Poole in 1540, 1547, and 1552.
c William Havyland was mayor of Poole in 1523, 1533, and 1544. Others of the
family occur from 1494 to 1537.
d Morgan Rede was mayor of Poole in 1548.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS HANCOCK. 79
requestes, but now lord trcasurar of England. I had all soo an other
letter for my qwyetnes in preaching of God's word in the towne
of Poole. From that time I continewed in Poole untyll the death
of good king Edward, in whose dayes, before the last apprehension
of the dewke of Somersett, ther (was) on Woodcock's wyffe a thatt
reported thatt ther was a voyce folowing her, whych sownded
always in her years, thatt he whom the king dyd best trust sholld .
deceyve him, and worcke trayson agaynst him. Thys she reported
long tyme, wntyll sir Wylliam Barkley b sent her too London too
the cownsel. She was not long ther, butt came whome agayne with
her purse full of mony, and after her corny ng whome she was
more bwsy in thatt talke than before; soo that she came too a
market towne 4 mylls from Poole, called Wymborne, wher she
reported thatt the voyce continewed folowing her as before. Ther
were ij marchantes of Poole thatt hard her, and toke a note of her
wordes, and came too my howsse and cownselled me too sertyfy my
lord of Somersett of hytt. Soo I came too my lord too Syan and
sartyfied my lord of the words, declaring untoe my lord thatt "he
whom the kyng did best trust wold deceyve him and worke trayson "
we dyd nott know, but thatt all the king's loving subjects dyd
thinke thatt hys grace was most worthy to be best trusted, and
thatt hys grace hath ben in treble, and thatt all the kyng's loving
subjects dyd pray for his grace to th' Almighty too preserv his grace,
thatt he may never cum in the like troble agayne.
My lord dyd aske of me whether I had any note of the wordes or
noo. I awnsered I had, butt nott too present unto hys grace, by
cawse I had a remembrance for bokes and other thyngs thatt I had
too by.c My lord liked wel of hytt; and folding the paper, wett
hytt with hys spettyll, and soo tore owtte my rememberance and gave
hytt me, speaking thes wordes, "Asyrra, thys ys strange, thatt
thos things sholld cum before the cownsell, and I nott heyre of
a Misprinted WoococJc by Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, p. 264.
b This was sir William Berkeley of Beverstone Castle in Gloucestershire, who married
lady Margaret Poulet, daughter of the first marquess of Winchester. c t. e. to buy.
80 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
liytt. I ham of tlie cownsel all soo." He asked me, " Butt before
whom of the cownsel thinke yow?" I answered " 1 know nott
sartayne, my lord; but as I suppose." He sayde, " Before whom
suppose you? " I awnsered, " Before my lord treasurer; by cawse
sir William Barkley, who sent her upp with ij of his servantes,
maryed my lord treasurer's dawghter." My lorde sayde, " Hytt ys
like too be soo." Thys was the last time that I saw or spake with
my lord of Somersett, being iij wekes before hys last apprehension.
Att his fyrst apprehension the reportt was thatt the duke of
Somersett (whatt time he was fett owtt of Wynsor castell), having
king Edward the 6th by the hand, shold say: "Hytt ys nott I
thatt they shote att; thys ys the marke thatt they shote att:" meaning
the king; a whych by the seqwel proved too trew; for thatt good,
godly, and verteuus king leved nott long after the deathe of thatt
good dewke.
After the deathe of kyng Edward the 6th, qwene Jane, who was
vertuous and godly, was proclaymed kwene (butt agaynst her wyll,
as the reporte was). She rayned nott above 8 or 9 dayse, butt
qwene Marye was proclaymed qwene, in whose time the churche
of Christ dyd florishe and was tryed by the deathe of many ver-
tuous, lerned, and godly martyrs of Christ Jhesu. Qwene Mary
was proclaymed qwene by my lord Wylliamsb in Oxford, St. James's
a " Item, you declared and published untruly as well to the King's majestic, and other
the young lords attendant upon his majesties person, and to the King's subjects at divers
and sundry times and places, that the said lords at London minded to destroy the King ;
and you required the King never to forget it, but to revenge it, and likewise required the
said young lords to put the King in remembrance therof ; to the intent to make sedition
and discord betweene the King's majesty and his lords." This is the 26th article charged
upon the duke of Somerset, as printed in Stowe's Chronicle. The protector had, in his
distress and embarrassment, no doubt indiscreetly made some such appeal, in order to
obtain support, as on the King's behalf.
b Sir John Williams was master of the jewel-house and treasurer of the court of
augmentations in the reign of Edward VI. Having taken an active part in the establish-
ment of the authority of queen Mary, he was destined to higher honours. He became
chamberlain to king Philip, and was created lord Williams of Thame in 1554. Having
been appointed lord president of Wales, he died in that office in 1559. See Machyn's
Diary, Index.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS HANCOCK. 81
daye,a whoo, after she was proclaymed, dyd sett forth a proclama.
cion,b which came too my handes, whych dyd declare what religion
she dyd profes in her yowthe, thatt she dyd continew in the same,
and thatt she mynded too end her lyf in the same religion; wyllini/
all her loving subjects too embrace the same. Thys proclamation
dyd soo encorage the papistes thatt they, forgetting ther dewty and
obedience to God, and too declare there obedience wntoo there
qwene, wold have the mas and other superstitius ceremonies in post
haste; butt I toke uppon me too reade the proclamation wntoo
them, and too declare the meaning of hytt; thatt, whereas in the
proclamacioii she wylled all her loving subjectes too enbrace the
same religion, they owghtt to enbrace the same in her being
there princes, thatt ys nott too rebell agaynst her, being there
princes, but too lett her alone with her religion. This satisfied nott
the papistes ; but they wolde nedes have ther masking mas, and soo
dyd olde Thomas Whyght, John Notherel, and others, bwylde upp
an alter in the churche, and had procured a fytt chaplin, a French
prest, on syr Brysse,c too say there masse; butt there altar was
pulled downe, and syr Brysse was fayne too hydc hys headd, and
the papistes too bwlde them an alter in ollde master Whyght's
howse, John Craddock hys man being clarcke to ring the bell, and
51 The 25th of July. From the letters printed in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and
Queen Mary, pp. 9-12, it might be supposed that the proclamation took place at Oxford
on an earlier day.
b Dated the xviij August, and printed at length by Foxe.
c Named "sir Brysse Tayller " in the list of rectors or curates of Poole in Hutchins's
Dorsetshire (second edit.) ii. 21. He was settled in the town at least eight years before,
as in an inventory of church jewels and ornaments made Nov. 30, 1545, " in presens of
Thomas Whyt the eldyr then beyng mayr, Richard Havyland, Wylyam Havyland, and
Thomas Gylleford then beyng one of the churche wardens," occurs " i chales parsell
gyllt that sir Tailar syrvyth withall." (History of Poole, by John Sydenham, 1839, Svo.
p. 310.) Poole was in the parish of Canford. Leland says : " Pole is no town of
auncient occupying in marchandise, but rather of old tyme a poore fisshar village, and a
hamelet or membre to the paroche church. It is in homimim memoria much encreasid
with fair buildings and use of marchaundise." But he afterwards adds, " Thero
fair chirche in Pole."
CAMD. SOC. M
82 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
too help the prist too mas, untyll he was threatned that yf he dyd
use too putt hys hand owtt of the wyndow too ring the bell, that a
hand -goon sholde make hym too smartt, thatt he sholld nott pull in
his hand agayne with ease.
Soo had the papistes there mas in mr. Whytte's howse, and the
Christians the gospel preched openly in the churche.
The papistes all soo resorted too the churche too heyre the word
of God, nott for any love they had too the word, butt too take the
preachar in a trypp, for divers articles they tooke owtt of my doctrine,
of the which they accused me before the cownsell, att the tyme of
the first parliament; emongst the whych one of them was thatt in
my doctrine I tawghtt them thatt God had plaged thys realme most
justly for owr sinns with thre notable plages, the which withowtt
spedy repentance wtter destruction wold folowe.
The first plage was a warning too England, which was the
posting swet, that posted from towne to towne, throwghe England,
and was named stope gallant? for hytt spared none, for ther were
dawncyng in the cowrte at 9 a'clocke thatt were deadd or aleven
a'clocke. In the same swett also at Cambredge died too worthy
impes, the dewke of Swffok hys son Charells, and hys brother.b
The second plage was a threatning to England, whan God toke
from us our wyse, verteuus, and godly king Edward the sixth.
The thyrde was to be robbed and spoyled of the jewel and
treasure of God's holy word; the whych utter destruction shold
folow wythowtt spedy repentance ; for had nott owr godly, wyse,
lerned, and marcyfull qwene Elizabeth stond in the gappe of Goddes
wrathe, and bene the instrumentt of God too restore the everlasting
a Another instance of this name being given to the sweating-sickness has been
mentioned in the notes to Machyn's Diary. It is in the register of Uffculme, co. Devon,
" the hote sickness, or stup-gallant."" In the register of Loughborough in Leicestershire
it is termed "the swat called New acquaintance, alias Stoup knave and know thy
Master."
b See note in Machyn's Diary, p. 318 ; and see the Literary Remains of King
Edward VI., p. 330. Their deaths were at the bishop of Lincoln's palace at Buckden,
whither they had been removed from Cambridge.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS HANCOCK. 83
word of God wntoo us, we had been bandslaves unto the prowde
vicius Spanyard.
0 eternall omnipotent! and moste mcrcyfull God, who dyddest by
thy mercy full providence preserve our moste gracious qwene
Elizabeth in the dangerus dayse of the rayne of her maiesties most
unnaturall syster qwene Mary, to this end, thatt thow, a moste
mercy full God, woldest by her majesty e sett forthe thy glory, in
restoring wntoo us agayne the jewel and treaswre of thy moste
sacredd and holy worde, we beseche the, 0 Lorde, make ws thank-
full; preserve her majesty, thatt, yf hytt be thy blessed wyll, we
may long time enjoye thys gret treaswre and Jewell of thy most
holy worde, thatt her grace may, by thy myghty powre, soo protect
and defend thys her realme from the rewle and governmentt of strange
nacions, thatt we may never be spoyled agayne of the same, and
thatt hyt may please the of thy mercyfull goodnes so to rewle and
govern ws thatt are her subjects with thy grace, thatt we may be
diligentt heyrers of thy word, and obedientt folowers of the same,
so thatt for owre wnthankfullnes we provoke nott thy wrathe (as
in the dayse of good king Edward) too take from ws soo most godly,
pitiful, and peaceable a princes, butt thatt she may a long time rewle
and govern both thes her realmes of Ingland and Earland, too the
vtter confusion of the papistes her enemise, and too the greate
comforte of thy chyldren her loving subjects. Grant thys for thy
dear son Christ Jesu's sake !
An other article thatt much offended, for the whych I was ex-
empted owtt of the first general pardon thatt qwene Marye grawnted,
was thatt I rebuking ther idolatrous desyre too have there super-
sticious ceremonyse and ther idolish mas, and too putt downe the
gloryowse gospel of Christ Jesus, dyd in my doctrine aske them,
how thys mowght be donne, and how they wold bring hytt to passe,
having the law of the realme and the glorious gospel of Jesus Christ
agaynst them, and God being agaynst them, in whom they had
ther trust. I sayde, " Yowr trust ys in fleshe; so yow forsake
84 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
the blessing of God and heape wppon yow hys curse: Jeremi 17.
sings: Maledictus homo qui confidit in homine, et ponit carnem
brachium suum, fyc. What fleshe ys thatt you trust unto, Stephen
Gardnar's the bysshop of Winchester? He hath ben a Sawle;
God make him a Pawle ! He hathe ben a persequutor ; God make
hymme a faythfull preacher ! "
Thes wordes so much offended, thatt I was nott thowghtt worthy
to enjoy e the qwcne's pardon; whereuppon I was cownselled by
master Wylliam Thomas, the clarcke of the cownsel,a for savegard
of my lyfe, too flee; and so came I to Roane in Normandy, wheare I
dyd continew the space of ij years, and halfe a yeare I spent at
Parys and Orlyance. After thatt, heryng of a Englishe congregation
att the citie of Geneva, I resorted thyther wyth my wyfe, and on
of my chylldren,b wheare I continewed thre yere and sumwhatt
more. In the which citie, I prayse God, I dyd se my lord God
moste pewrly and trewly honored, and syn moste stray tly punnisshed :
soo hytt may be well called a holy citie, a citie of God ; the Lorde
powre hys blessings wppon hytt, and continew hys favore toward
hytt, defending hytt agaynst there c enimyes !
After the deathe of qwene Mary, in the happy beginning of the
regne of our sofferayne lady qwene Elyzabeth .... (unfinished.)
a William Thomas, made clerk of the council April 19, 1550. (King Edward's
Journal.) He wrote various historical papers for the instruction of king Edward, some
of which are introduced in Strype's works ; and an edition of his writings was published
in 1774, 8vo., with notes by Abraham D'Aubant, esq. Of his unhappy end in the
reign of Mary, see both Machyn's Diary and the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen
Mary.
b In the Livre des Anglois, preserved in the archives of the city of Geneva, among
those received into the church in Nov. 1556, or shortly after, occur the names of
" Thomas Hancock, his wife, and Gedion his sonne." On the 7th of April in the
following year occurs the baptism " Sarah, the daughter of Thomas Hancock, Anthony
Gilby being the godfather." — which Anthony Gilby was afterwards vicar of Ashby-de-
la-Zouche. Livre des Anglois a Geneve, edited by John Southerden Burn, 1831,
8vo. pp. 9, 14.
c i. e. their. Strype has substituted " his."
V.
THE DEFENCE OF THOMAS THACKHAM, MINISTER,
IN HIS CONDUCT TOWARDS JULINS PALMER.
JOSCELINE or Julins a Palmer suffered at the stake at Newbury on the 16th
July, 1556 ; and the particulars of his case are related by Foxe at considerable
length. He was a native of Coventry, where his father " had sometime been
maior, and occupied merchandise, albeit he was an upholster by his mysterie."
His education had been received at the school of Magdalen college, Oxford,
under master Harley, afterwards bishop of Hereford ; and, after attaining to a
fellowship at Magdalen, he was in 1550 admitted to the office of reader in logic
in that college. So strong at that period were his views in favour of the
Romish faith, that he was expelled the college before the death of king
Edward, and became a teacher of children in the house of sir Francis Knollys.
After Mary's accession he was restored to his fellowship ; but his sentiments
then underwent a change which led to further troubles. This is attributed in
great measure to his horror in witnessing the merciless treatment of Ridley
and Latimer at Oxford, when a sympathy in their sufferings led to an ex-
amination of the principles and the faith which sustained them. Thereupon
Palmer finally quitted his fellowship, and purchased the appointment, originally
granted by letters patent to Leonard Coxe, of the mastership of the grammar-
school at Reading ; but there he did not stay long : for on his study being
searched, there were found in it " certain godly books and writings, amongst
the which was his replication to Morwine's verses touching Winchester's epitaph,
and other arguments both in Latin and English, written by him against the
Popish proceedings, and specially against their unnaturall and brutish tyrannic
executed towards the martyrs of God."
At this time Palmer came in contact with Thomas Thackham, the writer of
the following paper. Thackham succeeded as master of Reading school, by
a Not Julius, as it came to be printed in the later editions of Foxe ; but Julins, which
appears to have been the colloquial pronunciation of Josceline. The error has made its
way into Wood's Athense Oxonienses, edit. Bliss, ii. 842, and Fasti, i. 125, 232. In an
epitaph in Ripon cathedral (1651) we read of " D. Julins Hering Evangelii dispensatoris
valde fidelis."
86 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
purchase, as he states : but from other accounts it would seem that Palmer did
not consider his own retirement to be final, and during a visit which he in-
cautiously made to the town, his arrest was facilitated, as was thought, by
Thackham's means.* This charge of treachery, as related in the first edition of
Foxe's Actes and Monuments, Thackham denied with great asseveration, but
it appears that he was only partially credited. Foxe removed Thackham's
name from the story of Julins Palmer in part, but only in part, and inserted
the following explanation : —
" Here by the way, gentle reader, I have by a little digression to geve thee
to understand, concernyng one Thomas Thackham, for that the said Thomas
Thackham, in the storie of this Julins Palmer, was noted and named, in our
former booke, to be a doer and a worker against the said blessed martyr : he
therefore beyng not a little agreved, made his reply agayne in writyng, for
purgation and defence of hymselfe against the false information of his slanderer.
Albeit for his confutation in writyng I passe not much upon, eyther what he
hath written or can write. Onely the thing that mooveth me most is this : for
that the sayd Thomas Thackham not long since, commyng to me hymselfe,
hath so attested and deposed against the information, with such swearing and
deep adjuration, takyng the name of the Lorde God to witnesse, and appealyng
to his judgment to the utter perdition of his soule if it were not false which by
information was reported of hym, and hee faultlesse in this matter : to which
beyng so, I could not otherwyse refuse, but to give credit to his othe, and upon
the same to alter and correct so much as pertaineth to the diffamation (as he
calleth it,) of his name, referring the truth of the matter to his owne conscience,
and the judgements of the Lord God, to whom eyther he standeth if it be
true, or falleth if it be false."
The fact was that Foxe's informants still insisted that their version of the
story was the true one. Together with Thackham's statement now printed,
a Thackham's " slanderer " in his reply charged him that Palmer was at last ap-
prehended at Reading " by your procurement, because he was earnest upon you for
money, or elles to make a re-entrye into the Schoole accordyng to covenauntes : for he
had tolde b,is frendes by mouth at his last beyng at Oxford, whiche was the second day of
Juyn before he suffered (as apered by his owne handwrityng yet to be shewed) that if he
durst he would remove Thackham from the Schole, because he performed not covenauntes
with him, and payd him not his money accordyng to promes. And because he was busye
with Thackham for the same, he sayd that he and others threatened him yet agayne very
sore, to exhibite his owne handwrityng against him, except he would geve over his full
interest in the Schoole, and departe quyetly without any further molestyng of Thackham.
And then he sayde they helde his nose to the gryndstone ." (f. 37 b.)
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 87
itself somewhat diffuse, is preserved a rejoinder which occupies no less than
sixty-four folio pages, and is still incomplete. Of this a portion only can be
here given, by way of specimen of its style and contents ; but where sub-
sequently any counter-statement of importance occurs, it shall be placed at
the foot of the page, beneath the statement made by Thackham.
It appears most probable that the party from whom Foxe received the
narrative of Julins Palmer, — called by Thackham " the slanderer," and in the
reply "the gatherers" (in the plural number), were, principally, Thomas
Purye, afterwards a preacher at Beverstone in Gloucestershire, and John
Moyer, also a minister, formerly of Reading, and a fellow-sufferer there with
John Bolton.a The former addressed the following letter to Foxe on the
subject :
(MS. Harl. 416, f. 100.)
Right reverend and beloved in the Lord. I have receved your letters,
together with Thackam's answer ; which I perceave you have well perused,
and do understand his craftye and ungodly dealing therin, that I may not say
fond and foolish. For he doth not denye the substance of the storye, but
only seeketh to take advantage by some circumstancys of the tyme and place,
wherin yt may be ther was an oversight, for lacke of perfect instructions or
good remembrance at the begynning. He confesseth that he delyvered a
letter of Palmer's own hand to the maior of Readinge, which was the occasyon
of his imprisonment and death : onlye he excuseth him. selffe by transferring
the cryme a seipso in martirem. Briefly his whole end and purpose is to geve
the world to understand, that the martir was gyltie as well of incontinencye,
as also of wylfull casting away of hymselfe. O impudent man ! The wyse and
godly reader may easylye smell his stinkinge hart. He careth not though he
out face the godlye martir, and the whole volume of martirs, to save (as he
thinketh) his owne honestye and good name. Howbeyt I doubt not but God
wyll confownd him to his utter shame, and reveal his cloked hypocrysie, to the
defence of his blessed martir, and the whole storye. Though many off them
be dead that gave instructyons in tyines past, and now could have borne
witnesse, yet, thankes be to God, there want not alyve that can and wyli
testifye the trueth herein to his confusyon. No dyligence shall be spared in
the matter, as shortly I trust you shall understand. In the meane while
Thackam nede not be importunate for an answer. He reporteth him selffe
to the whole towne of Readinge, therfore he must geve us some space. The
God of trueth defend yow, and all other that mayntayne his trueth from the
a See hereafter, p. 96.
88 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
venemous poyson of lyers ! Vale in Christo, qui ecclesicB SUCK te diu servct
incolumem. From Beverston in Gloc'shere, Maij vjto>
Yours in the Lord, THOMAS PURYE, minister/
Directed, To the right reverend in God, Mr. Jhon Foxe,
preacher of the ghospell in London, be thes dd. at
Mr. Daies the printer, dwellyng over Aldersgate
beneth S. Martens.
For "help in stopping the malicious and envious mouth of Thomas Thackam,"
Purye applied to John Moyer, minister at Corsley in Wiltshire, already
mentioned. Moyer's answer, dated "from Corsley this 18 of May," and
addressed to "master Perry, preacher at Beverstone," was inserted by Foxe
in his additamenta (see an extract in p. 96.)
In Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. Appendix lix, will be found a paper entitled
" Informations gathered at Reading, 1571," from which in great measure was
drawn up — probably by Purye, the elaborate reply now in the MS. Harl. 425.
The latter commences in the following manner :
(MS. Harl. 425, f. 33.)
To the Title [of Thackham's statement].
The story was not brought to mr. Foxe, nor written against Thonxas
Thackham by the name of minister ; but against one Thomas Thackham.
And as it was delyvered to mr. Foxe by one alone, so was it gathered and
instructions geven by dyverse of good credite, whiche also earnestly favoured
the Ghospell. And so litle breache of charitie was then betwene them and
you, that if they all, or any one of them, had knoweii you or understood where
you dwelt, and had learned that you are a minister and now repentaunt and
sound in religion, they could well have spared your name untouched ; and so
voyde of malice they are knowen to be, that they are enemyes to no man
lyvyng, and have bene ever desyrous to lyve peaceably with all men, Salva
religionis et consdencie integritate ; neither maye it be proved that they are
a His name as rector of Beverstone occurs in Atkyns's Gloucestershire, 1712, p. 275,
misprinted Bury ; corrected to " Purey " in Bigland's History, p. 177. In Bigland,
p. 178, is the epitaph of " Catherine Purye, wife of Thomas Purye, Minister of the Word
in this place," who died 1 Dec. 1604, set. 67 (sic) ; and in Rudder's Gloucestershire,
p. 284, are six Latin verses inscribed on the chancel wall at Beverstone, headed "A° 1604.
TEtat. 69, Epicedium Katherinae Pury."
JULTNS PALMER AND THOMAS J H A( KHAM. 89
sclanderous in this poynte. And it is well knowcn that none of thcim ever
reyled sclander upon any man lyvyng, nor ever delighted in that vice, but
allwayes detested and abhorred it utterly. And of that whiche they have
written of you, they were not the devysers but the reporters, and reported it
not of malice towardes you, whome they never sawe nor knewe, but of love
towardes the truthe, and for conscyence sake, as they had heard and learned,
accordyng to the scripture whiche sayth, Proverb 21. A true man luldely
speaketh as he hathe heard. And that the worst of theiin is utterly voyde of all
soche faultes as you here charge theim withall, as good profes wilbe brought
as ever you shall bryng to clere your awneselfe from those vices that here in
the entrye of your book you burthen theim with.
The first Section.
" Gentle reader " you saye, &c. In dede you repete thia woord so oft and
manifold tymes in your short aunswere, that it maye be thought (consyderyng
the weakenes of your cause) you supposed it very nedefull for you to crave
favour, to flatter the reader, and to trye rather his gentlenes then his justice.
And here it standeth you in lytle steade to insinuate youre selfe to youre
" gentle reader," with the rehersall of your good dedes, as did the proude
boastyng pharisey : for many wicked men have bene knowen to have inter-
teyned godly men ; and the ungodly have often interteyned the godly by
Goddes appoyntment, who hathe compelled his enemys sometyme to deale
frendly with his frendes. And God graunt that it be not proved that you
wrought your good dedes then with as good devocion as did that pharisey in
the Ghospell.
It were hard to know who this preacher was, and at what time he signefyed
this thing unto you, so darkly, that you had leasour to bethink yourselfe of all
these good dedes : Was he not rather playne with you, and did not you make
him as unready an answere as you aunswered one at Cicester, that charged you
therwith ? at what tyme you so faltered and faynted, and had so litle to saye for
youreselfe, that the partie was bothe sory and ashamed on youre behalf to heare
it. But now that you have taken heart of grace, and after good conference
with certeyn that favour your cause, and beare now ij faces in one whood, as
you have heretofore done, have well bethought yourselfe and serched out howe
they be affected, you have faced rather then fasshoned out an aunswere, God
wote full weake and worthy of your doynges.
And to begyn withall, you that with soche aucthoritie and so imperious as
if the catt had lycked you cleane, reprehended others. for lyeng, when they
tolde you the truthe : coulde not yourselfe absteyne from one lye at the first
dashe, even in the narracion of your beneficiall good dedes touchyng John
CAMD. SOC. N
90 NARRATIVES OP THE REFORMATION.
Bolton, where you tell a long tale how he was delyvered by youre meanes at
the maior's handes, and that you were bounde for his appearance, &c. The
story of Bolton and dy verse in Readyng do testefye that he was set at libertie
and discharged without bondes, and that by sir Fraunces Inglefielde of his
owne mocion, and not by the maiour through your meanes and frendship.
Moreover I heare saye that mr. Bowyer a was then maior, and not mr. Ed-
mondes, and thus one of your good dedes is cut of by the waye. As concernyng
that good lady Vane, there is no doubt but if she were now lyvyng she
woulde declare many thinges that should sound smally to your prayse, as
dy verse at this daye do knowe by the reporte that she gave you many tymes
in their heryng. Further, lyke as you would seme to conceave a good opinion
of Palmer and of mr. Foxe, even when you insinuate and declare the contrary,
so here, although you prayse Bolton, to have bene taken for a rank heretike
(as you terme it) and of good religion, yet you would that men should take
him to be skant an honest man, in purposyng never to save you harmeles from
your bande, leavyng you to paye the forfeyt, whiche I beleve was woorth as
many pence as there be shelynges in a grote. Youre benefits were not registred
in the booke, as you saye, some smaller were, because belyke they were
so small that they passed awaye invisible, and could not be felt, sene, nor
understand.
After the vauntes of your good dedes, rehersed to purchase the reader's good
will, whome so often you crye upon, callyng hym "gentle reader," and after
you had (beyng conscius proprice iniquitatisj sought for the story of your awne
mocion, fearyng least somewhat that laye hid would come to light : you
connyngly saye, that you were put in mynde of others to searche for the story,
and founde matters farre otherwise then you loked for, or coulde suspect.
Then, least by sayeng nothing you should seme to yelde yourselfe guyltie, you
endevour to make somewhat of nothing, chargyng yourselfe with more then
you are charged with in the storye. And, least you should seme to saye to litle,
you take upon you to saye moche more then enough, and more then standeth
with truthe.
The story nameth suche popishe enemy s as Palmer had in Readyng, or
thereaboute, " the viperous generacion ;" it calleth theiin in generall ypocrites
and dissemblers, but whether you were to be counted among theim allwaye, or
whether he had none other enemys there but you and those men that con-
veighed the writynges out of his study or not, the storye sayth nothyng. But
you, that knowe best belyke to whome the sayd termes ought to be applyed,
* Robert Bowyer was mayor of Reading in ] 553, the first of queen Mary, and again in
1558 and 1570, and one of the burgesses to parliament in 2 Mary.
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKIIAM. 91
dare to aflirme, that the slaunderer meaneth you and calleth you a breaker
up of Palmer's studye, and a thefe. Yet he meaneth you not : neyther maye
it be gathered by the wordes of the storye that he meant you : wherfor, here
is another lye, for you are called neither studye-breaker, nor thefe. But
nowe, seyng you will have all referred unto you, take it to you hardelye, for
you knowe best whether you be best worthy of it or no.
Also, whereas you will nedes be one of theim that brake up his studye and
stole out his wrytynges, be lyke you knowe somewhat, or elles you would not
so applye it to yourselfc. But because you hope that now by the meanes of
their deathe that would have confessed the truthe, you should skape free, you
charge the gatherers of the story with more than you are burthened withall.
For where sayth the storye that you stole theim oute, or consented to the
stealyng ? It sayth, that soche men as you had suborned to beare wytnes
against him, did it, and yet whether they altogether, or the more parte of
them, the storye doth not playnly and precisely defyne, but speaketh in the
plurell nombre thus, that there were iij false witnesses by you suborned,
whiche men or witnesses had robbed his study. And after it foloweth well, that
you and they bothe, you by accusyng, and they by witnessyng, burdened him
with dy verse crymes there rehersed. This playne meanyng and wordes of the
text, beyng a grammarian, you coulde not chose but see and understand ; yet
you saye that you are called thefe, which wordes your boylyng conscience (as
it may be supposed), knowyng youre selfe gwyltie, or at the least accessory to
it, caused you to utter by the meanes of some humane infirmitie, ether to
advoyde all suspicion, knowyng that soche as were hable to advouche it to your
face be dead, and hopyng to face out soche as yet ly vyng will testefy that they
heard it, or hopyng that you are not espyed at all, and that no man dare saye
ought against you. Or elles God, which is a just opener of secretes, forced you
to wrest the wordes into this sence, that men maye gather that, if no man elles
maye be founde to testefye this truthe agaynst you, yet you yourselfe should
minister occasion of suspicion agaynst your selfe. Moreover, by these your
wordes, you bryng a certeyn man in mynde, and cause him to call to remem-
braunce that Palmer himselfe had tolde him, that by one Thackham's procure-
ment certeyn writynges that conteyned matter of greate daungier were conveyed
out of his study, whiche partie will be foorthcommyng to depose the same afc
all calles. The Lorde mende your heart with repentaunce ! that you maye
rather chose a litle shame in this worlde, then everlastyng shame in the worlde
to come, for God will reveale abscondita tenebrarum. Verely if you had stand
in awe of Goddes just judgementes, beyng this stryken as it semeth with the
remorse of your awne conscience, you would have left this joly shewe of
92 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
bravery, and secretly to God alone cryed peccavi, besechyng him to cease the
rygour of his wrath by this gracious warnyng, least a worse chaunce befall
you hereafter. But now in these your procedynges, and by your wordes, you
geve men a taste what maner of man you have bene, and what you yet seme
to be. And who would not mervell that you, beyng now a minister and a
preacher, should thus rashly and without all regard or discrecion of persons,
either threaten mr. Foxe with suytes of lawe (for you saye, you were counsayled
to trye the lawe with him ; and I here saye also that you threatened mr. Foxe
to have out an action of the cace against him), either with soche odyous and
sclanderous titles to upbrayd the reporters of this storye, without all regard
of offence, causyng the woorde of God to be evell spoken of among the wicked,
and the papistes to triumph when they shall heare of soche dissencion among
theirn that indifferently professe the Ghospell ; wherby the truthe of the
doctryne, that bothe parties maye nowe professe, were lyke to be slaundered
by theim whome you call the sclaunderer, and the aucthorite therof elevated
and debased by you, and therewith (asmoche as lyeth in you) the whole
storye of Marters discredited, whiche thing you forget not, but consyder full
well, where you saye that the sclaunderer hathe herein more sclaundered the
volume wherin it is written then you of whome it is written. And this you
would gladly have knowen and brought to passe, as may be gathered by the
gredy desyer that you have to publishe your childyshe aunswere, full of false-
hoode and stomack and contrarietie, as playnly apereth in the same.
Mr. Foxe is not so childyshe a man, and so lighte of credite, to suffer
himselfe to be abused, as you saye, and woulde the worlde should thinke
(though you cloke and dissemble it) and to geve eare to soche a mannes reporte
as you make the sclaunderer to be. Soche is your charitie, that to justefy your-
selfe, you care not what nor whome you deface, God, his worde, the truthe,
the indicter, the prynter, the reporters, the story and all. It woulde better
have becommed you (if you were in dede the man that you desyer to be
coumpted) to have sought laufull and just meanes to make it apere, that
Palmer and you contynued lovyng and faithfull frendes to the ende ; and so,
after you had informed mr. Foxe of the same, to have desyred him, either to
clere youre name in some other edicion, as he clereth certeyn men in this later
edicion of a great slander that they were charged withall in the former volume,
even in this story of Palmer : or at the least to omytte your name, as he hathe
omytted moche in this later edicion, that by oversight eskaped him in the first.
But now it semeth that you have bene provoked and egged forward, by some
craftie and envyous papistes ; or elles God of purpose woulde have you to
utter your awne shame and rebuke in your awne hand writyng : sed mine, ne
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS TIIACKII AM. 93
nimis extra callem, I will touche a worde or two more, and so make an ende of
this section."
This will suffice to show the spirit and style of the Reply : other portions
will be found in the notes, and at the close of this article.
[MS. Harl. 425, No. 15, f. 18.]
An answere to a slaunder untrucly reported by mr. Foxe, in a
certen boke intytuled the seconde volume off trie ecclesias-
ticall historye, conteynynge the Actes and Monumentes off
Martyres, whiche was broughte unto hym, and, as it maye
be supposed, by some unchary table and malycyous slaunderer,
agaynste Thomas Thackham mynister, wherby yt maye well
appere unto the gentle reader bothe how much the wryter of
that historye hathe bcne abused, and howe wrongfullye the
sayd Thomas Thackham hathe bene slaundered.
Gentle reader, after that I was secretly advertysed by a godlye
precher that I was in the Boke of Marters, I began to call myselfe
to an accompte wheather yt were for persecutinge any godlye per-
sone in the trublesome tyme of quene Marye, other for helpinge and
dely veringe any that was in daunger. After longe debatinge with
mysellffe for whether off they se twoe causes I was crony cled, at the
laste, I take God to wytnes, by the verye testy mony off my con-
scyence (which is a faythfull register off thoughts and workes) I
fownde myselffe innocent from the blode of all men, and from evyll
dealinge towardes any lyvinge creature.
Than I began to thynke that some frende off good wyll had en-
formed mr. Foxe, howe that in the tyme off persecutyone I kepte
secretlye the ladye Vane,a which for her zeale, vertew, relygyone,
a Styled by Foxe " the good lady Vane," when he prints a letter of John Bradford, re-
solving certain questions which she demanded. " This lady Vane was a speciall nourse
and a greate supporter, to her power, of the godlie Saints which were imprisoned in quene
Maries time. Unto whom divers letters I have both of maister Philpot, Careles, Traherne,
Thomas Rose, and of other rnoe ; wherein they render unto her most gratefull thaukes
94 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
godly lyffe, and bountyfulnes towardes the poare bretharne, deserved
as greate comendacyone as any one man or woman lyvinge at that
tyme, which sayed ladye Vane was with me xxjli. wekes;a for
whose cause, imedyatlye affter her departinge, at the commandment
for her exceeding goodnes extended towarde them, with their singulare commendation
and testimonie also of her Christian zeale towardes God's afflicted prisoners, and to
the veritie of his Gospell. Shee departed of late at Holburne, anno 1568 ; whose ende
was more like a sleepe then any death : so quietly and meekly shee deceased and de-
parted hence in the Lord." Foxe, edit. 1576, p. 1559. Again, " Unto whom (lady
Anne Knevet, of Wimondham, near Norwich,) not unworthiely may he compared the ladie
Elizabeth Vane, who likewise being a great harborer and supporter of the afflicted martyrs
and confessors of Christ, was in great hassardes and daungers of the enemies, and yet not-
withstanding, thorough the mercifull providence of the Lorde, remained still untouched."
Ibid. p. 19G5.
A large number of the letters mentioned by Foxe were published by him both in " The
Letters of the Martyrs, 1554," 4to. (reprinted in 1837), and in the Actes and Monuments.
Among them is one letter of lady Elizabeth Vane's own writing, addressed to Philpot: it
is signed F. E., probably meaning E(Jizabeth) F(ane). It appears that Philpot had re-
quested a scarf to wear at the stake. " Because (writes the lady) you desire to show your-
self a worthy soldier, if need so require, I will supply your request of the scarf ye wrote of,
that ye may present my handywork before your Captain, that I be not forgotten in the
odours of incense which our beloved Christ offereth for his own : to whom I bequeath both
our souls and bodies." That this act on the part of Philpot was not singular is shewn by
the following passage : " Some for triumph would put on their scarfes, some their wedding
garments, going to the fire; others kissed the stake, some embraced the fagots," &c.
Foxe, edit. 1610, p. 873.
No personal particulars of the lady Vane are to be collected from her correspondence or
from the ecclesiastical historians, — except the date of her death, as above stated by Foxe.
She has been supposed (Index to the Works of the Parker Society) to have been the widow
of sir Ralph Vane, who was hung in 1551-2, as one of the principal adherents of
the duke of Somerset : and such may be accepted as the truth, though her name does
not appear in the pedigree of the family of Fane or Vane. Sir Ralph died without issue,
when, though his principal estate of Penshurst was forfeited, and granted to the Sidneys,
his more ancient family property of Hadlow in Kent went to a cousin, Henry Fane, who
was compromised in Wyat's conspiracy, and narrowly escaped with his life, but lived to
become the lineal ancestor of the dukes of Cleveland. (See Hasted's Kent, i. 411, note k,
ii. 315.) The following entry, confirmatory of Foxe's statement respecting the lady's de-
cease, is from the register of burials at St. Andrew's Holborn : " 1568. The llth of June.
The lady Elizabeth Vane." A book of the lady Elizabeth's Psalms and Proverbs was
published by Robert Crowley : see additional note in the Appendix.
a " As touching the friendship showed unto the lady Vane, and his zeal therein
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS TIIACKHAM. 95
off syr Francis Inglefylde,a one off the quenes majesties prevye coun-
sell, my studye was broken up and my bokes taken awaye by one
Clement Burdette, parsone off Ingle fylde,b and I kept fyrste in close
prysone at Inglefylde ten dayes and after sent prysoner to Readinge,
wear I was kepte at one mr. Aldewurthes howse, then beinge
mayore,c whear nethar my wyfe neather any other myghte speake
uttered, truth it is that he received her into his house for money for a small space, in the
which time they two did not well agree, for that she could not suffer his wickedness of
words and gestures unreproved, but that his wife many times, being of more honesty, made
the matter well again ; but, to be short, such was his friendship in the end towards that
good lady, being out of his house, that she feared no man more for her life than him. And
I being her man, she gave me great charge always to beware of him/' Letter of John
Moyer to Thomas Purye, printed by Foxe. Among the " Informations gathered at
Reading, in 1571," we read— "Item. Jhon Galant sayth, that the ladye Vane, talking
with hym, called Thackham ' dissemblynge hypocrite ;' and told hym how he deceaved
poore people, with that which she dyd skymme off, and would not geve to her dog."
* Sir Francis Inglefield, son of sir Thomas Inglefield a judge of the common pleas, was
one of queen Mary's household before her accession to the throne, and suffered imprison-
ment with sir Robert Rochester and sir Edward Waldegrave in defence of the religion
therein maintained. He was rewarded after her accession with the office of master of the
court of wards and liveries, and a seat in the privy council. He was member of parlia-
ment for Berkshire throughout that reign. Retaining his devoted attachment to the
church of Rome, he afterwards went abroad, was indicted for treason and outlawed in
6 Eliz., and attainted by Parliament in 28 Eliz. He died at Valladolid about the year
1592. The family of baronets, who enjoyed that title from 1612 until the death of the
distinguished antiquary sir Henry Charles Englefield in 1822, were descended from his
brother. See further of him in Wotton's English Baronetage, 1741, vol. i. p. 258.
b Clement Burdett was the second son of Thomas Burdett esquire, of Bramcote, co. War-
wick, by Mary daughter of sir Robert Throckmorton, of Coughton in the same county.
(Wotton's Baronetage, 1741, vol. i. p. 333.) He was cousin-german to sir Francis Engle-
field, whose mother was Elizabeth daughter of sir Robert Throckmorton. (Ibid. p. 258.)
Foxe, in his story of John Bolton, speaks of sir Francis Englefield with his bloody brother
the parson of Englefield. Burdett was official to the bishop of Salisbury, and at Palmer's
examination held a long altercation with him on the doctrine of transubstantiation, which
is detailed in Foxe.
c Thomas Aldworth, mayor in 1557, as before in 1551, and afterwards in 1571. He
was also one of the burgesses for Reading in the last parliament of Philip and Mary, and
the first of Elizabeth. During his mayoralty in 1557 he received king Edward the Sixth
in the town, as described in Man's History of Reading, 4to. 1816, p. 22.
96 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
with me, as mr. Vatchell a off Colee and many in Readinge at this
daye can testyfie.
And yff uppon this accasyone I was not named thear, I sup-
posed that one John Bolton,b somtyme off Readinge, had informed
mr. Foxe how frendlye I delte with hym when all the frendes he
had durste not helpe hym; which Bolton (as it was supposed)
feyned hymselfe mad, in wych his madnes he ray led upon quene
Marye, and therefore was apprehendyd and cruelly tormented in the
prysone at the towne off Readinge, wyche Bolton at the lenght
becam sober and off a bettar mynde, whose beinge their I with others
muche pytyed, and the more because he semed off a good relygyone;
a Thomas Vachell, one of the burgesses for Reading in five parliaments, 30, 32, 36
Hen. VIII., 1 Mary, and 2 and 3 Philip and Mary. He occurs as " master Fachel of
Reading," one of the commissioners for the trial of Marbeck and others at Windsor in 1543.
A remark he made is said by Foxe to have been the cause of Marbeck's being cast; and, as
he was the lowest of all the bench, he gave judgment on that occasion. He was made
surveyor of the demesne of the dissolved abbey of Reading in 31 Hen. VIII, and his de-
scendants were baronets : see Coates's Reading, pp. 78, 125.
b John Bolton's story, which was written by himself, is printed by Foxe under the year
1554 ; and a commentary upon it, pointing out several misstatements, is given in Strype's
Memorials, vol. Hi. Appendix, No. LVIII. This is signed, " By me, John Moyer," and
dated " At "Wotton, this 18th of March, anno D'ni 1564 :" which Moyer (already men-
tioned in p. 88) had been the real author of the libel for which Bolton was prosecuted, and
a fellow- sufferer with him. The same writer in his letter to master Purye, comments thus
upon Thackham 's statement in the text : " As touching his frendship towards John Bolton
in prison, I am sure he never found any, as they that used to visit him can somewhat
say; except you count this friendship that, he (Bolton) being bereft of his senses, Thackham
brought him to yield unto the papists, and as a right member of them became his surety
that he should be obedient unto them. And he (Bolton) being burdened in conscience
therewith, fled away unto Geneva; in the which flying Thackham had nothing said unto
him, which showeth that he was their instrument. And this [was his] friendship to John
Bolton." But this is partly contradicted in the " Informations gathered at Reading anno
1571," in which it is stated that, " Bolton, of whom Thackham speaketh, was set at
lybertie by sir Fraunces Inglefield, without any suerties, as appeareth in the storye of
Bolton. Also Jhon Ryder of Readinge capper and Wyll'm Dyblye weaver do beare wit-
ness therunto. And of this Bolton hymselfe, dwelling in Longe lane by Smythfield in
London, can tell more. He ys a sylke weaver."
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 97
whearfore I traveled with one rar. Edmunds, then mayor there,* and
besowghte hym, synste all he had spoken paste hym in the tyme off
his madnes, that he wolde stand his good master, and take some
chary table waye for his delyverance. After a longe suete hee
graunted his delyverance, upon condycyone that he wolde put in
two suartyes besydes hymselffe, which wolde be bownde in v li.
apece that he shold appeare the nexte sessyons; but when by rea-
sone off the tyme his verye frendes durste not become suertyes for
suche a treator and ranke an heretyke as Bolton was then thoughte
to be, then I desyred mr. mayor to take me alone with Bolton,
which he gentlye graunted, and bownde us in vli. a pece for
Bolton's appearaunce the nexte sessions, and thus was this myserable
captyve set at lybertye and departed; but purposinge, as yt proved
after, never to save me harmelesse, for when the sessyons was he
lefte me to paye the forfyte; and because I fynde smaller benefytes
bestowide upon good men and women at such tymes regestred in
that volume, I thoughte that this mighte have bene the cause why
mr. Foxe sholde made some mentione off me.
But after I had gotten the volume and had reade in the hystorye
off one Julins Palmer, wheare my name was, I founde an other
matter. One had tolde an other manner off tale to mr. Foxe for
me, farre otherwyse than I loked for, eather coulde suspecte; but
whearas this pryvie accuser and malycious slaunderer calleth me
dyssemlinge hipocryte, false brother, a suborner off false wytnesses,
a breaker up off Palmer's studye, a theffe, a blodye acusar, bestow-
inge upon me more off his liberalytie then off my desartes, with
dyvarsse other names, as in that he causeth mr. Foxe to laye to my
charge yt will bettar appeare, my purpose ys not, gentle reader, to
matche hym with lyke skolding termes; but by answearinge trulye
for mysellfe (as yt shall be well tryed) to prove howe falselye he
hathe belyed me, and howe muche he hathe abused mr. Foxe, the
a "William Edmunds, mayor of Reading in 1550, and previously in 1540; burgess for
the town in the parliament of 14 Hen. VIII.
CAMD. SOC. O
98 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
wryter off the hy story e. But now to come to my answer. This he
begynethe.
(Second Section.) TJie Slaunderer.
" After wardes, as Palmer went alone musinge and ponderinge off
matters, yt came into his heade to leave his appoynted jorneye, and
to returne closelye to Readinge, trustinge by the helpe off frendes
to receave his quarter's stypend, and convey his stuffe to the custodye
off some trustye bodye."
Thackham.
Duringe the tyme that Palmer kepte the frescole in Readinge,
he was payed his stipende by the auditer every halfe yeare, and dyd
never receave yt quartarly, as it is well knowne; thearefore the
cause off his returne to Readinge coulde not be in hope to receve his
quarter's stypende. Besydes this, Palmer was not put from the
scole, but dyd willingly resigne the pattent unto me for suche
monye as we dyd agree uppon; which monye he recevyd off me
before I had the patent, a as I can prove and have to she we. Thear-
fore be no meanes can yt be true that this slaunderer hathe sayed,
that Palmer came to Readinge trustinge by some frendshipe to re-
ceave his quarter's stipind. He sayethe his intent was also to con-
vey his stuffe to the custodye off some trustye bodye. When
Palmer yeldid the scole to me, he condycyoned that I shoulde place
hym with some honeste gentilman wheare he myghte teche childeren,
and lyve to his conscience; wyche I performed, for I placed hym at
Horsyngtone with one mr. Raffe Lee,b whose sone and heyre he
taughte; wheare he was setled, and all that he had; from the which
his master, he came to Readinge off very purpose to see his hosties,
a This was denied : " where it apereth that within five dayes before his swete sufferyng
for the testimony of Christes truthe, he apoynted a faithfull frende of his, then a felow of
Magdalen college, to be his laufull deputye or attorney to receave for him and to his use a
certeyne some of money at the handes of Thomas Thackham skoolmaster at Readyng."
(Reply, f. 38.)
b See a note in a subsequent page.
JULINS PALTMKU AND THOMAS TIIACKHAM. 99
with whome he had bourded befor, and to delyver to one mr.
Edmundes a letter which he wrote at his master's howyse, as yt is
well knowne. Concernynge his stuffe, which he sayethc here that
Palmer wold convey to some trustye bodye, yt is to be provyd that
when Palmer went to his master he lefte not one penyeworthe
bohynd hym. As for beddinge he had nevar non. His apparell
was no more then he daylye ware. He had nevar above fyve or
syxe bokes, which he toke to hym to Horsyngtone, wheare he
dwelte, and was well placed; but by this slaunderer's informatione
yt should appeare that Palmer was dryven to forsake his scole,
and that he was at his wyttes ende, not knowinge what to doe, that
he was unprovyded for, that he fled from Readinge and durste not
tarye to take up his wagis, that he reacevyd the same quarterly,
that he left when he nedd his stuffe behynde hym in daunger to be
loste; wheroff thear is not one worde true, so that when this
slaunderer had proposed to present mr. Foxe with this infamatione
agaynste me, he knewe that yt shoulde be nedefull for hym to
frame suche an entraunce as myghte brynge with yt some shewe off
that sholde fbllowe, whear, as a connynge poet, he feynethe that
Palmer went alone musynge and pondred off manye matters, had
purposed to jorneye one waye and then closly returned an other
waye, tellethe whether he came and feynethe too causes off his
thyther resorte, wych was to obtayne his quarter's wages, and to
convey his stuffe from his hostyce howse unto some trustye bodye ;
whearoff thear is nothinge true. But, gentle reader, even as the
begynninge ys, suche mydell and ende doythe he make, as yt shall
playnly appere.
(Third Section.) T/ie Slaunderer.
" To Readinge he comythe, and takethe up his lodgynge at the
Oardinalles hatte, desyringe his hosties instantlye to assygne hym a
close chamber, whear he myghte be alone from all resorte of com-
panye."
100 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Thackham.
Durynge the tyme tliat Palmer dwelte witli mr. Lee lie neaver
came to anye other hosties "but to the cokes howse wheare he
bourded when he was scolemaster theare; to the wyche howse he
came from Horsyngtone, and thear dyned the same daye that he was
taken and brought before the commyssyoners ; and yff it can be
provyd that ever he came to the Cardinall hatte in Readinge,a and
called for a closse chamber,b as this slaunderer hathe heare feyned
and informed master Foxe, I am content to suffar suche punishment
as shalbe due for a moste wycked offender, to the triall whearof
I put myselffe to the worshipful! of the towne of Readinge and
others wyche knowe the matter, as the good-man Gatley^ mr. Ed-
mundes, [and] those that dwell in the Cardinall hatte.
(Fourth Section.) The Slaunderer.
" He came not so closly but that this viperouse generatione had
knowledge thearof; whearfore withowte delaye they layde thear
heades togeather, and consulted what waye they myghte moste easely
proceade agaynste hym to brynge thear olde cankred malyce to
passe; and so yt was consydered, that one mr. Hampton, wych
then bore twoe faces in one hoode, and under the pretence and coler
of a brother played the parte off a dyssemblynge hypocrite, should e
resorte to hym, and under the pretence off frendshipe shoulde feel and
fyshe owte the cause off his returne to Readinge."
a " That mr. Palmer was fet from the Cardinal hatt in the night tyme, contrary to
Thackham's assertion, the goodwyffe of the Cardynall hatt, with her sonne in law Harrye
Singleton, and Stephen Netherclief ostler of the howse then and yet, do bcare witnesse.
The tyme was, to theyr judgment, betwene x and xj of theclocke at night, or thereabowt."
Informations gathered in Reading, 1571.
b :* And whether Palmer called for a close chamber or not, yt ys confessed by them of
the howse that he was lodged in the closyst chambre in the howse, to wyt, in the chambre
beyond the hall, and that there he was fetched owt. Also Stephen Nethercliefe the ostler
saith that he called for a close chambre. The goodwyfe of the Cardynall hatt saith she was
in a merveilous foare when they did fetch hym, and therfore belyke there were more than
one seargeant." (Ibid.) It is probable that at this period the ostler of an inn was one who
had the direction of internal arrangements, and not merely of those of the stables.
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS TIIACKHAM. 101
TJiacJcham.
This slaundorer callctlie us a " viperouse generatione," and sayctlic
that I wyth other, that is. Cope, Downer, and one Gatelye, made one
Hampton an instrument, by whose practyse we soner myghte
brynge ower myschevous purpose to passe. Let this be examined
within the towne of Readinge, and yff it can be provid that evar
Palmer came closley to the Cardynall hatte there, that evar I and
my confederates knewe off his beyng thear, that we dyd ever
consulte to betraye hym, as this slaunderer reportethe, that one
Hampton became a instrument to compasse anye villanye agaynste
Palmer, that Hamptone dyd ever talke with Palmer there, and dyd
seke to fyshe owte the cause off his returne to Readinge, I submitte
myselffe to be punished as a murtherer. I saye farther to the
gentle reader, let yt be provid that I ever spake with Hampton
in Readinge or in any other place, or that ever I was acqueynted
with this Hamptone, or was ever in his companye to my knowledge,*
I crave to be punished to the example off all wycked offendoures
and shamlyse hipocrites. I assuar the gentle reader that it grevethe
me more that he hathe so muche abused the wryter of the hystorye
to whome he gave this informatione, then that he hathe so slaun-
dered me, because he hath herein more slaundered the volume
whearin yt is wryten, then me off whome it is wrytten. Thear
was neaver information geven as I thynke by any man, were his
malyce neaver so greate, but that some sentence and portione off
a In the Reply at this point is the following passage, which I quote for the sake of the
remarkable notice of a Flanders lock which the simile presents : " Also, though you and
youre confederates knewe not of his (Hampton) beyng there, yet either you alone, or you
with some other, or youre confederates alone or with some other, knewe it. You allwayes
seke to myngle thynges together when they should be severed, or to dissever them when
they should be joyned together, to the entent you maye the better blynde the simplicitie
of the matter, lyke unto the men that use to make soche Flaundyers lockes as be opened
by order of certayne letters, who use to myngle other letters with those that serve to the
purpose, to blynde and hynder them that seke to fynde out the true placyng of the
letters wherby the lockes are opened." (f. 9.)
102 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
it was true; but from the begynninge off his information to the
ende yt shall neaver be provyd that one sentence off this slaunderer's
reporte is trew, for the triall whearoff I put myselff to be tried by
the inhabitantes off the towne of Keadinge.
(Fifth Section.) The Slaunderer.
" Palmer, as he was a man symple and withoute all wrynckles off
cloked colusyone, opened to hym his whole intent; but Hamptone
earnestlye persuadid hym to the contrary e, declaringe what daungear
myghte ensue yff this were attempted. Agaynste this counsell Palmer
[replied] very muche, and as they waxed hotte in talke Hamptone
flongea waye in a furye, and sayed as he had fysshed so should he
fowle for hym."
ThacJcham.
Yff thou remember, gentle reader, what I sayed before, I nede
not use many wordes to dysprove that wych the slaunderer hathe
here reported; whearfore to this I brefflye answere, I knowe not
wheather Hampton wear acqueynted with Palmer at Oxforde or
not, but yt shal be neaver provyd that they mette at the Cardinall
hatte and talked togeather, as this malyciouse slaunderer hathe
informed mr. Foxe; yet, yff his tale be well marked, he handlethe
cunninglye, fyrste in declarynge howe symple Palmer was, and
withowte all cloked colusyone, and how Palmer and Hampton
debated the matter and waxed hotte in thear talke, and howe
Hampton departed in a furye, saynge that he shoulde fyshe as hee
had fouled. Maye not this beweche, nay, daftly persuade the reader
off this hystorye that it is very likelye to be all treue, or at the
leastwyse that some parte off yt is treu ? and yet I assuar the gentle
reader, let this his inform atione be examyned in the towne of
Readinge, and yff ever yt be provyd that Palmer and Hampton
ever met at the Cardynall hate thear, or had any suche talke, let
me be punished to the example off all others.
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 103
(Sixth Section.) The Slaunderer.
" Palmer, not suspectinge suche prepensed and dy vised my scheffe,
as by this crouked and pestyferouse generatione was nowe in bruinge
agaynste hym, called for his supper and went quyetlie to bed ; but
quietly e he coulde not rest there, for fur th with the offycers and
thear retynue came russhynge in with lanterns and bylls, and required
hym in the kynge and quenes name to make ready hymsellfF, and
quyetlye to departe wyth them."
Thackham.
There was never godly man so shamefully used or handled as
the wryter of this historye by this wicked slaunderer. He saytli
that Palmer called for his supper, and he was apprehended betwene
twelve and one of the clocke in the afternone ; he sayeth he went
quietly to bedde at the Cardinall hatt, and he laye the night before
he was apprehended eightene miles off at Horsyngton in his master's
house, from whense he came to his hostys' house by tenne of the
clocke in the forenone, and was commytted that day to prison before
thre of the clocke in the afternone ; he say th that the offycers with
their retynue cam russhing in apon hym with lanternes and bylles,
and, as yt ys to be proved, one sergent only, whose name I knowe
not, was sent by mr. Edmundes to his hosties howse to fetche Palmer
to hym; of whose comynge when Palmer had warnyng, he gott
hym prevelye by a backe dore into his hostys' gardeyn, whom the
offycer espyed runnynge into the gardeyne, which offycer thruste
oppen the wyckett and made after Palmer, and caught hym upon
the toppe of a wall leaping into another man's backesyde. And
thus hath this slaunderer lyed to rnr. Foxe in saying that Palmer
was taken at the Cardynall hatte, and he was taken in his hostyes'
garden ; in saying that yt was after supper, and yt was ymmedyatly
after dynner; in saying that he was in bedde, and he was upon
the toppe of a walle ; in saying that many russhed in apon hym with
lanterns and bylles, and one only sargent, which I thynke be yett
104 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
lyvyng,a fctt him with owte any weapon. God graunte that never
godly writer mete with many suche informers as b this ys ! Gentle
reader, I submitte myself to the whole town of Reading to be tryed
wheare this was done.
(Seventh Section.) The Slaunderer.
" So the selly younge man, perceyving that he was thus Judaslye
betrayed, withoute oppenyng his lippes was ledde away as a lambe
to the slawghter, and commytted to warde ; whome the keeper, as a
ravening wolfe greedy of his prey, brought down into a vyle stynk-
kyng and blynde dungeon prepared for theves and murtherers, and
there he kept hym hangynge by the legges and fete in a payre of
stockes so highe that [well near c] no parte of his bodye towched the
groimde. In this prisone he remayned x dayes."
Thackham.
This slaunderer here sayeth that Palmer was ledde from the
Cardinall hatte to the prison; but he lyeth every worde; the sergent,
takyng hym as he was lepping over the walle, brought hym to mr.
Edmondes, which went with Palmer straighte-waye to the vysyters,
which as yt happened satte the same daye at the Bare,d in a parler
on the lefte handeas ye enter in, which ys at this daye to be proved;
whome after the visiters had examyned, and founde hym nothing
conformable to them, they sent ymedyatly for one Welche the keper
of the towne gayle, which when he was come they dely vered Palmer
a " Yet, when all is done, you buyld all your bravery herein upon the credyte of one
poor catchepolle." (Reply, f. 11.) I quote this merely to show that the terms Serjeant
and catchpole were synonymous. In modern times our Serjeants of police are officers in
command of inferior constables ; in the sixteenth century the Serjeants were the men
under the orders of a commanding constable. See in UnderhilTs narrative hereafter,
Newman the ironmonger serving as constable of the night watch at Newgate. The chief
of the whole force was sometimes styled the headborough. b In MS. and.
c These words are supplied from the printed text of Foxe.
d "The Golden Bear inn, a very old building, now a dwelling-house." Ooates,
History of Reading, 1802, p. 332.
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 105
to hym, wylling that he shuldc be kept in close prison, and that no
man might speake with hym; at what tyme I was present myself,
as I wyll after more at large declare. And concernyng his hanging
by the legges so highe that no parte of whittea of his boddy might
towche the grounde, this slaunderer doth belye the jayler; for so
sone as he haddc broughte Palmer to the jayle, which ys no depe
dungeon to speke of, he shutte the nether dore and the upper dore,
which being shitte no bodye might come at hym. The same
evenyng the keper, whose name was Welchc, came to me, and
mochc lamented Palmer's troble, and sayde that he, as he was moche
bounde to hym for teaching his sonne when he was scole-master, so
would he nowe be gladdc to shewc hym all the favour he mighte ;
" but, (sayeth he,) Mr. Thackham, you hardc what charge I hadde to
kepe hym so close that no boddye shulde come at hym ; he walketh
in the prison, butt I have shutte the upper dore." I sayde unto hym,
" Albeit I knowe that ye be nott of his religion, yet syns he haith
by your owne confession done you pleasure, I pray you she we hym
all the favour that you may;" which he promysed to do. And when
he parted from me he sayd that he had no money; then I delyvered
the keper iijs. to geve him; not that I owed hym anye,b but trusting
he shulde have byn delyvered, and have payde me agayne. And after
that I sente hym at thre sundrey tymes iijs. at a tyme, wherof he
never payde me any penye, butt at the stake he requested his
keper, which of a weaver became a sumner, and after dwelte in
Salysbury, to desyer me to forgive hym the xijs. which I lente hym in
the prison. And I assuer the, gentle reader, that this keper whome
this slaunderer calleth " ravenyng wolfe, gredye of his praye," was to
Palmer a very frende, and shewed hym all the frendeshippe that he
a Sic MS. qu ? or whit.
b In the Reply, this and nearly every other statement of Thackham is discredited, and
combated to the uttermost, and from point to point. As already stated, the special plead-
ing, whether one side or the other was right, is not worth the space it would occupy. But
many phrases and expressions are remarkable. And here the writer says, " but in dede
this is another Bunlury (/lose to make your cause probable." (f. 12 b.)
CAMD. SOC. 1?
106 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
colde during the tyme of his abode there ; and therefore moche y s
this slaunderer to be blamed for so raylyng at hym, and if the kepcr
be deade I dought not butt his honest neighbours will repete the same.
(Eighth Section.) The Slaunderer.
Tliefirste examination and accusation of Palmer.
" After this he was brought before the maior, and there, by the
procuerment of a false brother, one Thomas Thackham, not mr.
Thackham of Durresley in Glocestershere, butt another of the same
name yett alyve and no kyn to hym, which had obteyned the pre-
fermente of the free scole for hym and his assignes, he had dyversse
and enormiouse crymes layde to his charge."
Thackham.
Gentle reader, this slaunderer ys no chaungeling, for as he lyed in
the begynnyng, soe he nowe lyeth in the myddle, and wyll doe unto
th' ende. Suerlye, except he had of verye purpose abused the wryter
of this historye, and of the [like] shameles spight slaundred me, he
colde never have had the mynde to have forged so false a reporte,
nether the face to have brought hym suche an untrothe. He
sayeth that by my procuerment he was broughte owte of the prison,
where he hanged by the heles, before mr. mayer; but I assure the,
gentle reader, that after he was fyrste examyned at the Beare in
Reading, before the commyssioners, and by them sent to the prison, as
ys affore sayde, as farre forth as I knowe, Gode I take to wytnes, he
neaver came owte of prison untyll he was sent for to Newberye before
the same commyssioners, nether dyd the maior ever see hym after
that he had presented Palmer to the commyssioners at the Beare in
Reading as ys afforesayde ; and for my parte I take Gode to wytnes
after thatdaye I never sawe hym, butt sent to hym as ys afforesayde,
and therefore nether dyd I procucr this godlyc younge man to come
before the mayer, nether dyd the maior ever after that day talke
a Foxe altered this to " the procurement of certain false brethren (the Lord knoweth
what they were), who had been conversant with Palmer, and robbed his study."
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 107
with Palmer, as I harde, for other commyssioners appoynted for the
same purpose had that matter in hande. He calleth me " false
brother." Because his tonge yn no sluuiulcr, and that all he hath
sayde shall tornc to his owne shame, 1 am nott angrye with hym.
Gode make us bothc trewe brothernc ! I waye not his colorycke
termee; he speaketh lyke hymself.
He sayeth " one Thomas Thackham, not mr. Thackham of
Durresleye in Glocestershere." Trulye mr. Thackham ys moche
bounde to this slaunderer, whatsoever Thomas Thackham ys. As
lyttle as this rayler estemeth me, and woldc have other esteme of me,
I was nether cobbler nor taylor before I was made a mynyster ; a but
of that degree of scole as mr. Thackham. But I tell the, gentle reader,
if one of us twayne muste be the worker of this villaynous acte agaynste
Palmer, as this slaunderer serneth to inferre, I assure the yt muste
nedes be mr. Thackham of Durresley, for ytt ys nott I, as yt shal
be well proved; butt yf nether he nor I dyd ytt, what shulde move
this slaunderer to name ether of us ? He sayeth I had obteyned the
preferment of the free scoole for me and myne assigns. Yt is well
knowen in the towne of Reading that I nether hadde nether ever
sued for any other pattent b then that which one Coxe hadde graunted
a " In deede, as the gatherers of this story, when they wrote it, had not heard that you
were a minister, nor of what religion you were : so they knew full well that mr. Thackham
of Dursley was bothe a learned devyne, a phisicion, and a godly preacher, and that he
bathe a brother of the same name, not unlyke unto himselfe; and therefore in conscience
they thought it their partes (seyng cache of theim is called Thomas) to exempt theim from
the name of this quarell that perteyned nothing to theim. And yet is mr. Thackham of
Dursley nothing the more beholdyng to theim for doyng this their duetye. Where in
disdayne that you are not called 6mr.' you seme to signefy that you are of some
degree of Schoole : trulye, although you be so, it forceth not moche. Yet verely some do
suppose that you are of greater degree of schole than a cobler or a taylor, of whome you
speake so contempteously and disdeynfully, as if no cobler nor taylor in England were
worthy of the name of a master. Agayne, I doubt not but some shal be found that have
bene taylors and coblers, and are at this present as worthy ministers as you." (Reply,
fol. 15.) The writer (f. 26) admits his knowledge that Thackham (his opponent) was
also " a phisician."
b The letters patent were granted to Leonard Coxe in 1541, with a yearly pension of
10 li.: the same sum having been assigned to the school, out of the crown rents of the town,
by king Henry VII. (Coates's History of Reading, pp. 16, 311.)
108 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
unto hym and to his assignee by kynge Henry ,a which Coxsys tyme
came to Bylson,b then to me, after to the vicar of Saynt Gyles,c
then to Palmer, after to me agayn by Palmer's owne offer, as yt shall
afterwards appere; and when Coxe dyed, to whom yt was fyrste
graunted, then was that patent of no longer force.
After whose death the towne of Reading obteyned all the quenes
landes there in fee-farme, and hadde the placing of the scole-master,
with alowaunce to paye hym, and have at this day; and if I had
sued for a newe patent in my ownc name, as I neaver dyd, what
coulde this have hurte Palmer? seeing he had resygned the scole to
me longe before, and had receyved his money for the pattent, as I am
well able to prove.
He sayeth that when I hadde broughte Palmer before the maior I
layed dyverse and enormiouse crymes to his charge. Yt shall never
be proved that I and Palmer came before the maior; yt shall never
be provyd that I ever layed any thinge to Palmer's charge. He was
an honest vertuouse younge man, and I never knewe any hurte by
hym, neather shall ytt be proved that I dyd at any timelaye oughte
to his charge, as this glaunderer sayeth I dyd.
(Ninth Section.) The Slaunderer.
" For this Thackham, takyng upon hym the offyce of an accuser,
hadde suborned iij. false wytnesses, to wytte Coxe, Gately, and
Downer, which men under the name of brethern hade bene conver-
sant with him and robbed his studye, as ys aiForesayd. These
burdeyned hym with treason, sedicion, surmysed murther, and
adultery."
a Leonard Cockes, or Coxe, author of The art or craft of Rhetoryke, 1532, and other
works. (See memoirs of him in Coates's History of Reading, 1802, pp. 322-327; and
Athense Cantabrigienses, 1858.)
b Leonard Bilson, of Merton college, Oxford, M.A. 1546. He was uncle of dr. Thomas
Bilson, bishop of Winchester. (See Coates's Reading, p. 327.)
c John More was presented to the vicarage of St. Giles's by sir Francis Englefield, and
instituted Nov. 14, 1540. He appears to have held it to 1561. (Coates's History of
Reading, p. 350.)
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS Til \< K II AM. 109
Thackham.
Coxe ys dcddc,0 which lyving was never acquuynted with Palmer
which was of that honestyc and goode nature, and so lyved in the
fere of Godc, well knowen to be an honcste professor of his worde,
that by my b meancs in any rcspcctc he woldc have byn proved a
false witnes for any rcwarde, which yf he were lyving wolde answer
this to the shame of the slaunderer. Downer ys also dedde, which
lyving was alwaye Palmer's frende and never sough te to hurte liym,
as the townc of Eeading woll wytnes. Gately I thynke yett lyvyth,
which to the shame of this slaunderer wyll both testefye that I never
procured hym to be a false wytnes agaynst Palmer, and also that he
a In the " Informations gathered at Reading, 1571," it is remarked that " Thackham
speaketh of one Coxe in his answer ; and the story meaneth another called William Coxe,
the cooke which was Palmer's hoste." This charge of presumed duplicity is thus enlarged
upon in the Reply. " Now, as before you playde the sophister, blyndyng the truth some-
tyme with the difference and otherwhile with the confusion of tyme, place, and order of
thinges, so here also you enclevour to cast a myst before our eyes ex differentia person-
arum, convertyng your talke from that Coxe whiche is meant and touched in the storye,
and applying it to another verye honest man of the same name, not meant nor spoken of,
and now dead. Belyke you were so moche ashamed of your olde frende William Coxe,
that is to(o) well knowen, and also by you confessed, to have bene a great doer against
Palmer, that you thought best to bewtefie the deformitie of him with the honestye of a very
godly man of the same name, and it is a worlde to se what peynes you take with many
wordes to commend a verie good man, knowen to have bene so godly that he litle neded
your prayses. But you would not have wrested the scnce of the storye to this Coxe, nor
praysed him so moche, savyng that you thought that the worthynes of his name would pur-
chase great credite to your lyes and tales, and for every childe that knoweth you and
William Coxe the cooke, that was Palmer's hoste, knoweth, that you could not do this^by
errour and ignorance, but of a set purpose to helpe up your market. And because you be
very lothe to have your frende Coxe yet lyving to be knowen, or youre alone legerdemayn
and craftie conveyaunce to be sene, whensoever you speake of William Coxe, or of any thing
that concerneth him (as you do often), you never call him by his name, but sometyme he is
the cooke, sometyme the woman's housband, sometyme Palmer's hoste, sometyme his
hostesse' housband; but his name you dissemble still, lyke a craftie crowder expert in
these feates, not by wit and arte, but by often practice and long contynuaunce. You walk
naked in a net, and thinke you go invysible, and yet you are afrayd of the light. The
Lorde stryke your olde hearte with repentaunce before he pluck you awaye !" (fol. 16 b.)
b So in MS, yu ? no.
HO NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
never robbed his studye. Gentle reader, whatsoever this slaunderer
haith here malyciously reported, yt shall neaver be proved that I,
Coxe, Gatelye, or Downer a dyd come before the maior with Palmer,
or ever layed any thinge to his charge, or ever came into his studye; yett
doth this slaunderer call us theves, and sayeth we robbed his studye.
Yt shall also be proved that when Palmer was apprehended he
had no studye nor chamber in Reading, for he then dwelled, as I
sayde before, with mr. Raff Lee, at Horssyngton, in Buckinghamshire,
eighte miles from Reading; from whence he came that daye by
tenne of the clocke in the forenoone; at the which Horssington his
bokes and rayment was, wheare he taughte scole; so that we colde
nott robbe his studdye butt we muste goe to Horssington, for at
Reading he hadde nether chamber, studdye, bokes, apparell, scrippe,
nor scrowle. Except the dyvell hadde dyrcctcd his penne, he colde
not have presented mr. Foxe with so manye lyes in so fewe wordes,
but he muste sometymes have hytt apon some truthe.
This slaunderer sayeth that I, with false wytnesses as I hadde,
charged Palmer before the mayer with treason, sedition, sunny sed
murder b and adultry. Yf I, with my [three0] false wytnesses Coxe,
Gately, and Downer, dyd ever bringe Palmer before the mayer and
burdeyn hyra with suche crymes, yt ys to be thoughte that eyther
the mayer's wyff, which I thinke ys yett alyve, or some of his
brethern, or some of the offycers, or some of the towne, can wytnes
with this slaunderer that this ys trewe; butt nott one lyving in that
towne wyll testefie that we ever so behaved ourselves towardes
Palmer, or that I ever came before the maior with Palmer, I take
Gode to wytnes that I ever was perswaded that Palmer was free from
treason, sedition, murder, and adultery; and that I have here sayed
ft " For Downer, I have heard no evil of him. For Grately, and Radley, now vicar of
St. Lawrence [John Radley, instituted Nov. 29, 1565, resigned 1574,], and Bowyer a
tanner, they three left no means unpractised to catch and persecute the members of Christ,
as I myself can well prove." (Letter of John Moyer to master Purye.) Grateley was the
man who, being the constable (see p. 117), really searched Palmer's study: which was in
the school-house. (Informations, &c.)
b matter in MS. c Blank in MS.
JULIN8 PALMER AND THOMAS TIIACKHAM. Ill
I dought nott butt the inhabytauncc of Reading wyll affyrme to be
trewe.
(Tenth Section.) The Slaunderer.
" To whome Palmer answered that yf suche horrable and heynous
crymes might be proved agaynst hym, he wolde pacyently submytt
hymselfe to all kynde of tormentes that colde be devysed ; ' butt, 0
ye cruell bloodsuckers ! (sayeth he,) ye folowe the olde practyses of
your progenytores, the wolvyshe generacion of pharyses and papists;
butt be ye well assured that Godes eye allreadye seeth your subtyl
devyses and craftye packyng, and woll not suffer this owtragiouse
furye of your venemouse townges and fyrye hartes to eschape un-
ponysshed ! 9 All this whyle no mencion was made of heresye or
heretycall wrytting."
TJiackham.
Here the slaunderer bringeth in Palmer answering for himself and
raylyng at me and my procured false wytnesses ; but lett the nolle
towne of Eeading be examyned, and yta shall never be proved that
we ever broughte hym before the maior,b and that we thus charged
a MS. yet.
b " In the begynnyng of this section, you seke to dasyll our eyes in the clere daye, even
as the fishe called a cuttell, to shift himselfe in the clere water that he maye not be sene,
casteth foorth a certeyn black substance to darken the water, so you here, to hide the truthe
from raennes eyes, cast foorth wordes to darken the true sence of the storie, and to leade
awaye the reader's mynde to another meanyng ; for where as the storye sayth that by your
procurement, when he was brought before the maior, dyverse crymes were layde to his
charge, (whiche thing might have bene done without company, betwene the maior and
and Palmer alone, or elles in the presence of fewe besydes,) yet you woulde the reader
should thinke that the maior sate formally pro trilunali; that Palmer, together with
Thackham, Gateley, Coxe, and Downer were solemply brought foorth ; that the playntif
and defendant, with the witnesses, accordyng to forme of lawe, were openly called in the
face of the courte ; that the accuser pronounced openly against him; that the witnesses
were formally charged, and did in open audience depose and testefye against him; that
Palmer was openly convicted, the maior pronouncyng sentence against him in publique
assembly. But the story importeth no soche thing; and the worlde knowcth that in those
112 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
lijm, and that he thus answered for hymself and ray led on us.
There ys of this, gentle reader, not one worde trewe : lett the people
there be judge.
(Eleventh Section.) The Slaunderer.
" The greatest proves agaynst hym were these: First, that Palmer
said the quene's sworde was nott putt in her hande to execute
tyrrannye, and kyll and murther the trewe subjectes.a
2. That her sworde was to(o) blunte towardes the papistes, but
towardes the trewe Christyans yt was to(o) sharpe.
3. That certayn servantes of sir Fraunces Knowles and other [re-
sorting to his lectures b] fell owte amonge themselfes, and were lyke to
have commytted murther, and therefore he was suer c of sedition
and prevyer d of unlawfull assemblies.
4. That his hostys had wrytten a letter unto hym, which they had
[intercepted b], wherin she required hym to returne to Eeading, and
sent her commendacions by that token that the knyffe laye hydde
under the beame ; wherbye theye gaythered that she hadd conspyred
with hym to murther hur husband.
5. That they founde hym alone with his hostyes by the fyer-syde
[in the hall b], the dore being shutte to them."
Thackham.
This shamelesse slaunderer bringeth in fyve artycles which I, Coxe,
Gately, and Downer dyd laye to Palmer's charge before the mayer,
and maketh me the ringe-leadere in promoting the same to the
maior; wherefore of necessyte I muste answer them.
dayes fewe thinges were done formallye and justly, and that the martirs were hardly
suffered at that tyme to plead for theimselves openly, but that most thinges touchyng theim
that professed the Gospel were handeled in hucker mucker against all order of lawes,
reason, and conscience, &c." (Reply, f. 19.) In an earlier passage the writer had
expressed himself in the same way: "Many thinges were handeled in those dayes in
hncker mucker, and with moche percialitie."
a servantes of God in Foxe. b Foxe* c a sower. d a procurer in Foxe,
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKETAM. 113
1. To the firste I answer that I take Gode to wytnes I never
harde Palmer saye any suche wordcs as in the firste artycle this
slaunderer sayeth that I with others dyd laye to his charge, neatlier
can ytt be proved that we ever broughte hym before the maior to
charge hym therewith.
2. To the scconde article I answer in lyke manner.
3. To the thirde artycle I answer that I neather knewe of any
suche dissention, neather dyd I laye any suche matter to his charge;
and further I saye that I never harde of yt, much lesse colde I laye
suche a matter to his charge, except I woldc have done then by
Palmer as this slaunderer doth by me, off malyce devyse agaynst
Palmer that which I never knewe, muche lesse had byne able to
prove, which wolde have fallen owte to my greate shame.
4. To the fowrth I answer that when this letter was intercepted
I was at Salysberye, and knewe nothing of yt untyll my returne,
which was fyve dayes after; and when I went to bedde my wyff tolde
me what had happenyd to Palmer syns my departure; howe the
cokes wyff, which was his hostys, had caused a letter to be wrytten,
and sent to Palmer, and howe the same letter was taken by the
waye upon Cawsome brygge,3 and broughte to the maior; and howe
that Palmer came from mr. Lee's the next day folowing, nott know-
ing of anye such matter, for whome the mayer sent ymmedyatly, and
after examinacion had at the sute of the husbande, Palmer was sent
to the cage. All this was done, and Palmer was returned agayn to
mr. Lee's, before I came home, as I shal be well able to prove; of
which his troble I knewe no more then the childe newe borne, I
take Gode to witnes, yet doth this slaunderer make me the chief
hearin. Also I doughte nott, gentle reader, nay I am suer that yt
ys yett to be proved, who wrotte the letter, whoe carryed the letter,
who dyd entercepte the letter, and that I herein shalbe clered, though
this slaunderer layeth all to my charge; but trewthe yt ys that
Palmer's hostys' husbande shewed me the letter a weke after,
a Caversham bridge.
CAMD. SOC. Q
114 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
declaryng what his wyff and Palmer ment to doe, to whome I
answered that in conscience I dyd verelyc beleve that Palmer neaver
ment any suche vyllayny towardes hym ; to the tryall of which I
commytt myself to the whole towne of Heading.
5. To the fyfte, I answer that yt might be that they were founde
sytting alone by the fyer, and the dore shutte to them ; butt I dyd
never see them sytt alone together and the dore shutte, neather dyd
I ever present any suche thinge to the mayer; neather dyd I heare
that any other man dyd signifie so moche to the mayer at any tyme,
I take Gode to recorde. And by that which I have sayde before yt
may easely appere, gentle reader, how falsely this slaunderer belyeth
me in that which foloweth.
(Twelfth Section.) The Slaunderer.
"When this evydence was geven uppe, the mayer clysmyssed
them, and went to dyner, commanding Palmer to the cage,a to
make hym an open spectacle of ignominie to the eyes of the worldc;
and Thackham, the better to cover b his owne shame, caused ytt to
be bruted that he was soe punished for his evyll lyff and wyckednes
allreadye proved agaynst hym."
Thackham.
Here this slaunderer bringeth me in for the chieff worker agaynst
Palmer, and telleth ho we to cover my shame I conveyed the matter
after that I with others whome I procured had layed all these
artycles to Palmer's charge ; and this too, reader, may seme a lykely
tale ; butt lett yt be proved that I was there, or as I sayde before
knewe of Palmer's troble, or was there when he was sent to the
cage, and I wyll be gyltye of all that this slaunderer haith and shall
" The cage then stood over the entrance into the churchyard belonging to St. Law-
rence's parish, and now forms part of mr. John Blandy's house : it was rented of the
parish by the corporation, at the yearly rent of twelve-pence." (Note in Man's History of
Reading, 4to. 1816, p. 198.)
b colorr in MS.
JULINS PALMEIl AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 115
herattcr laye to my charge; and wheras he sayeth that I, Coxe,
Gately, and Downer procured Palmer this troble, he belyeth us all;
for Palmer came before the mayor and was from thence sent to the
cage at the onelye suetc of the coke, his hostyes husband, which
layed to Palmer's charge that he with his wyff had agreed to kylle
hym, and thus moche I harde after my returne by the coke hymself
when he shewed me the letter. But marke, I beseche you, gentle
reader, howe this shameles Iyer haith forgotten hymself. He sayde
before that Palmer was fett from the Cardinall hatte owte of his
bedde in the night by offycers, and had to the dungeon, and so forth,
as ys afforesayde ; and nowe ys Palmer fett owte of prison, broughte
before the maior, accused by me and others, and from thence sent
to the cage; and true yt ys that when his ostys sent the letter,
Palmer was at mr. Lee's, eightene miles of; which Palmer returned
from thence to Reading very shortelye after, knowing nothinge of
the letter that was intercepted, which shuldehave come to hym; and
ymmedyatly upon his returne he was sent for by the mayer at the sute
of the coke, and so commytted to the cage, and went nott from the
prison to the cage as this slaunderer falselye reportyth. Yt was
long after before he was commytted to the prison, and that was done
by the commyssioners, and not by the mayer, as yt ys well knowen;
for after he came owte of the cage he went to his master agayne ;
and yf the well-meanyng wryter of this historye knewe howe moche
this malliciouse slaunderer had abused hym he wolde beware of
suche a fellowe all the dayes of his lyff. As I sayde before I saye
agayne, I take Gode to wytnes I knewe no more of his commyng
before the mayer nor of his being in the cage then the childe that
was borne the same nighte, and yett this slaunderer ys nott ashamed
to make me the cheeffe instruement and doer heriii.
(Thirteenth Section.) The Slaunderer.
" In the afternonc Palmer came to his answer, and dyd so
mightelye and clerlye deface their evydence, and so defende his
owne innocencye, provyng also that the sayde letters were by
116 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
themselfes forged, that the mayer hymself was moche ashamed
that he had borne with them, so that he soughte meanes he might
conveye hym awaye prevelye."
ThacJcham.
What tyme of the day Palmer was ffett owte of the cage, ho we
he clered hymself,a and whether the mayer were ashamed of his
doinges or nott, I cannot tell, for as yt shal be proved I was nott
at home. I knewe nothing neather of his fornones examynacion,
neather of his afternones examynacion. Gatelye, whome he here
slaundereth, the mayor's wyff, with others there yet lyving, can
declare the trothe; butt I dare affyrme, that yf the mayer were
lyving,. he wolde soe answer this slaunderer which sayeth he was
ashamed of his doinges, that this slaunderer wolde be ahsamed
of his sayinges.
(Fourteenth Section.) The Slaunderer.
" But now to the bloodye adversaries. When they sawe the
matter frame so evill favouredly, and fearinge least if he shold
escape privily, ther doinges wold tend no lesse to ther shame and
daunger then to the maior's dishonesty also, they devised a new
pollicye to bringe to passe ther longe hidden and festred malice
against him, which was their b extreme refuge; for wheras before
they were partly ashamed to accuse him of heresye, seeinge they
had bene counted earnest brethren themselves, and partly afraid
bycause they had broken up his studye, and committed theft, yet
now, lest ther iniquitie shold have bene reveled to the woiide, they
a " Albeit you knowe not (as you saye) how Palmer clered himselfe, and be also certeyn
that he clered not himselfe, as the storye reporteth, yet I woulde you should right well
understand that the God of truthe hathe made it knowen to the godly : yea, heaven,
earth, and hell shall, to his everlastyng comfort, and to the confusion of his enemyes, and
all blooddye papistes, perceave and knowe, that, by the assistance of Goddes holye spirite
the Comforter, he mightely and clerely confounded his enemyes and defended his owne
innocency against them." (Reply, f. 21 b.)
b MS, this.
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS TITACKHAM. 117
put both feare and shame aside, and beganne to refricate and rippe
up the olde soare, the skarr wherof had bene but superficially
cured, as ye have hard, and so, to coloure ther former practises,
chardged him with [the] writinges that they had stollen owt of
his studyc."
Thackham.
Now this sclaunderer, well armed with railinge tcarmcs, leapinge
from lye to lye, from falshoodc to falshoode, as though he were
never to be reproved, goeth on still after his accustomed maner,
and saith that Thackham, with the other bloody adversaries and
theves, to avoide the shame and daunger that was like to insue,
and to kepe the maior from dishonesty, beganne a new practise
to bringe an olde grudge to passe, saith we brake up his studye, and
fetched owt writinges, wherwith we charged him before the maior.
Yt shall never be proved, gentle reader, that we brake up his
studye, or ever were in his studye, or toke one paper from thence,
or that we ever brought him before the maior, or laid any suche
matter against him; and seeinge this sclaunderer calleth us theves,
it standeth us upon that be lyvinge to cleare it, or els ther is no
time past but that we may resceive a felon's rewarde, which is to
be hanged; and if I ever was in his studye, or can tell whether
he had a studye or not, I desire to have a shamefull deathe ; and
I doubt not but Gately is as well able to cleare him selfe of this
robberye.a Let it be proved that I ever complayned of Palmer to
the maior, or ever came with Palmer before the maior when he
was examyned, and I will be giltye of all that this sclaunderer hath
laid to my chardge.b
a " Where you doubt not but Gatelye is well hable to clere him selfe of this great
robbery, you are the bolder so to saye, because he was at the tyme constable [see note
in p. 110] and might do it by good authorite. Notwithstandyng, good men maye be bolde
to call him thefe for his laboure, seyng that before God it was playne robbery ; and in the
judgment of the Godly learned, that thinge maye well be sayd stollen, whiche is by
fraude, sleight, or violence taken from a just man, even by an officer." (Reply, f. 23.)
b "The worst that ye could then do was to accuse him wrongfully, and to laye that
118 NAKRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Trewe it is that one only letter was the cause of all Palmer's
troble that he had before the visiters, and so consequently of his
deathe, which letter at the earnest request of Palmer I carried to
the maior; which letter Palmer wrot in Buckinghamshire, and
brought with him to Eeadinge the same day that the visiters
sate at the Beare ; to the writinge wherof if I had bene priveye
(as I was not) I had benc hanged, as the maior and the comissioners
tolde me afterwards; of the which letter, I assure the, gentle
reader, that Coxc, Gately, and Downer never knewe, which they
never towched nor sawe, nether any creature lyvinge but Palmer,
I and the maior, of the which letter I will speake more hereafter.
(Fifteenth Section.) The Sclaunderer.
u Thus Palmer was once againe called owt of prisone to appeare
before the maior and Burdet a the officiall and two other justices,
to render an accompt of his faithe before them, to answere to sutche
informacions as were laid against him ; and when they had gathered
of his owne mouthe sufficient matter to trappe him, they devysed
a certificat or bill of instructions against him, to be directed to
doctour GefTery,b who had determyned to hold his visitation the
next Tuesday at Newbury, which was the xthof July;c and thus
were these false witnesses and bloodye accusers wyncked at, and the
innocent delyvered to the lyon to be devoured. When it was
concluded that Palmer shold be sent over to Newbury, the said
letters testimonial! were conveied over togither with him."
thing to his charge, whiche if he woulde have renounced and forsaken, he might have
lyved in earth more prosperously than ever you could, or have done, by often chaungyng
your typpet and turnyng your coate." (Reply, f. 23 b.)
a Clement Burdett, rector of Englefield, before noticed.
b See before, p. 74.
c xvith in Foxe, edit. 1576, p. 1843.
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKFIAM. 119
ThacTcham.
Whether Palmer were called jigainc owt of prisone after he was
comitted thither by the commissioners which sate at the Beare as
aforsaid, I can not tell; but to my knowledge he was never brought
owt of Welche his prisone before he was sent for by the comissioners
to Newbury, and if he were brought forth of the prison to be examined
before the maior and others as he saith here he was, I take God to
wytnes it was not by my procurement and my confederates the inno-
cent Palmer was delyvered to the lyon to be devoured, and that we
bloodye accusers were wyncked at. The sclaunderer shall well
knowe that I will not be wincked at ; but loke what may be proved
against me I will have the ponishement with all extrernitie, and thus
end to answer so shameles a sclaunderer. And albeit, gentle reader,
that whosoever shall reade this that my adversary hath caused the
godly writer of this history to put in writinge, and by printinge the
same to publishe it to the woiide against me, Coxe, Gately and
Downer, bloodye accusers and false witnesses against Palmer, as he
tearmeth us, consideringe how boldly he reporteth us, with what
reasons he perswadeth it, with what order he telleth it, with how
haynous offences and felonous actes he chardgeth us, with how
spitefull and railinge wordes he useth us, what uncharitable and
odious names he giveth us, might easely be perswaded that he hath
not lyed every sentence from the begynnyge.
But, gentle reader, marke well my offer. If this sclaunderer shall
ever be able to prove that of all he hath informed against me, and
hath procured mr. Foxe to publishe abroade, one sentence be trewe,
I beseche the counsell that I may have suche ponishement that all
other wycked hipocrites may beware by me. If I were not cleare,
and yet wold be so bolde to take upon me to reprove that which
mr. Foxe, a godly preacher, by his informacion hath published, as it
were to deface him, and his so famouse a worke, I were worthy to
be handled to the example of all others. But to deface mr. Foxe
was never my purpose, blessed be God for him ! I reverence him as
120 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
a most excellent Jewell of this our age, and accompt of him as of a
principall piller of relligion. But a worshipfull knight of our
contry, sir Robert Lane,a and one mr. Yelverton b a counsailor of
the la we and recorder of Northampton, wlier I dwell, ofte times
tolde me, and divers of my friendes sent me worde, that they mar-
vailed that I wold neither confesse my faulte, neither answere it if I
were innocent. Some gave me counsell to have an action of the
case against mr. Foxe for sclaunderinge me ; some said that mr. Foxe
was not in faulte, but that I shold answere the sclaunderer, wher-
unto I agreed.
I assure the, gentle reader, if I had in quene Maries time per-
secuted Palmer, and xxti more besides him, I wold be as ready now
to confesse it in open audience, as ever Paule c was to confesse
what a tyraunt he had bene, or as ever this sclaunderer was willinge
to lay it to my chardge; for it were nothinge to my shame so to do,
but to the glory of God, to my singuler comforte, and rejoysinge of
all my frindes; but the matter standinge as it do the, and that not
one sentence is to be proved trewe that this sclaunderer hath informed,
whether it were better for me to be evill thought of, and hold my
peace, or els by some meanes to defend myne innocencye, be thou
judge, gentle reader.
Here hast thou, gentle reader, myne answere to this sclaunderer,
which he shall never be able to disprove. Nowe will I telle the
howe Palmer behavyd himself in Readynge, howe he lefte his
schole, whither he departyd thence, and by what meanes he came to
his trouble.
Palmer had the schole when he came to Eeadynge of one sir John
a Of Horton, co. Northampton : see a note in Machyn's Diary, p. 394.
b Afterwards sir Christopher Yelverton, serjeant at law 1599, judge of the queen's
bench 1602, died 1607 : ancestor of the earls of Sussex. See an account of him in Col-
Hns's Peerage, 1779, iv. 338.
c " In deede S. Paul (whose example for a shewe to mocke an ape withall you bryng in)
was never a tyrant, but a persecutor we reade he had bene : yet when he persecuted, he
never bare ij. faces in one whoode, as you did in quene Maries tyme, and God graunt you
be voyde of it now ! " (Reply, f. 26.)
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 121
More, vycar of Sayncte Giles,a in quene Maries tyme, which he taught
diligently, behavyd himself honestly, came to the churche many
sondaies and holidayes with his schollars, and satte in Sayncte
Johnes chappell, [and] lyved so quyetly among them, that I dare
swere he had not one enemy in the towne. This Palmer taught a
sonne of one John Rydgies, the quenes servaunte and one of the
stable ;b which boye, ether for his negligence in learnyng, ether for
some shrewd turne, he bette in the schole. Rydgies, thincking that
he had gy ven his sonne more correction then he deservid, in a great
rage came into the schole, and boxed Palmer about the eares, and
so departed. Palmer taking this grevously, that he had so muche
misused him, toke a pitche-forke of his hostyes, and laye iij. or iiij.
daies in wayte for Rydgies in the Vasterne,c beneath one John
Ryder's garden,d to have done him some displeasure, as he wente
to a close that Rydgies had toward Causam bridge, but could at
no tyme mete with him. After that he had thus watched Ridges,
a See p. 108.
b At the dissolution of monastic houses king Henry determined to maintain the abbey
of Reading as a royal palace; and, though it was not often occupied in that capacity, yet
we find king Edward VI. lodged there, as " the Kinges Place," on his visit to the town in
1552, and king Philip and queen Mary in 1554. Camden says, " The monastery, wherein
king Henry the First was interred, has been converted into a royal seat; adjoining to
which stands a fair stable stored with noble horses of the king's." It was on account of
this royal stable that mr. Ridges, the officer mentioned in the text, had his residence at
Reading. The abbey was still regarded as royal property in 1650, when it was surveyed
as parcel of the late possessions of king Charles : see Coates's Reading, p. 267.
c To the north of the town, at the back of Friars' street, in the map given in Coates's
History of Reading, will be found fields called, The home Vastern, The little Vastern, and
The farther Vasterns. There is now a short street called Vasterne street. Fasterne great
park near Wotton Basset was subject to right of common for the inhabitants of that town,
(see the Topographer and Genealogist, vol. iii. 1858, p. 22,) and perhaps the derivation of
the name is from waste or common land, in the Latin vastum. Otherwise, they might be
old inclosures in which cattle were kept fast.
d " Master Rider of Reding, a faithfull favourer of Goddes gospell," as Foxe terms him,
who sent his servant to Palmer the night before his departure to Newbury, " with a bowed
groat in token of his good harte towarde hym," offering to provide him with any neces-
saries that he lacked. He has been mentioned before in p. 96, note b, as " John Ryder of
Reading capper."
CAMD. SOC. R
122 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
he told me howe he had done, and what he had purposed. I told
him that Kidgies was to(o) good for him, willing him not to seke to
be revengyd of him, but to tell the maior and the masters of the
towne. " No, (sayd Palmer,) for by that meanes I shall never pre-
vaile, for he can make moe frendes then I."
One fortnight after, Palmer came to me and said, that he would
geve up his schole, yf he might have reasonably for the patent,
which hunge but apon the liffe of one olde man called Coxe.a I
told Palmer that synce quene Marie came to the crowne, I was put
from my vicaridge there, and was constrayned to labour sore for my
lyvynge. For, as it is well knowne, I went every weke foure-score
myles save foure, on foote, to bye yearne, and sell it agayne at
Eeading, of which tedyouse journeys and paynefull travayle I waxed
werye. Wherfore I sayd that yf in time to come he were disposed to
leave the schole, so that I could gette the good wyll of the towne to
kepe it agayne, I would geve him with reason for the patent.
Palmer said that he was content that I should have it before an other,
yf he did yelde it up ; and so we partyd for that tyme.
A moneth after, he came to me againe, and said that he was come
to be as good as his promysse, which was to graunte me his good
wyll to have the schole before any man. I thanckyd him, and
demaundyd of him what he would requyre for the patent. He sayd
I should do iij thinges for him : the one was that I should geve him
fourty shillinges in his purse; the other was, that I should geve him
foure poundes to bye him apparell, or els be suerty for as rnuche
apparell as came to foure poundes; the third was, that I should
provyde him some place, where he might teach a gentleman's
children, and lyve to his conscyence. I aunsweryd him agayne, that
I must requyre lykwyse iij thinges at his handes ; first that I might
procure the good willes of the worshipfull of the towne, to become
the schole-master agayne ; secondarily, that I might have a tyme to
procure such a place for him, where he might lyve safely, quyetly,
and to his conscyence; thirdly, that he would take xls in hande, and
a Leonard Coxe : see before, p. 108. The patent granted to Coxe will be found in the
Appendix.
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 123
the residue at ij convenyent tymes, and therwith bye that he lackyd
himself; which Palmer grauntyd with good wyll.
Then rode I first to Horsynton in Buckinghamshire to one
master Raffe Lee,a which had one sonne, whom I had taught before ;
and tolde him that, yf he would have a scholmaster with him, to
teache his sonne Edward Dunne Lee,b I could provyde him of an
honest, quyet, sober, and learnyd young man ; wherof master Lee
was glad, and requestyd me so to doe, and he would compound with
him for such a stypend as he should reasonably requyre. I returned
to Reading and told Palmer what I had done, and howe I had sped ;
wherwith Palmer was content. Then we appoynted a day to
repayre to the gentleman, and to bargayne for his stypende, and so
we did ; whome master Lee and his wyffe lyked very well.
Then after we were returnyd unto Readinge agayne, I wente to
master Edmundes,c mr. Edward Butler ,d master Thomas Turner,6
[and] master Aldworth,f my very frendes, declaryng to them that
a Horsington is Horsenden in Buckinghamshire. The manor, with that of Saunderto^
belonged to the family of Donne, but appears to have been temporarily held by Ralph Lee
esquire. He presented to the rectory of Horsenden in 1554, and to that of Saunderton in
1572. In the latter year he received a grant of arms, being then styled of Saunderton.
In that year also his wife Frances, daughter of Thomas Joanes, was buried in the Savoy
church, London, Somerset herald attending. Ralph was the son of Thomas Lee, elder
brother of Francis the grandfather of sir Thomas Lee who married the heiress of
Hampden of Hartwell. His name, with that of his son and heir Edward, the pupil of
Julins Palmer, occurs in the Lee pedigree. (Compare Lipscombe's Buckinghamshire,
vol. i. p. 163, vol. ii. p. 334, vol. iii. pp. 626, 628.)
b This occurrence of two prcenomina, so unusual at the period, is very remarkable. It
seems to imply a relationship between Ralph Lee and the Donnes. Was his wife a widow
of one of the Donne family ?
c See before, p. 97.
d Edward Butler was mayor of Reading in 1554, 1559, 1575, and 1581; and a fifth
time (perhaps at the close of the mayoralty of a mayor dying when in office) , according to
his epitaph formerly in St. Lawrence's church : which will be found in Ashmole's Berkshire,
and in Coates's Reading, p. 174. In Ashmole's time there existed brass-plates, now lost,
representing master Butler in his gown, his wife, his three daughters and his grandchildren.
He died July 7, 1584.
e Thomas Turner was mayor in 1556, 1560, and 1567.
f See before, p. 95.
124 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Palmer would leave the schole, and dwell with a gentleman; and
desyred them that I might have their good willes to teache yt agayne,
for I was wery of playing the packe-man, and of my tedyous journeys
to Salesbury wekely; which aunsweryd that they thought no lesse,
and that I should have their good willes to kepe the schole agayne.
This done, Palmer and I came bothe to master Edmundes, steward
of Eeadinge,a to have our wrytinges made, where it was agreid that
I should paye Palmer xls in hande, and enter into bondes, to paye
him the other iiij u at ij other tymes by evyn porcions, and yf the
said sommes were not aunsweryd according to covenantes, that then
it should be lawful for Palmer to resume his patent, and enjoye the
same as in his former estate. It was also agreed apon, that master
Edmundes should kepe the patent and resignation, and all other
wrytinges, untill the laste xls were payd. And thus I entrid to kepe
the schole, and Palmer went to master Lee's to dwell, and there con-
tynewed. And after Palmer had receyved his last payment, master
Edmundes delyve.red me the paten tes. resignation, and all other
wri tinges,
But albeit Palmer was well, and where he might have lyved
quyetlye, yet (as it is well knowne) he could not tarye x dayes from
his hostyes, but often resortyd unto her, so that he grewe to be evill
thought of, and her husband began to mystruste him, albeit I
thincke he gave never any suche cause. But so often resortyd
Palmer from Horsyngton to his hostyes, that her husband began to
suspecte him. Then was a letter interceptyd, which she wrote to
him ; which being sene, her husband kepte. And at Palmer's next
returne to Readinge, (as was tolde me,) by the cookes meanes his
hostyes' husband, Palmer was brought before the maior, and com-
a Steward of the estates formerly belonging to Reading abbey, and now to the crown,
(see before, p. 121.) In July 1552 the office of steward of the borough and lordship of
Reading, and of the possessions of the late monastery, was granted to the marquess of
Northampton. (MS. Reg. 18 C. XXIV. f. 244 b.) The same office was afterwards held
by the family of Knollys, who resided in the mansion formerly the abbey, and there enter-
tained queen Elizabeth for some days in the year 1572.
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 125
mytted to the cage; at which tyme, whatsoever the slaunderer hath
sayd of me, I was not at home, nether knowe I any thinge therof,
untyll fyve dales after yt was done, God I take to recorde.
Then was Palmer brought fourth of the cage, and warned by the
maior to come no more at his hostyce, and was let returne againe to
Horsyngton, where he dwelled with master Lee. Whether his
master knewe of his trouble or not, I cannot tell.
Notwithstanding this punishment and warnyng geven him by the
mayre to com no more to his hostis, Palmer came to his hostis
agayne on Tuesdaye as I thinke about x. of the clocke in the fore-
none ; and as I sat at dinner he sent his hostis' sister, a litle wentche,
for me to come and speake with him. Be twelve of the clocke I
came to him, and when I was come he sayde unto me, " Mr. Thack-
ham, I thinke ye have harde ho we I have bene used here of late by
the meanes of my hoste, who as I thinke is perswaded that I resorte
to his house for some yvell purpose. I have a letter here which I
have written to mr. Edmundes, wherin I have declared how I have
bene abused and wherin; and have therin so clered myselfe that,
when he hath red yt, I dowbt not but he will thinke better of me
then at this present he doth; which letter I beseche you to deliver
for me unto him." I answered, " Mr. Palmer, I thinke yt better
that ye deliver it yourselfe." u Nay, (sayd Palmer,) he so reviled
me when I was here laste, that I knowe he cannot abycle me ; but
by your meanes, and at your requeste, he will receave my letter, and
read yt. Herein you shall doe me a great pleasure." u Mr. Palmer,
(sayd 1,) yf the deliverye of your letter may stand you in stede, I will
carrye yt unto the mayre, and further doe you what pleasure I can."
So I toke the letter, beinge faste sealed, with the superscription to
mr. Edmundes ; and when I cam to master Edmundes he sate in his
study e writinge an obligation ; to whom I sayd that master Palmer
had requested me to bringe a letter, besechynge him to read the
same; wherein he should perceive howe innocent he was of all
that his hoste or any other had layd to his charge. " Well," (sayd
mr. Edmundes,) laye yt downe, and I will loke apon yt anone."
126 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
And so I departed. Within one lialfe hower master Edrnundes sent
for me agayne. When I came he sayde, " Mr. Thackham, Palmer
hath written here no suche matter as ye tolde me of, but doth rayle
at the quene and her lawes. I am her majesties officer, and maye
not conseale yt, nether will.'5 " Sir, (sayd I,) yf he have overshote
himselfe in any thinge, I beseche you take him not at the worste."
" Well ! (sayd mr. Edmundes,) goe your waye, I maye not conseale
yt, neather will I." And as I was departinge out of his wickette,
he whisteled (as his maner was) for one of his sargentes. I went home
to my schole, wher I walked, marvelinge what wolde come of yt.
So sone as I was gone, the mayre, mr. Edmundes, commaunded
the sergent to goe to the cookes howse, and call Palmer to him.
When the sergent knocked at the cookes dore, his hostis' sister spied
him, and told Palmer who was at the dore. Palmer, heringe that
an officer was come for him, conveyed himselfe out of the kitchen
dore into the bac-side, and so into his hostis' garden. The sergent
at the dore sawe him goe that waye, and thruste open the dore and
folowed him, and tooke him at the ende of [his] hostis' garden about
to leape over a wale ; and broughte him to the mayre.
Yt happened that the very same daye ther sat at the Beare in
Reading doctor Jefferye,a the parsone of Inglefelde,b with diverse
other commissioners. When the sergent was come with Palmer,
the mayer commanded him to goe with him ; whom Palmer folowed,
not knowing (as I thinke) whether he would bringe him. The
mayer went streyght-waye to the Bere, wher the commissioners
were, in a parler apon the righte hande as ye come into the inne.
When the mayer was come to the commissioners, he declared unto
them how the man whom he brought had sent him a letter, wherin
was contayned matter which he would not conseale, and so he
delivered the letter to them; and then the commissioners willed
him to sit downe at the table's ende which is nexte to the strete;
and when the mayer was sett downe, they asked who broughte him
a See pp. 74, 118. b Clement Burdett : see p. 95*
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 127
the letter. The mayre answered one mr. Thackham, ther schol-
master. " I praye you, mr. mayer, (sayth docter Jefforye,) let him
be sent for." So the mayer commanded his sargent to goe for me.
When the sargent came to me, I was walkinge in the schole. The
sergent sayd that the commissioners commanded me to come to
them. I went with him. When I came before them, doctor
Jefferye (as I thinke), or some other of them, asked me whether
I delivered the letter to the mayre or not.a I sayd that I did
deliver the letter to him. They asked me whether Palmer and I
did devise yt ; and which of us wroughte it. I answered that yt
ys to be thought that I would answere that I did neather write
yt nor knowe of the wri tinge therof; " but, sir, (sayd I,) I will not
answere the question, let this man (meaninge Palmer, which stode
by me,) answere how it was." Palmer then immediatlye answered,
" Sir, I wroughte yt, and I will stand to yt; and as for this man,
he nether wroughte yt, nether knewe what was in yt, but delivered
yt to mr. mayre at my requeste." Then sayd the parsone of
a "At the last, to make your tale credible, you saye that one, you knowe not who (yet
no man knewe the commissioners better then you), asked you, whether you were prevy to
the letter that you delyvered, whereunto you saye that Palmer as a man yet once agayne
willyng to dye, though he ranne awaye first from the sergeant, or rather as an impudent
man, not content to write raylyng matter against his prince and the lawes, but redely to
advouche it, made quyck and spedy aunswere immediatly without any deliberacion or
craving of pardon (as a desperate Dick desyrous to dye without cause) , and boldly sayd,
' Sir, I wrote it, and will stand to it. As for mr. Thackham he knewe not what it was.
Quare si me qtieritis, sinite hunc abire."1 O trym tale ! now mr. Thackham (teste se ipso) is
clered, and Palmer become giltie of his awne deathe ! But if Palmer did confesse it to be
his letter and hand-writyng, why were you sent for and examyned aboute the writyng
therof ? shall we think that they did not first demaund of Palmer, whether he wrote the
letter or no ? no doubte they did ; wherunto when he had aunswered that he wrote it not,
then were you immediatly sent for ; and to be playne with you, it shalbe proved by the
witnes of honest and godly men, that Palmer himselfe, beyng in prison, did greatlye
complayne to his frendes, that he was betrayed, that his hand was counterfeated, and that
Thackham had forged a letter in his name, and brought it to light, to cause him to be
examyned of his conscience. And therewithall you presented also, accordyng to your
awne tale, other thinges of his awne hand writyng, howbeit greatlye against his will, and
not at his request, as you write." (Reply, f. 32.)
128 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Yenglefelde to me : " Master Thackham, I wishe that ye teache
gramer and let divinitye alone."
By this tyme was Wellche, the keper of the prisone, com into the
parlar, and I was bed depart; wher I lefte Palmer talking with
them stoutly; but when I was agaynst one master Borne's dorea
I loked backe, and sawe Palmer cominge with the keper of the
prison ; and after that daye I never sawe Palmer,b nether came he
out of prison so farre as I knowe any more, before he was sent for
to Newberye, wher he was areyned, condemned, and burned.
He that had Palmer to Newberye was a wever with a blacke
beard, which became a sumner, and went after to dwell at Salsberye:
whiche tolde my wife that Palmer, beinge at the stake, requested
this sumner to have him commendid to master Thackham, and to
pray him to forgeve hym the twelve shillinges that he owed him,
which xijs I lent him when he lay in prison; for in consideration
that I had a benefite at his hand I thoughte yt my duetye the rather
to helpe him in that extremyte.
Thus haste thou hard, gentle reader, howe I delte with Palmer;
ho we his troble begane, how he was used, and by what occationes:
which yff you compare with that the rayler hath caused mr. Fox to
wryte, you shalt not find one sentense trewe.
Finis.
From Northampton, the xxxth of January,
the yeare offower Salvation 1571.
By me, THOMAS THACKHAM.
a John Bourn, mayor of Reading in 1546, 1547 and 1552 ; burgess in parliament for
the town 6 Edw. VI. and 1 and 2 Philip and Mary.
b " Where you saye that after that daye you never sawe him, I saye agayn, the lesse
grace was in you, and the greater token it is that you had dealt Judasly with him; for
elles, seyng (as you saye) that you were Palmer's great frende, and that the keper was
his speciall good frende and yours also, it maye be thought you were either wicked, or
very colde and without godly zeale and charitie, that in all the space that he laye in that
dongeon, you would neither visite him, nor finde meanes once to beholde him along, as
Peter folowed Christ. But, alas ! Judas also never sawe Christes face after he had
betrayed him." (Reply, f. 32.)
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS TIIACKHAM. 129
In addition to the passages of the Reply which have already been given in
the introduction and the notes, the following may be appended, as containing a
summary of the several points in dispute. The severity and acrimony of the
writer has been already manifested : and perhaps we may in charity conclude
that to a great extent he wrote rather from zeal than knowledge, particularly
as he admits that he had never had any personal acquaintance with Thackham : —
"Whether your aunswere be reproved or no, first reade this Replye, and
understand of further profes that are to be brought foorth, and then at length
God graunt that you maye speake and professe as your conscience dothe and
shall leade you to do ! And, if you compare your awne wordes indifferently
with the story, you shall the better and the soner see your awne follye.
" The storye sayth that Palmer clered himselfe from all soche crymes as were
objected against him. But you, to clere your awne selfe, doubt whether he
clered himselfe or noe, at the least you saye that he did not so clere himselfe as
the story reporteth. Belyke, because you are a phisician, you have some other
purgacion for him in store, if you might have your awne foorth. The storye
sayth that you and others presented certeyn letters against him, full sore
against his will, that were written with his awne hand, whiche letters had bene
by certeyn enemyes of his stollen out of his study, conteynyng soche matter
against him, as wherby he was detected and first knowen to the magestrates to
be a protestant : you denye it, and to make up your awne mouthe, you saye
that he wrote the letters of purpose to have theim shewed, and that in dede you
delyvered theim : but though they were daungerous, yet he besought you with
earnest sute and request to be the instrument wherby he might procure his awne
deathe. The storye sheweth honest causes of his last repayr to Readyng: you
hardly (AZ'C) to confute the same, affirmyng that he came purposely to see a woman
for whome he had bene vehemently suspected, accused, ponysshed, and from
whose company although he had bene by speciall commaundment forbydden by
the maior, yet he coulde not kepe himself ten dayes together fromcomyng xviij
myles to see her. The storye sayth, he was taken in an honest inne : you saye
he was taken in a suspected house, from the whiche he could not absteyne or
withholde himselfe. The storye sayth that the maior was ashamed that he had
executed ponyshment unjustly upon him by the intimacion and sute of certeyn
uncharitable men : you saye those men were godly, and that the maior was not
ashamed, nor neded not to be ashamed, of his doynges. The story excuseth him
of the adulterye that was blowen up upon him by the envyous papistes: but you
seme to augment that wicked suspicion, and, as farre as you dare, you signefy
that he was giltie. The story commendeth his simplicitie, patience, and long-
animitie: you saye that he was a fighter, and coulde not suffer injury e, but
CAMD. SOC. S
130 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
refusyng the ayde of publique autlioritie, he caught a pickforke in his hand, and
ranne foorth lyke a madman, and wayted upon the high-wayes, sekyng private
advengement of his enemy. The storye 'sayth, that righteousnes' sake was the
cause of his deathe : you saye that a letter whiche you dely vered was the cause
of his deathe. The story say th he was betrayed by soche men as had bene his
frendes : you saye it is not so, but he betrayed himself without any just cause,
even when he might have lyved quyetly to his awne conscience. The story
sayth he dyed a martir unto the Lorde ; you saye in effect that he ended his
life as a cast-awaye and wilfull destroyer of himselfe. To be short, the storie
justefieth the martir : you, to justefie yourselfe, deface the martir. The storye
seketh to clere him whorne God hathe clensed, yea, whome God hathe justefied
and glorefied: you seeke to defile the Lordes anoynted, shewyng yourselfe
therein subject to the cursse of God, accordyng as it is written, Plague theim, O
Lorde, that defyle thy priesthood.
" Thus let all the chosen faithfull of the Lorde both in Readyng and out of
Ready ng, to whose judgement herein I appeale, and by whome the storie maye
stand or fall, let theim I saye now testefy and pronounce who deserveth the
name and hathe playd the parte of a slaunderer, who is the Iyer, who hathe
rayled, &c." (f. 26-27.)
Again, " You hide yourselfe properly among the bushes, thinkyng that thing
to be matter sufficient to discredits the whole, and to clere the dymnes of your
owne cause. But if shall please God to geve you the grace once to heare his
voyce, from among these thorney thickettes, you shall tremble and quake, and
beyng stroken with contricion, and remorse of conscience, you will crye peccavi.
And thus I make an end, warnyng you yet once agayne, that if every thing in
the story be not rehersed in soche order as it was done, or that the due course
of tyme and place be not thoroughly observed, it is not greatly materiall, nor
moche to be merveyled at, seyng that the gatherers of the storye were not
present at the doynges, and the informers neither did nor coulde so exactly
instruct theim of the tymes, orders, and places as they wisshed. For the dayes
were soche that the godly whiche were liable more diligently to have observed
circumstances, durst not be present (very few excepted). And the gatherers
thought it not expedient to counsayll with the dull, doubtfull and dissemblyng
papistes. As well as they were hable to do, they have done, and have not
erred in the substaunce of the matter ; if any defect be founde in certeyn
circumstances the want therof shalbe supplyed (I hope) in the next Edicion."
(f. 27 b.)
In the "Informations gathered at Reading, 1571," occur these paragraphs
respecting Thackham's conduct in the reign of Mary : —
" Thackham protested in the pulpytt in the begynnynge of queen Marie
JULINS PALMER AND THOMAS THACKHAM. 131
reigne that he would seale his doctrine with his blud, and stand to it even unto
deathe. Yet afterwards he shranke backe, and sayd that he would never be
minister agayne."
But soon after he is stated to have contributed to the performance of the
popish service : —
" Wylliam Dyblye wytnesseth that Thackam brought into the church leaves
of olde popishe service, and that he with others dyd helpe to patche together
the bookes, and to sing the fyrst Latin even-songe in the churche of St.
Lawrence."
These charges receive some support from the records of the parish of St.
Lawrence. In the churchwardens' book in 1553 is a memorandum of a desk
left "in the hands of mr. Thackham, being vicar," and in 1554, "Recd of
Thomas Thackham for his wifes seate vjd." In 1559 (this is after Elizabeth's
accession) the following entries occur in the parish accounts : —
" Item, paid to Thackham for iiii. salter bookes, vjs.
" To Thackham, for one month's service, vj8 viijd.
" To mr. Thackham, for ij weeks service, v8." (Ibid. pp. 224, 225.)
From these entries it appears probable that Thackham continued to officiate
at St. Lawrence's throughout the reign of Mary.
There was a Thomas Thackham presented to the rectory of St. Mary at
Wilton, by Henry earl of Pembroke in 1572, and to that of Hilpington, by Joan
Longe, widow, in 1573. (Wiltshire Institutions, printed by Sir R. C. Hoare.)
There was a second Thomas Thackham master of Reading school in 1662 :
he was born in 1619, being the son of Thomas Thackham and Susanna Wood-
cock, who were married in 1617. See further of him in Coates's History of
Reading, pp. 342, 343.
There was a Thomas Thackham married at St. Mary's Reading in 1697, and
a Francis Thackham of Oakingham in 1722. (Ibid. p. 127.)
Note. — Among the errors in Strype's copy of Thackham's defence, is that of misreading
the date at its close, (p. 128,) as 1572 instead of 1571. This error occurs in the Ecclesi-
astical Memorials, vol. iii. p. 356 and p. 362.
VI.
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL ANECDOTES OF EDWARD UNDERBILL,
ONE OP THE BAND OF GENTLEMEN PENSIONERS.
THE partial publication of the following anecdotes has made Edward Under-
hill well known as an actor and relater of the events of his time. From the
pages of Strype his name has passed into those of Miss Strickland and others
of our popular historians, whilst in Mr. Ainsworth's romance of " The Tower of
London" we see " the hot Gospeller" — as by his own testimony he was called,
again presented to our acquaintance, and resuming his busy and zealous part.
The writer's grandfather, John Underbill, originally of Wolverhampton,
acquired, in the year 1509, a lease for eighty years from sir Ralph Shirley, of
the manor of Eatington, in Warwickshire, having married Agnes, daughter and
heir of Thomas Porter, a former lessee of that manor in the reign of Henry VI.
John left issue, 1. Edward, who in 1541 had a fresh lease of the manor of
Eatington from the Shirleys, for the term of one hundred years, and whose
posterity continued at that place a; 2. Thomas, of Honingham, in the same county.
Thomas Underbill, of Honingham, married Anne, daughter of Robert
Winter, of Hudington, co. Worcester, and died before the 36th Hen. VIII.,
when the estate of Honingham was sold by his son Edward, the author of the
ensuing autobiography.
Edward Underbill exchanged the life of a country gentleman for that of a
soldier and courtier. In 1543 he served as a man-at-arms under sir Richard
Crumwell, captain of the horsemen in the contingent sent to assist the emperor
in the siege of Landreci, in Hainault ; and in the following year, when king
Henry went to Boulogne, sir Richard procured for Underbill a nomination
among the men-at-arms who were embodied to attend upon his majesty's person,
being a band of two hundred, attired in a uniform of red and yellow damask,
with the bards of their horses and their plumes of feathers of the same colours.
At the revival of the band of Gentlemen Pensioners, in 1539, Edward Under-
bill was appointed one of its first members, and he continued to serve in it at
the period of the ensuing anecdotes.
^ The pedigree is printed in the Collectanea Topogr. et Genealogica, vol. vi. p. 382.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 133
In the year 1549 he a second time went to France on military service, ac-
companying the army of six thousand men sent under the command of the earl
of Huntingdon, to check the French, who were then aiming at the recapture of
Boulogne. On this expedition Underhill served as comptroller of the ordnance.
His subsequent history, except as connected with the religious persecution
which forms the subject of the ensuing narrative, is merely that of domestic
life. He had taken in marriage, in the year 1545, the daughter of a citizen of
London, of an obscure and unknown family. It is difficult to ascertain the
orthography of her maiden name ; but according to the most credible account
she appears to have been Joan, daughter of Thomas Perrynes.a She presented
master Underhill with five sons and seven daughters1*, of whose births the
following full particulars have been preserved :c
1. Anne, borne on St. John's day in Chrystmas 1548.
2. Chrystyan, borne the 16 of September 1548.
3. Elenor, borne the xth of November in A° 1549.
4. Rachaell, borne the 4 of February 1551.
5. Unyca, borne on Palmes Sonday (April 10) 1552.
6. Gylford, borne the xiij of July in A° 1553, and dyed yong. (This was the
godson of Queen Jane, as related in the ensuing pages, and named after
her husband the lord Guildford Dudley.)
7. Anne, borne the 4 of January 1554.
8. Edward, 2. son and now heyre, was borne the 10 of February 1555.
9. John, 3. son, died yong in A° 1556.
10. Prudence, borne in A° 1559, and dyed yonge.
11. Henry, 4. son, borne the 6th of September in A° 1561.
On " The xiiij of April (1562) was buried at St. Botulph without Aldgate,
mistress Underhill, with a dozen of scucheons of arms; and there did preach
for her — " one whose name is not recorded.*1
In two pedigrees (Vincent 126, f. 25, and MS. Harl. 1167) Edward Underhill
8 It is Perrynes in G.ll Coll. Arm., Perynes in H.12 Coll. Arm., Peromes in MS.
Harl. 810 ; Perrins in MS. Harl. 1167 ; and Price in MSS. Harl. 1100 and 1563. In
Dugdale's Warwickshire, edit. Thomas, p. 607, it is printed Percones. Underhill himself
has written the name Speryne, hereafter, p. 153.
b Thomas's Dugdale's Warw. ut supra, on the authority of a pedigree shown to Cooke,
Chester herald, at Warwick, July 16, 1564.
c MS. Harl. 810, f. 9.
d Machyn's Diary, p. 280. The arms of Underhill were, Argent, on a chevron between
three trefoils slipped vert three bezants ; quartering Porter, Sable, three bells argent, a
canton ermine. "Thus by Clarencyeulx Harvy." (MS. Harl. 810, p. 9.) An old seal of
the Underhill family now in the possession of Evelyn Philip Shirley, esq. M.P. of Eatington
Park, displays the coat of Underhill without bezants, and for crest a buck trippant.
134 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
is styled "of Bath Kington." This was not improbably Baggington near
Coventry, to which neighbourhood he mentions his removal, in p. 171. The
date of his death has not been ascertained.
The following anecdotes were written after the storm which fired the spire
of St. Paul's cathedral in June 1561. Portions of them were introduced by
Strype in his Memorials of Cranmer, book ii. chapter vii. and book iii. chapter
xvii., and a further portion in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. book i.
chapter vi. Foxe had not made any use of them; but he had published a pre-
vious communication from the writer, being an anecdote of king Edward's
inquiries respecting " good Saint George," made at on the feast of the Garter
in 1551, when Underbill and his fellow pensioners were waiting in the presence-
chamber at Greenwich (see the Appendix).
(MS. Harl. 425, f. 85.)
Receaved of M. Vnderyll, hys examinations.
A NOTE off the examynacy on and impresonmentt off Edwarde Undere-
hylle, sone and heyre off Thomas Underhylle, off Honyngham,in
the countie off War wy eke, (gentleman, altered to) esquire, beynge
off the bande off the pencyoners, for a ballett that he made
agaynst the papistes, immediately after the proclamacyone of
quene Mary att London, she beynge in Norfoulke.
The next daye after the quene was come unto the Tower,a the
foresayde ballett b came unto the handes off secretary Borne,c who
strayte wayes made inquiry for me the sayde Edwarde, who dwelled att
the Lymehurst ;d wiche he having intelligence off, sentt the shreffe
a The queen came to the Tower on the 3rd of August, 1553 : see Machyn's Diary, p. 38.
b This ballad is perhaps not to be identified, even if a copy should chance to be in
existence. It appears, however, from what passed before the council, that it was printed
and published, and that the authority of Tyndale was asserted in it (see p. 140). Underbill
afterwards mentions that be had written a ballad against dicers. One of his poetical pro-
ductions will be found at the close of his anecdotes.
c Sir John Bourne, of whom Underbill gives some remarkable anecdotes hereafter.
d Limehouse was at this period a hamlet in the parish of Stepney. It was constituted a
distinct parish by act of parliament in 1730. Its earlier name was Limehurst, as Under-
bill writes it, and as' we are told by Stowe, in whose time " Radcliffe itself hath also been
increased in building eastward (in place whereof I have known a large highway with fair
elm trees on both sides,) that the same hath now taken hold of Lime-hurst, or Lime-host,
corruptly called Limehouse, sometime distant a mile from Ratcliife." Survay of London.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERIIILL. 135
of Mydellsex,a with a company off bylles and gleves, who came unto
my housse, 1 beynge in my bedde, and my wyffe newly leayde in
chylde-bedde. The hygh constable, whose name is Thomas Ive,
dwelled att the next house unto me the sayde Edwarde, whoine the
shrefFe brought also with hym ; he beynge my very ffrende, desyred
the shreffe and his company to staye withowte ffor fryghtynge off
my wyffe, beyng newly leyde; and he wolde goo feche me unto hym,
who knokede att the doore saynge he must speke with me. I lyinge
so nere that I myght here hym, called unto hym, wyllynge hym to
come unto me, for thatthe was alwayes my veryefrende and earnest
in the Gospelle ; who declared unto me that the shreffe, with a greate
company with hym, weare sentt for me. Whereuppon I rose, made
me redy, and came unto hym demaundynge what he wolde with
me. " Sir, (sayde he,) I have commaundementt fromme the coun-
celle to aprehende yow, and forthewith to brynge yow unto them."
" Why, (sayde I,) it is now x off cloke in the nyght, ye cannott
now cary me unto them." "No, syr, (sayde he,) you shall go with
rne to my house, to London, wheare yow shall have a bedde, and
to-morrowe I wyll brynge yow unto them att the Tower." " In the
name of God !"b (sayde I,) and so wentt with hym, requyryng hym yff
I myght understande the cause. He sayde, he knew none. lf This
nedede not then, (sayde I;) any one mesenger myght have feched
me unto them;" suspectynge the cause to be, as it was indede, the
ballett.
On the morrow, the shreffe, seynge me nothynge dismayde,
thynkyng it to be sume lyght matter, wentt nott wyth me hymselfe?
butt sent me unto the Tower wyth too of his men, waytynge upon me
with two bylles, presoner-lyke, who brought me unto the councell
chamber, beynge comaundyd to delyver me unto secretary Bourne.
Thus standynge waytynge at the councelle chamber doore, too or
a Sir William Garrard, afterwards lord mayor in 1555-6 : see note in Machyn's Diary,
p. 347.
b " In the name of God !" an extravagantly strong form of signifying assent.
136 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
thre off my fellowes the pencyoners, and my cosyn jarrnene Gilbarte
Wynter,a jentylman ussher unto the ladye Elizabethe, stoode
talkynge with me. In the meanetyme commithe sir Edwarde
Hastyngesb, newly made master off the horse to the quene, and
seyng me standynge there presoner, frownynge earnestly uppon
me, sayde, "Are yow cume? we wylle talke with yow or yow
parte, I warrantt yow," and so went into the councell. With that
my fellowes and kynsemane shranke away from me as men greately
affrayde.
I dide then parseave the sayde syr Edwarde bare in remembraunce
the contraversy thatt was bytwyxt hym and me in talke and questions
off relegyone att Callis, when the ryght honorable the yerle off
Huntyngetune c his brother wentt over generalle off vj. thowsande
men, with whom I wentt the same tyme and was comtroler off the
a Underbill's mother, as already mentioned, was Anne, daughter of Robert Winter,
who had an elder brother Gilbert, named in the pedigree of Winter, MS. Harl. 1566, f.
108 b. : but the Gilbert Winter of the text does not occur in that pedigree.
b Sir Edward Hastings was a younger brother to Francis earl of Huntingdon ; knighted
by the duke of Somerset in the Scotish campaign of 1547. He had been one of Under-
bill's comrades in the band of gentlemen pensioners (as hereafter mentioned, p. 144.)
Having signalised his activity in promoting the accession of queen Mary, he was made her
master of the horses in July 1553 ; a knight of the Garter 1555 ; lord chamberlain on
the 25th Dec. 1557 ; and created lord Hastings of Loughborough on the 19th Jan.
following. He died without issue in 1572. See copious memoirs of him in Nichols's
History of Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 577, together with an engraving of his figure in stained
glass at Stoke Pogeis, co. Bucks, which is also given in Gough's Sepulchral Monuments.
c Francis second earl of Huntingdon 1544, K.G. 1549, died 1561. He married Ka-
tharine Pole, daughter and co-heir of Henry lord Montagu; and the royal blood (of
Clarence) thus derived to his heir apparent Henry lord Hastings, attracting the ambitious
regard of John Dudley duke of Northumberland, led that aspiring man to court his alliance.
Lord Hastings was married to the lady Katharine Dudley at the same time as lord Guild -
ford Dudley espoused the lady Jane Grey. This led to the temporary imprisonment of
the earl of Huntingdon and his son at the accession of Mary, but the queen soon released
them, probably from regard to sir Edward Hastings. The son's imprisonment was very
short, for we are told that when the earl of Arundel brought the duke of Northumberland
to the Tower on the 25th of July, he " discharged the lord Hastings, and had him away
with him." The earl received two pardons, dated the 4th Nov. and 8th Dec. 1 Mary, and
lord Hastings another. (Nichols's Leicestershire, iii. 580, 583.)
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 137
ordynaunce.a The carle beynge veseted with syknes when he came
thether, for thatt I wentt over in his company, and could pley and
synge to the lute, therwith to pass awaye the tyme on the nyghtes
beynge lounge, for we wentt over in the Cristmas, wolde have me
with hym in his chamber, and hadde also a greate delyght to heare
his brother reasone with me in matters of relegione, who wolde be
very hote when I dide overley hym with the textes off the screpture
concernynge the naturalle presens of Crist inthesacramentt of the alter,
and wolde sweare greate othes, specyally " by the Lord's foote," thatt
after the words spokyne by the prist ther remayned no breade, but
the naturalle body thatt Mary bare. " Naye, then it muste needes
be so, (wolde I saye,) andb yow prove it with souche othes."
Whereatt the earle wolde lawghe hartely, sayinge, " Brother, geve
hym over; Uiiderhylle is to(o) goode for yow." Wherwith he wolde
be very angrye. The greatest holde thatt he toke was off the
thyrde off John, uppon those wordes, "And no mane assendithe
upe to heavine butt he thatt came downe from heavene, thatt is to
saye, the sone of mane wiche is in heaven." I drove hym from the
vjth Off Jonn? and all other places thatt he coulde aleage; but frome
this he wolde nott be removed, butt thatt those wordes proved his
naturalle body to be in heaven and in the sacramentt also. I tolde
hym he as grosely understode Cryst as Nicodemus dyde in the same
place, off beynge borne anew; in my oppinnione any mane that is
nott gevyne upe of God maye be satysfyde concernynge the naturalle
presence in the supper of the Lorde, by the gospell off saynt John,
a Whilst Boulogne still remained in the possession of an English garrison, the French
" placed the Rhinegrave, with divers regiments of Almains, lancequenets, and certain
ensigns of French, to the number of four or five thousand, in the town of Morguison, mid-
way between Bulloine and Calais, to impeach all intercourse between the two places.
Wherupon the king of England caused all the strangers that had served the year [in Eng-
land] against the rebels, to the number of 2,000, to be transported to Calais, and to them
were added 3,000 English, under the command of Francis earl of Huntingdon and sir
Edward Hastings his brother, to dislodge the French, or other wise to annoy them."
(Hayward's Life and Reign of Edward VI.) The negociations shortly after ensued
which ended in the surrender of Boulogne. b i. e. if.
CAMD. SOC. T
138 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
redynge from the fyrst chapter unto the ende off the xvijth, with the
witnes of the first of the Actes of the Apostles, off Grist's assencyone?
and corny nge agayne, yff ever he wilbe satisfyde, withowte the healpe
of any doctors.
Undoutedly the aprehendynge off me was for this matter; butt
the greate mercy off God so provided for me thatt mr. Hastynges
was not att my examynacyone, for taryinge thus att the councelle
chamber doore, doctor Coxks a was within, who came forthe, and
was sent to the Marshalse; then came forthe the lorde Ferris,b and
was committed to the Tower; thene it was dynnar tyme, and all
weare commaunded to departe untylle after dynnar.
My too waytynge mene and I wente to ane alehowseto dynnar, and,
loungynge to know my payne, I made hast to gett to the councelle
chamber doore, that I myght be the fyrst. Immediatly as the(y)
hadde dyned, secretarye Bourne came to the doore, lookynge as the
wolffe dothe for a lambe, unto whome my too kepers delyvered me,
standynge next unto the doore, for ther was moo behynde me. He toke
me in gredely, and suhute to the doore ; levynge me at the nether ende
of the chamber, he went unto the councelle, showynge them off me,
and then beckoned me to come neare. Then they begayne the table and
sett them downe; the earle of Bedforded sat as chefest uppermoste
a Richard Coxe, then dean of Westminster and afterwards bishop of Ely, who had been
schoolmaster and almoner to the late king Edward. Underbill states hereafter that the
5th of August was the day when he was examined and committed to prison : and the
accuracy of what he here relates with regard to doctor Coxe and lord Ferrers will be found
confirmed in Machyn's Diary at p. 39 : doctor Coxe was committed to the same lodgings
in the prison of the Marshalsea which had been the same day vacated by bishop Bonner,
as stated by Machyn, and also in a letter inserted in The Chronicle of Queen Jane and
Queen Mary, p. 15.
b Walter Ferrers, first viscount Hereford, so created in 1549-50 : but he still con-
tinued to be called " lord Ferrys," i. e. the lord Ferrers of Chartley, as here in the text;
and by Machyn in The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 26; and by Stowe
on the same occasion. He had married the lady Mary Grey, great-aunt to the lady
Jane. He was released from the Tower on the 6th of September, " with a great fine."
(Machyn, p. 43.)
c John Russell, first earl of Bedford, who had been appointed lord privy seal by Henry
VIII. in 1542, and continued in that office until his death, March 14, 1554-5.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 139
uppon the benche; next unto hym the carle of Sussex*; next him syr
Rycharde Southwelleb; on the syde nexte me sate the yearle of
Arundellc; next hym the lorde Pagettd; by them stood syr John
Gage, then constable of the Tower6; the earle of Bathe f; and mr.
Masoneg; att the bordes ende stoode sargant Morgane,h that after-
wardes died madde, and secretary Borne; the lorde Wenthworthe1
stood in the baye wyndoo, talkyng with one alle the whyle of my
examynacyone, whome I knew nott.
* Thomas Ratcliffe, second earl of Sussex 1542—1556-7, K.G. 1554. He was
captain of the band of gentlemen pensioners, as Underhill afterwards mentions. See
note on him in Machyn's Diary, p. 355.
b Sir Richard Southwell, before mentioned in this volume by archdeacon Louthe,
(p. 44,) had not been employed in the reign of Edward VI. but gave his zealous adherence
to queen Mary. By letters patent dated 4 Dec. 1553, he received a yearly pension of
100^. for his services against the duke of Northumberland. (Rymer, xv. 355.)
c Henry Fitz-Alan, last earl of Arundel of his name 1543-1579, K.G. 1543. He was
restored, on the accession of Mary, to his office of great master of the household, of which
he had been deprived in favour of the duke of Northumberland.
d William lord Paget, also restored to favour and fortune by the accession of queen
Mary, after he had been degraded from the order of the Garter in the reign of Edward VI.
Queen Mary made him lord privy seal June 29, 1555-6.
e See note in Machyn's Diary, p. 349. He was constable of the Tower of London
from 1540 until his death in 1556, and lord chamberlain from queen Mary's accession
in 1553.
f John Bourchier, second earl of Bath 1539—1560.
S Sir John Mason, sometime secretary for the French tongue.
h Richard Morgan, autumn reader at the Middle Temple and at Lincoln's Inn 1546,
called to the degree of serjeant-at-law 1547. He was notorious as a zealous Romanist in
the reign of Edward, and with sir Anthony Browne was sent to the Fleet on the 22nd
March, 1550-1, " for hearing mass." (King Edward's Journal, p. 310.) He was
made lord chief justice of the common pleas Sept. 5, 1553, and knighted on the morrow
of the coronation of queen Mary, Oct. 2 following. His name is memorable in history as
having presided at the condemnation of the lady Jane : and Holinshed and Foxe both
relate that "Judge Morgan, that gave the sentence against hir, shortly after fell mad, and
in hys raving cryed continuallye to have the ladie Jane taken away from him, and so
ended his life." His funeral at St. Magnus London Bridge, on the 2nd June, 1556, will
be found described in Machyn's Diary, p. 106.
1 Thomas second lord Wentworth 1552 — 1590. He was lord deputy of Calais at its
loss in 1557 : see his trial thereon in Machyn's Diary, p. 195.
140 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Me lorde off Bedforde (beynge my very frende, for thatt my
cliaunce was to be att the recoverynge off Ms sone me lorde
Russelle,* when he was caste into Temes agaynst the Lymehurst;
whome I caryed to my howse and gott hym to bedde, who was in
greate parelle off hys lyff, the wether beynge very colde ;) wolde
not seme to be famelyare with me, nor called me nott by my namey
butt sayde, " Come hither, surrayyb dydd nott yow sett for the a
ballett of late in printe?" I kneled downe, &ayinge " Yesse, truly,
my lorde ; is thatt the cause I am called before your honors ? "
" Eae, mary,c (sayde secretary Bourne,) yow have one off them
abowte yow, I am sure." " Naye, truly have I nott," sayde I.
Then toke he one owt of his bosome, and reade it over distynkly,
the councelle gevynge diligentt eare. When he hadde endide,
" I trust, me lordes, (sayd Ir) I have not offendid the queen's
majestic in this ballett, nor spokyne agaynst her title, but mayn-
tayned it." " No have, syr, (sayde Morgane,) yesse I cane devide
your ballett, and make a distynkcyon in it, and so prove att the
leaste sedicyon in it." " Eae, syr, (sayde I,) yow mene off lawe
wylle make off a matter whatt ye list." " Loo ! (sayde syr Kycharde
Southwelle,) howe he cane gyve a taunte. Yow mayntayne the
quene's title, with the healpe off ane arantt herytyke, Tyndale."
" Yow speake of papistes ther, syr, (sayd mr. Masone,) I praye yow,
how defyne yow a papist ? " I loked uppon hym, turnynge towardes
hym, for he stoode on the syde of me, " Why, syr, (sayde I,) it is
nott lounge syns you could defyne a papist better than I." With
thatt some off them secretly smyled, as the lorde off Bedforde,
Arundelle, Sussex, and Pagett. In greate haste syr John Gage
toke the matter in hande. " Thow callest mene papist ther (sayd
he). Who be they thatt thow jugest to be papistes?" I sayde,
<c Syr, I do name no mane ; nor I come nott hether to accuse any,
nor none I wylle accuse; butt your honors do knowe thatt in this
tt Francis lord Russell : see p. 145 hereafter. b Sirrah.
c marry, i. e. by Mary.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 141
contraversy thatt hathe byn sume be called papistcs and sume
protestaynes." " Butt we mustt knowe wliome thow jugest to be
papistes, and thatt we commaunde thec uppon thyne alegens to
declare." " Syr, (sayde I,) I thynke yff yow loke amonge the
pristes in Poolles, ye shall fynde some old mumsymussis a ther."
" Mumsymussis, knave, (sayde he,) mumsymussis? thou arte an
herytike knave, by God's bloude ! " " Ee, by mase!b (sayes the
earle of Bay the,) I warrantt hym ane heritike knave in dede." " I
beseche your honores, (sayde I, spekynge to the lordes thatt satt att
the table, for those other stode by and weare not then of the coun-
celle,) be my goode lordes ; I have offendid no lawes, and I have
a This was a term proverbially applied to those who were inveterate supporters of
ancient errors, and satisfied in old usage did not care to inquire further. Tyndale, in his
Practice of Prelates 1530, speaks of " mumpsimuses of divinity " among the doctors
summoned to dispute upon the king's divorce from queen Katharine. Latimer introduces the
term in two of his sermons : in that preached on the first Sunday in Advent 1552, — " when
my neighbour is taught, and knoweth the truth, and will not believe it, but will abide in
his old mumpsimus, then," &c., and in that preached on Sexagesima Sunday following, —
" Some be so obstinate in their old mumpsimus, that they cannot abide the true doctrine
of God." And king Henry himself, in his last speech to parliament, made in 1545, set
forth the import of the term very plainly : " I see and heare dayly (he remarked) that
you of the clergy preach one agaynst an other, teach one contrary to an other, inveigh one
agaynst an other, without charity or discretion. Some be too stiff in their old mumpsimus,
other be too busy and curious in their new sumpsimus. Thus all men almost be in variety
and discord, and few or none do preach truely and sincerely the word of God, according
as they ought to do." Upon which passage Foxe makes the following comment : " Princes
which exhort to concord and charitie doe well, but princes which seeke out the causes of
discord, and reforme the same, do much better. The Papist and Protestant, Heretick and
Pharisee, the old Mumpsimus and the newe Sumpsimus, be terms of variance and dissention,
and be (I graunt) symtomata of a sore wound in the common wealth," &c. The term
may be traced up so early as 1517, when Richard Pace, in his treatise " De fructu qui ex
doctrina percipitur," tells a story of an ignorant English priest who for thirty years
together had read mumpsimus in his breviary instead of sumpsimus, and when a learned
man told him of his blunder replied, " I'll not change my old mumpsimus for your new
sumpsimus.'" " Quidam indoctus sacrificus Anglus per annos triginta mumpsimus legere
solitus est loco sumpsimus, et quum moneretur a docto ut errorem emendaret, respondit,
Se nolle mutare suum antiquum mumpsimus ipsius novo sumpsimus." Paceus, De fructu
qui ex doctrina percipitur liber. Basil, 1517, p. 80.
b " By the mass," an ordinary mode of asseveration with Roman Catholics.
142 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
sarved the quenes majesties father and her brother lounge tyme, and
in ther sarvis have spentt and consumed parte off my lyvynge, never
havynge as yett any prefermentt or recompence, and the rest off
[my] felows lykewyse, to ower utter undoynges, unless the quenes
hyghnes be goode unto us ; and ffor my parte, I wentt nott forthe
agaynst her majestic, notwithstandynge thatt I was commaundid, nor
lyked those doynges." " No, butt with your wrytynges you wolde
sett us together by the eares," say the the yearle of Arundelle. " He
hathe spentt hys levynge wantonly," saythe Bourne, "and now
saythe he hathe spentt it in the kynges sarvis; wiche I am sory ffor.
He is cume of a worshipefulle howse in Worsetershere." " It is
untruly sayde off yow (sayde I,) thatt I have spentt my levyng
wantonly, for I never consumed no parte ther off untylle I came
into the kynges sarvis, whiche I do not repentt, nor douted
off recompence, yff ether of my too masters hadde leved. I parseave
yow Borne's sone of Worseter,a who was beholden unto my uncle
a Sir John Bourne, probably as being known to be a stanch and zealous Romanist, was
raised to sudden eminence on the accession of Mary. He was knighted on the morrow of
her coronation, October 2, 1553; and licensed to keep forty retainers. He continued
secretary through Mary's reign, and figures frequently in the pages of Foxe, who terms him
" a chief stirer of persecutions." There is no pedigree of Bourne in the visitation of
Worcestershire, and one in that for the county of Somerset, 1623, does not give the name
of the father of sir John Bourne. Battenhall near Worcester, a manor and park, formerly
the country residence of the priors of Worcester, was granted to sir John Bourne in 36
Henry VIII., and sold by his son Anthony in 13 Eliz. It appears from Nash's Worces-
tershire (ii. 201) that the name of sir John's wife, who has already occurred in p. 68 of the
present volume, was Dorothy. In the reign of Elizabeth sir John Bourne, who was
steward of the church of Worcester, entered into great disputes with the new Protestant
bishop, Edwin Sandys, which led to various frays in Worcester, and eventually to sir
John's imprisonment for six or seven weeks in the Marshalsea : of the particulars, full
details will be found in the first volume of Strype's Annals. Sir John died in 1563,
leaving his estates to his son Anthony (also mentioned in p. 68), and who was seated at
Holt Castle, once the residence of the lords Beauchamp of Holt ; but which, with most
of his other estates, he sold to lord chancellor Bromley. Nash (ii. 311) terms him the
" unfortunate son " of sir John. He figures in the frays with " the bishop's boys " above
noticed. One of his daughters and coheirs was married to sir Herbert Croft. Gilbert
Bourne, made bishop of Bath and Wells by queen Mary in 1554, (after having been a
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OT EDWARD UNDERBILL. 143
Wyntcr,a and therfore yow have no cause to be my enemy ; nor yow
never knew me, nor I yow before now, wiche is to soone." "I
have harde inough off yow," sayde he. " So have I off yow, (sayde
I,) how that mr. Sheldone b drave you oute off Worsetershire
for your behavyoure."
With thatt came syr Edward Hastynges from the quene in greate
hast, saynge, " Me lordes, yow must sett all thynges aparte, and
come forthwith to the quene/* Then sayde the earle of Sussex,
" Have this gentleman unto the Flete untyll we maye talke farther
with him," although I was "knave" before off mr. Gage. " To the
Flete? (sayde mr. Southewell,) have hyrn to the Marshalse." " Have
the gentleman to Newgate, (saythe mr. Gage agayne ; ) call a couple
of the garde here." " Ee, (saythe Borne,) and ther shalbe a letter
sentt to the keper ho we he shall use hym, for we have other maner
off matters to hym then these." " So hadd ye nede, (sayde I,) or
else I care nott for yow." " Delyver hym to mr. Garett the shreffe,
(sayde he,) and bydde hym send hym to Newgate/' "Me lorde,"
sayde I unto me lorde of Arundelle, for thatt he was nexte to me as
they wearerysynge, " I trust yow wy lie not se me thus used to be sende
to Newgate ; I am nother theffe nor trayter." " Ye are a noughtie
canon of Worcester from 1541,) was son of Philip, brother to sir John : he left his property
to his brother Richard, from whom descended the Bournes of Wivelscombe in Somerset-
shire. Of him memoirs are given in Wood's Athense Oxonienses, and Cassan's Lives of the
Bishops of Bath and Wells.
a Robert Winter of Wych, co. Worcester, by his second wife Katharine, daughter of sir
George Throckmorton, had issue George, who married Jane daughter of sir William
Ingleby of Ripley, co. York; which George Winter was apparently the uncle to whom
Underbill alludes.
b The family of Sheldon had at this period spread into several branches, and it is difficult
to identify the gentleman named in the text. See the pedigree of this ancient and long
enduring house in Nash's Worcestershire, vol. i. p. 64. Most probably, however, the
writer alludes to William Sheldon of Beoley esquire, who died at his house called Skilles
in Warwickshire, 23 Dec. 1573, and was brought to Beoley and there buried; having
married for his second wife Margaret daughter to sir Richard Brooke lord chief baron,
widow of William Whorwood attorney- general to Henry VIII., which Margaret is buried
at St. Thomas Apostle's London. (Visit. Wore. MS. Harl. 1352, f. 28.)
144 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
fellow, (sayde he;) you weare alwayes tutynge in the duke of North-
umberlandes eare, thatt you weare." " I wolde lie hadd gevyne
better eare unto me, (sayde I;) itt hadde nott byne with hym then
as it is now.a" Mr. Hastyngesb passynge by me, I thought goode to
prove hym, although he thretnede before none (noon). " Syr, (sayde
I,) I praye yow speake for me thatt I be nott sende unto Newgate,
butt rather unto the Flete, wiche was first namede; I have nott
offended; I am a jentylmane, as yow know, and one of your fellowes
when you weare off thatt bande off the pencyonars." Very quyetly
he sayde unto me, " I was nott att the talke, mr. Underehylle, and
therfore I cane saye nothynge to it," butt I thynke he was welle
content with the place I was apointed to. So went I forthe with
my too fellowes of the garde, who weare gladd they hadde the
leadynge oif me, for they weare greate papistes. " Where is thatt
knave the printer?" sayde mr. Gage. " I know nott," sayde I.
When we came to the Tower gate, wheroff syr John Abryges hadd
the charge c and his brother mr. Thomas, with whome I was well
aquaynted, butt nott with syr John ; who, seynge they t(w)o oif the
garde leadynge me withowte ther halbartes, rebuked them, and
stayde me whyle they wentt for ther halbartes. His brother sayde
unto me, " I am sory yow shulde be ane offender, mr. Underhylle."
" I am none, syr, (sayde I,) nor I went nott agaynste the quene."
" I am glade of thatt," sayde he.
And so forthe we wentt at the gate, where was greate throunge
off people to heare and se whatt presonars weare committed, and
amoungst whome stoode my frende mr. Ive, the hygh constable, my
next neyghboure. One off the garde wentt forthe att the weked before
a The duke was then a prisoner in the Tower, waiting his trial.
b Sir Edward Hastings.
* Sir John Brydges was made lieutenant of the Tower upon the accession of queen
Mary, and she created him lord Chandos of Sudeley in April 1554. He was succeeded
as lieutenant, in the following June, by his brother Thomas, who had previously assisted
him in the duties of the office. (See the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp.
18, 53, 57, 76.)
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 145
me to take me by the arme, the other helde me by the other armc,
fearynge be lyke I wolde have shifted frome them amongst the
people. When my frende sawe me thus leade, who hadd wachede
att the gate all the forenoone, he followed afarre off, as Peter didc
Crist, to see what shulde become off me. Many also followed, sum
thatt knewe me, some to larne whatt I was, for thatt I was in a
gowne of sattene.
Thus passed we thorow the stretes welle accompanyed unto
mr. Garett the shereffe's howse in the stokes-markett. My frende
mr. Ive tarryed at the gate. These t(w)o off the garde declared
unto mr. shreffe thatt they weare commaunded by the councelle to
delyver me unto hym, and he to sende me unto Newgate, saynge,
" Syr, if it please yow we wyll carye hym thether." With thatt I
stepped unto mr. shreffe, and, takynge hym a litle asyde, requested
hym thatt, forasmoche as ther commissyon was butt to delyver me
unto hym, and he to sende me unto Newgate, thatt he wolde sende
me by his offycers, for the request was off mere malyce. " With
a goode wylle," sayde mr. sherffe. " Masters, (sayde he,) you maye
departe; I wyll sende my offycers with this j en tyllmane anone, when
they be come in." " We wylle se hym caryed, syr, (sayde they,)
for ower discharge." Then the shreffe sayde sharpely unto them,
" Whatt! do you thynke that I wyll nott do the councelles com-
inaundementt? Yow are discharged by delyveryng off hym unto
me." With thatt they departede. My frend mr. Ive, seynge
them departe, and leave me behynde, was very gladde theroff, and
taryed stylle att the gate to se farther.
All this talke in the shreffes halle dide me lorde Kusselle,a sone
and heyre to the earle off Bedford, heare and se, who was att
a Francis lord Russell, afterwards second earl of Bedford 1554—1585. At the end of
July 1553 (says Machyn) " came to the Fleet the earle of Rutland and my lord Russell
in hold." (Diary, p. 38.) Two of Bradford's letters are to lord Russell " being then in
trouble for the veritye of God's gospell/' He commends him as being highly privileged
in being counted worthy to suffer for Christ's sake, and very strongly exhorts him to
constancy and perseverance. (Letters of the Martyrs.) Two of Becon's works ar«
CAMD. SOC. U
146 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
commaundeinent in the sherffe's howse, and his chamber joynynge
unto the halle, wherinto he myght loke; who was very sory for me,
for thatt I hadd byne familiare with hym in matters off relegyone,
as welle on the other syd the seies, as at hoome. He sentt me
on the morowe xxs., and every weke as moche wyle I was in
Newgate.
When these too company ons off the garde weare goone, the
shreffe sentt too off his offycers with me, who toke no billes with
them, nor leadde me not, butt followed a prety waye behynde me,
ffor as I sayde unto mr. shreffe, butt for order sake, and to save
hym blameles, I wolde have gone unto Newgate myselffe att the
counceles commaundementt, or his other.
When I came into the strete, my frende mr. Ive, seyng me have
suche liber tie, and souche distaunce betwyxt me and the offy ceres,
he stepped before them, and so went talkynge with me thorow
Chepesyde; so thatt it was nott welle perseaved thatt I was apre-
hendide, butt by the greate company thatt followed.
The offy ceres delyvered me unto the keper off Newgate as they
were commaunded, who unloked a dore, and willed me to goo upe
the steares into the halle. My frende Ive wente upe with me,
where we founde 3 or 4 presonars thatt hadde the libertie off the
howse. After a littelle talke with my frende, I requyred hym nott
to lett my wyffe know thatt I was sende to Newgate, butt to the
Counter,a untyll suche tyme thatt she weare nere her churcheynge,
and thatt she sulde sende me my nyghte gowne, my bible, and my
lute ; and soe he departede.
dedicated, — " The Christian Knight " to lord Russell, and "The Monstrous Merchandize
of the Romish Bishops '" to Francis earl of Bedford. On the 3rd Dec. 1551, was held, at
the house of sir Richard Morysin, a friendly conference concerning the sacrament between
divers learned persons of the clergy and laity of both persuasions : among those present
were the marquess of Northampton, the earl of Rutland, lord Russell, sir Anthony Cooke,
sir William Cecill, and sir John Cheke. (Athense Cantabrigienses, i. 144.) These
notices of lord Russell's religious sentiments are not included in Wiifen's Memoirs of the
House of Russell.
* The Compter was the prison pertaining to the sheriffs of London, and at this period was
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 147
In a wyle after it was supper tyme. The borde was covered in
the same halle. The keper, whose name was Alesaunder,a and his
wyffe came to supper, and halfFe a dosyn presonars thatt weare
ther for feloneys ; for I was the fyrst for relegyon thatt was sentt
unto thatt presone, butt the cause why the keper knue nott. One
off those presonars toke acquayntaunce off me, and sayde he was
a sodyare under syr Kycharde Crumewellb in the jurney to
in Wood Street, whither it had been recently removed from Bread Street in the year
1555, for reasons stated at full in Stowe's Survay.
a Foxe relates that " Alexander the keeper of Newgate, a cruell enemye to those that
lay there for religion, dyed very miserably, being so swollen that hee was more like a
monster than a man, and so rotten within that no man could abide the smell of him.
This cruell wretch, to hasten the poore lambs to the slaughter, would goe to Boner, Story,
Cholmley and others, crying out, ' Rid my prison, rid my prison ; I am too much pestered
with these heretikes.' The sonne of the said Alexander, called James, having left unto
him by his father greate substance, within three yeares wasted all to nought, and when
some marveled how hee spent those goods so fast, ' O, (eaid he,) evill gotten, evill spent ;'
and shortly after, as he went in Newgate market, he fell downe suddenly, and there
wretchedly died. John Peter, sonne-in-law to this Alexander, an horrible blasphemer of
God, and no lesse cruell to the said prisoners, rotted away, and so most miserably dyed.
Who commonly when he would affirme any thing, were it true or false, used to say, ' If it
bee not true, I pray God I rot ere I dye ! ' Witnesse the printer herof [John Day],
with divers other.1'
b Sir Richard Crumwell is stated to have been the son of one Morgan Williams, by a
sister of Thomas Crumwell earl of Essex, lord privy seal and vicar-general of Henry VIII.
This relationship has been doubted (see Gough's Memoirs of the Cromwell Family, 4to.
1785, p. 4) : but a letter of his to the great man, in which he signs himself " Your lordshipps
most bounden nephewe," will be found in Letters on the Suppression of the Monasteries,
(printed for the Camden Society,) p. 146. During his uncle's supremacy there was a
"great and triumphant jousting held at Westminster, commencing on May-day 1540, at
which the six challengers were — sir John Dudley, sir Thomas Seymour, (both afterwards
so distinguished in our political history,) sir Thomas Poynings,sir George Carew, Anthony
Kingston and Richard Crumwell : who kept open household at Durham house in the
Strand, and there feasted the king, queen, and court. On the second day Anthony
Kingston and Richard Crumwell were made knights. On the third day sir Richard
Crumwell overthrew master Palmer and his horse in the field, to the great honour of the
challengers,"— probably the sir Thomas Palmer noticed in p. 158; and on the 5th May
at the barriers sir Richard overthrew master Culpepper in the field. "The King gave to
every of the said challengers, and their heirs for ever, in reward of their valiant activity, 100
marks and a house todwel in of yeerely revenue, out of the lands pertaining to the hospitall
148 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Laundersey,a where he dide knowe me, whose sarvant I was at
the same tyme; who the next yere followyng, when the famous
kynge Henry viijth wentt unto Bollene, he putt me unto his
majestic in the rome of a mane att armes, off the wiche bande ther
was ijc off us uppon barded horsses, alle in one sute oiF readde and
yalloo damaske, ower bardes off ower horses and plumes off fethers
of the same colars, to attend uppon his majestic for the defense off
his parsone.
After supper this goode fellow, whose name was Brysto, procured
me to have a bedde in his chamber ; who coulde pley well uppon
a rebyke.b He was a talle mane, and afterwardes on off quene
Maryes garde, and yett a protestayne, wich he kepte secrete, for
eles he sayde he shulde nott have founde souche favour as he dide
att the keper('s) handes and his wyff, for to souche as loved the
gospelle they weare very cruell. " Welle, (sayd I,) I have sende
of St. John of Jerusalem." Stowe (in Survay). On this occasion the king is stated to have
presented a ring from his finger to sir Richard Crumwell, in token of his approbation,
saying, " Henceforth you shall be called my knight " : and this incident is supposed to be
commemorated in the Cromwell coat armour — a lion rampant holding a ring. Sir Richard
was in the same year made a gentleman of the privy chamber ; and in that year also he
was sheriff of the counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon ; and he successively acquired
the sites of nearly all the monastic houses in the latter county, — Hinchinbroke and Saltrey
in 29 Hen. VIII., Ramsey in 31 Hen. VIII., St. Neot's and Huntingdon in 33 Hen. VIII.
He converted the monastic buildings at Ramsey into a dwelling house ; his son sir Henry
and grandson sir Oliver (the latter the uncle of the protector) resided at Hinchinbroke.
a ' ' In the month of July (1 543) the king sent over sixe thousand men, under the leading
of sir John Wallop, accompanyed with sir Thomas Seymour marshall, sir Robert Bowes
treasurer, sir Richard Cromwell captaine of the horsemen, and sir George Carew his
lieutenant. There was likewise sir Thomas Palmer, sir John Ransfoorth, sir John Seint
John, and sir John Gascoigne knights, that were captaines of the footmen. They were
appointed to joyne with the emperor's power, and so to make war into France." The
town of Landreci in Hainault was beseiged, but the French king came to the rescue with
a large army, and finally both parties separated without a battle. The particulars of this
campaign will be found related in the introduction to the Life and Times of sir Peter
Carew, recently edited by John Maclean, esq. F.S.A. 1857, 8vo. p. xxviii.
b A stringed instrument resembling a fiddle. 1530-1, March 11, "paied fora rebecke
for great Guilliam, xxs." (Privy-purse Expenses of Henry VIII., p. 114.)
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 149
for my bible, and, by Godcs grace, therin shalbe my dayly
exersyse; I wylle nott hyde it frome them." " Syr, (sayde
he,) I am poore; butt they will beare with you, for thatt they
see your estate is to paye welle; and I wyll show you the
nature and maner off them, for I have byne heare a goode wyle.
They bothe do love musyke very wclle ; wherfore yow with your lute,
and I to pley with yow on my rebyke, wylle please them greately ; he
lovethc to be mery, and to drynke wyne, and she also; yff yow
wyll bestowe upon them every dynarc and supper a quarte off wyne,
and some musyke, yow shalbe ther whyte sone, and have alle ther
favour thatt they cane show yow." And so it came to pase.
And now I thynke it goode a litle to dygrese frome my matter
concernynge my impresonmentt and my delyveraunce ; and to note
the greate mercy off God showed unto his sarvantes in thatt greate
parsecusyone in quene Mary's tyme; howe myghtelie and many
wayes he presarved souche as dide feare hym, evyne as he presarved
Danyelle, Jeremy, Paulle, and many in the olde tyme. Sume weare
moved by his spirite to fle over the seyes; sume weare presarved
stylle in Londone, thatt in all the tyme off parsecusyone never
bowed ther knes unto Balle,a for ther was no souche place to shy ft
in in this realm e as Londone, notwithstandynge ther greate spyalle
and shearche; nor no better place to shifte the Easter tymeb in ther
quene Maryes courte, sarvynge in the rorne thatt I dide, as shalbe
showed hereafter. A greate noumber God dide strengthen con-
stantly to stande to his worde, to gloryfye his name, wiche be
praysede for ever and ever, worlde withoute ende ! And sume
he presarved for these dayes.
And now agayne to prosecute the matter of my trouble and won-
derfull delyveraunce owt off thatt lothsume gayle off Newgate.
When thatt I hadde byn ther abowte too wekes, thorow the evylle
savers and greate unquyettnes off the logeynges, as also by occasyon
a Baal.
b At the season of Easter in particular it was expected that every person should be
houselled, that is, partake of the sacrament of the mass.
150 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
off drynkenge off a draught off strounge (malmesey erased)ho\\ok.Q*
as I was goynge to bedde, wyche my chamber fellow wolde nedes
have me to plege hym in, I was cast into an extreame burnynge
ague, thatt I coulde take no reste, desiryngeto chaunge mylogenge,
and so dide frome oon to another ; butt noone I coulde abyde, ther
was so mouche noyse off presonars, and evyll savours. The keper and
his wyffe offered me his owne parler where he laye hymselffe, wyche
was fforthist frome noyse, butt it was nere the kechyn, the savour
wheroff I coulde nott abyde. Then dide she lay me in a chamber
where she sayde never no presoner laye, wiche was her store-chamber,
where she sayde all her plate and money laye, wyche was mouche.
So mouche frendshepe I founde att ther handes, notwithstandynge
thatt they weare spoken unto by dyvers papistes ; and the Wood-
moungeres of London ,b withe whome I hadde a greate conflycte for
presentynge them for false markynge off bylettes, they requyred the
keper to show me no favour, and to laye yrones uppon me, de-
clarynge thatt I was the greatist heretyke in London.
My very frende mr. Recorde,c doctor off phesyke, syngularly
a A kind of sweet wine, mentioned in Gascoigne's Delicate Diet. Lond. 1576. (Hal-
liwell's Dictionary of Archaic Words.) Florio has " Aigleuco vino, sweet hollocke wine."
Queen Anna's New World of Words, fol. 1611, p. 17.
b At this period the population of London was dependent for fuel chiefly on wood, and
next on " coal," i. e. charcoal, made at Croydon and its neighbourhood, the supply of
mineral or " sea " coal being very small. The woodmongers had their tricks of trade, and
were subjected to frequent interference. Fabyan has recorded that in the winter of
1542-3 " a frost dured so longe, that many of the poore people cried out for lacke of woode
and coales, that the maior went to the woode-warfes, and solde to the poore people billet
and faggot, by the peniworthe. Also this yere was an acte of parliament for wood and
coal to kepe the full sise, after the Purification of our Ladie that shall be in the yere of
our Lorde M.D.xliii. that no man shall bargaine, sell, bryng, or conveigh of any other size
to be uttred or solde, upon paine of forfeiture." In 1561 we find " a woodmonger set in
the pillory for false marking of billets, with billets hanging about him." (Machyn's
Diary, p. 267.) The Company of Woodmongers was not incorporate! until 1605, but it
had, like many others, existed as a voluntary association for long before.
c Robert Record, born at Tenby, co. Pembroke, in 1513, was elected fellow of Allsouls'
college, Oxford, in 1531, and took the degree of M.D. at Cambridge in 1545. In 1549
he was comptroller of the mint at Bristol, and in 1551 was appointed surveyor-general of
the mines and money in Ireland. His will was made in 1558, in the queen's bench
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 151
senc in alle the seven syencis,a and a greate devyne, visited me in the
presone, and also after I was delyvered, to his greate parrelle yff it
hadde byne knowne, who lounge tyme was att charges and pay no
with me gratis. By meanes whereoff and the provydence off God
I reseaved my healthe.
My wyffe then was churched befoore her tyme to be a suter
for my delyveraunce, whe put upe a supplycacyone unto the
councelle, declarynge my extreame syknes, and smalle cause to
be committed unto so louthsome a gayle; requyrynge thatt I
myght be delyvered, puttynge in sureties to be forthecumynge
to aunswere farther when I shuld be called; wiche she obteyned
by the healpe off mr. John Througemarton, beynge the master
off the questes, and my cunetremane and kynesmane ;b he, un-
prison, where he soon after died a prisoner for debt. His skill in various departments of
science, and the efforts he had made to impart his knowledge to others, were worthy of a hap-
pier fate. See a catalogue of his numerous works in Athense Cantabrigienses, vol. i. p. 176.
a The Seven Sciences were accounted to be Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic, Arithmetic,
Geometry, Music, and Astronomy ; and these are personified, so late as 1645, in the en-
graved title-page of HoweU's Familiar Letters. But when sir Thomas Gresham founded
his college in London in 1575 he made a somewhat different selection, though still retain-
ing the number of seven, — viz. Divinity, Astronomy, Music, Geometry, Law, Medicine,
and Rhetoric. For these he founded the professorships which still subsist, thus providing
a lecture for every day of the week. The idea probably originated with the assertion of
Solomon, Wisdom hath builded her house: she hath hewn out her Seven Pillars. (Pro-
verbs, ix. 1.) An interesting dissertation on the frequent and wide-spread adoption of a
mystical signification of " The Number Seven " will be found in Household Words, May
24, 1856; and reprinted in "Lectures and Essays on various subjects, Historical, Topo-
graphical, and Artistic. By Wm. Sidney Gibson, Esq. M.A., &c. 1858." 8vo. p. 183.
b Younger brother to sir Nicholas (see p. 42) : in conjunction with whom he sat in par-
liament for the borough of Old Sarum in 1 Mary. In his epitaph at Coughton he is de-
scribed as "syr John Throkmorton knyght of Fakenham [co. Wore.], the seventh sonne
of syr George Throkmorton knyght of Coughton, sometime master of the requests unto
queen Marie of happie memory, who in respect of his faythful service bestowed upon him
the office of Justice of Chester, and of her counsayle of the marches of Wales, in whiche
service he continued xxiij. yeares, and supplied within the same time the place of mr. Vice-
President the space of iij. yeares." He was knighted by queen Elizabeth at Kenilworth
in the first year of her reign, and died May 22, 1580. See further in Wotton's English
Baronetage, 1741, ii. 359.
152 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
derstandynge who weare my enemyes, toke a tyme in ther absens,
and obteyned a letter to the keper, subscrybed by the yearle
of Bedforde, the yearle of Sussex, Wynchester,a Rochester,1* and
Walgrave,0 to be delyvered, puttynge in suretye, accordynge to
the requeste off my wy ves supplycacyon ; with whome Wynchester
talked concernynge the crestenynge off her chylde att the churche
att the Tower hylle, and the gossipes, wfche weare, the duke of Suf-
folke,d the yearle of Penbroke,6 and the lady Jane then beynge
quene, with the whiche he was moche offendide. My ladie
Througemartone, wyfe unto syr Nycolas Througemartone,f was the
a Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester.
b Sir Robert Rochester, comptroller of the household and chancellor of the duchy of
Lancaster. He had served the lady Mary in the capacity of comptroller during her
brother's reign, and in 1551 was committed to the Tower, together with the subject of the
next note, and sir Francis Englefield, for resisting the order of the council which forbad the
performance of mass in his mistress's family : see the Literary Remains of King Edward VI.
pp. 336, 339, 348. He was one of the knights of the Bath at the coronation of queen
Mary, and died on the 28th Nov. 1557, having been elected a knight of the Garter on the
preceding saint George's day.
c Sir Edward Waldegrave (mentioned in the preceding note) was by queen Mary made
master of her wardrobe and knighted on the morrow of her coronation, Oct. 2, 1553. His
mother was Lora sister to sir Robert Rochester, on whose death in 1557 sir Edward suc-
ceeded as chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster. In 3 & 4 Philip and Mary he had
been appointed a commissioner to inquire into heresies, &c., and false rumours, &c.
against their majesties. After the death of his royal mistress he was in 1561 a second time
committed to the Tower of London, and for the same reason, — " for hearing of mass, and
keeping a priest in his house." On the 22nd April (writes Machyn) " were had to the
Tower sir Edward Walgrave and my lady his wife, as good alms-folk as be in these days."
The same writer records the unfortunate result : " The first day of September died the
good and gentle knight sir Edward Walgrave, while in the Tower." His body was buried
on the 3d by the high altar of St. Peter's in the Tower; and on the 8th his wife was re-
leased. (Machyn's Diary, pp. 256, 266.) Lady Waldegrave was Frances, daughter of
sir Edward Neville : they were progenitors of the earls of Waldegrave, as will be seen in
Collins's Peerage. d Henry Grey, duke of Suffolk, father of the lady Jane.
e William Herbert, first earl of Pembroke, brother-in-law to queen Katharine Parr.
f Sir Nicholas Throckmorton has been already noticed at p. 42 of the present volume.
His wife was Anne, daughter of Sir Nicholas Carew, K.G. and sister and heir to sir
Francis Carew of Beddington in Surrey; by whom he had two sons and three daughters.
(Wotton's English Baronetage, 1741, ii. 358.)
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP EDWARD UNDERHILL. 153
quenes debetie, who named my sone Gylfforde a after her husebande.
Immediately after the crestenynge was done, quene Marye was pro-
clamed in Chepesyde,b and when me ladie Througemarton came into
the Tower, the clothe off estate was takone downe and all thynges
defaced : a sodene chaunge ! She wolde have goone forthe agayne,
butt colde nott be suffered. Butt nowe agayne to the matter.
When my wyff hadde obtayned the letter, joy full she was, and
brought her brother with her, John Speryne of Londone marchantt,
a very frendly mane, and zelous in the Lorde, who was bounde with
me before mr. Chedely justice off peace, caccordynge to the counceles
lettres, who came into the presone unto me, for I was so syke and
weake thatt I was constrayned to tary a wyle longer, and my wyfFe
with me daye and nyghte. Durynge alle the tyme off my sykness,
I was constrayned to paye viij d. every meale, and as moche for my
wyffe, and for every frende thatt came to se me, yff they weare
alone with me att dyner or supper tyme, whether they came to the
table or noo ; and payde also xl s. for a ffyne ffor iernes, wyche they
sayde they showede me greate favoure in, I shulde eles have payd
iiij or v li.
Thus when they parseaved I dide nott amende, butt rather worse
and worse, they thought it best to venter the matter, and provydede
a horse-litter to cary me home to the Lyme hurst. I was so weake
thatt I was not able to be ledde downe the steares; wherefore one
thatt was sarvant to the jaler, who before tyme hade byne my mane,
who was also very diligentt and frendely unto me, toke me in his
armes and caryed me downe the steares to the horse-litter, wiche
stoode redy att the presone doore, and went with me to my howse.
Many people weare gathered to se my corny nge forthe, who praysed
a See p. 133.
b On the 19th of July, 1553 : see Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 11.
c Probably Robert Chidley, Autumn reader at the Inner Temple 21 Hen. VIII. and
Lent reader 28 Hen. VIII., one of the four governors of that house 34 Hen. VIII., 3 & 4
Phil, and Mary, 1, 6, 8 Eliz., and its treasurer 34 Hen. VIII. He was called to the
degree of sergeant at law in 1540. (Dugdale's Origines Juridiciales.) His name occurs
in 1551, 1552, and 1562 as employed by the government in judicial functions. (Literary
Remains of Edward VI. p. 487, and Marilyn's Diary, pp. 26, 290.)
CAMD. SOC. X
154 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
God for my delyverance, beynge very sory to se my state, and the
lamentacyone off my wyffand her frendes, who jugede I wolde nott
leve untyll I came hoome. I was nott able to endure the goynge off
the horse-litter; wherefore they weare faynetogoo very softely, and
oftentymes to staye, att wiche tymes many of my aquayntaunces and
ffrendes and others resortede to se me, so thatt it was too howres
or we coulde pase frome Newgate unto Algate, and so within
nyght before I coulde gett to my howse, wheare many off my
neyghboures resorted to se me takone owte off the horse-litter,
whoo lamentedde and prayde for me, thynkynge it nott possible
for me to escape deathe, butt by the greate mercy of God. Thus
I contyneued the space of viij or x dayes, withowte any lykelyhoode
or hoope off amendementt.
I was sende to Newgate the vth daye off August, and was
delyvered the vth daye off September.
The fyrste daye off October was quene Mary crowned, by wiche
tyme I was able to walke upe and doune my chamber; and beynge
very desyrous to se the quene pase thorow the cittie^ gott uppe on
horsebake, beynge scantt able to sett, gyrdide in a longe nyght-
gowne with double kercheves aboute my heade, a greate hatt uppon
them, my bearde dubed harde too ; my face so leane and pale thatt
I was the very image off deathe ; wondrcd at off alle thatt dide
beholde me, unknowne to any. My wyffe and neyghboures weare
to-to sorry thatt I wolde nedes goo forthe, thynkynge I wolde nott
returne alyve.
Thus wentt I forthe, havynge off ether syde off me a mane to
staye me ; and so wentt to the west ende off Polles, and ther placed
myselfe amoungst others thatt satte on horsebake to se the quene
pase by. Before her cumeynge I behelde Poles steple bearynge
toppe and toppe-galantt lyke a ryalle sheppe with many flages and
bannars, and a mane tryoumfynge and daunsynge in the toppe.a
a " Then was there one Peter a Dutchman stood on the weathercocke of Paules steeple,
holding a streamer in his hand of five yards long, and waving thereof stood sometime on
the one foote and shooke the other, and then kneeled on his knees, to the great marvaile
of all people. Hee had made two scaffolds under him, one above the crosse, having
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERHILL. 155
I sayde unto one thatt sate on horsebake by me, who hadde nott
sene any corownacyone, " Att the coronasyone off kynge Edwarde
I sawe Poles steple ly att ane anker,a and now she wearithe toppe
and toppe-gallantt ; surely the nexte wylbe shippewrake, or it be
lounge;" whiche chauncethe sume tymes by tempestuous wyndes,
sume tymes by lyghtnynges and fyre from the hevens. Butt. I
thowghte thatt it shulde rather periche with sume horible wynde
then with lyghtnynge or thounderbolt; b butt souche are the
torches and streamers set on it, and one other over the bole of the crosse, likewise set
with streamers and torches, which could not burne, the winde was so great. The said
Peter had sixeteene pound thirteen shillinge and foure pence given him by the city for his
costs and paines, and all his stuffe." (Stowe's Chronicle.) See another account of the
same performances in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 30.
a — "and as hee (king Edward) passed on the north side of Paul's churchyard, a man
of the nation of Arragossa [Arragon ? or Saragossa ? " an Argosie " in Falyan^] came
from the battlements of the steeple of Paules church upon a cable, being made fast to an
anchor by the Deanes gate, lying on his breast, ayding himself neither with hand nor
foote, but spreading them abroad, and after ascended to the midst of the cable, where he
tumbled and played many pretty toyes, whereat the king and the nobles had good pastime."
(Stowe's Chronicle.) Again, on king Philip's state passage through London in 1554
there was a similar exhibition : see Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 150.
b " On Wednesday the 4 of June 1561 , betwene 4 and 5 of the clock in the after-noone,
the steeple of Paules in London, being fired by lightning, brast forth (as it seemed to the
beholders) two or three yards beneath the foote of the crosse, and from thence burnt downe
the speere to the stone worke and bels, so terribly, that within the space of foure houres
the same steeple, with the roofes of the church so much as was timber, or otherwise
combustible, were consumed/' (Stowe's Chronicle.) A contemporary pamphlet de-
scribing this calamity is reprinted in the eleventh volume of the Archaeologia ; in the
Appendix to Ellis's edition of Dugdale's History of St. Paul's ; and again in Poole's
History of Ecclesiastical Architecture in England, 1848, 8vo. p. 406 : in which it is
stated that persons on the Thames saw lightning strike the spire. Heylyn, in his History
of the Reformation, has favoured another story, that the accident was occasioned by the
carelessness of a plumber ; but this is very properly corrected in a note of his recent editor
the Rev. J. C. Robertson, edit. 1849, ii. 352. See also Machyn's Diary, p. 259, where
it will be found that the spire of St. Martin's Ludgate was struck during the same storm.
Heylyn also, one would hope with as little truth, though the passage in the text somewhat
favours his view, asserts that " the Zuinglian Gospellers, or those of the Genevian party,
rejoiced at this lamentable accident, affirming it for a just judgment of God upon an old
idolatrous fabric, not thoroughly reformed and purged from its superstitions, and would
have been content that all other cathedrals in the kingdom had been so destroyed. The
Papists, on the other side, ascribed it to some practice of the Zuinglian faction, out of their
156 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
wonderfulle workes off God, wliose gonnares wylnott mysse the
marke tliatt lie dothe apoynte, be it never so little.
When the quene passed by, many behelde me, for they myght
almost touche me, the rome was so narrow, marvelynge belyke that
one in souche state wolde venter forthe. Many off my fellowes the
pencyonars, and others, and dyvers off the councelle behelde me,
and noone off theme all knewe me. I myght heare them saye one to
another, " There is one lovithe the quene welle belyke, for he
venterith greately to se her ; he is very lyke never to se her more."
Thus my men thatt stoode by me hard many of them saye, whose
hearynge was quyker then myne. The quene herselfe when she
past by behelde me. Thus mouche I thought goode to wryte, to
show how God dothe presarve thatt semithe to mane impossyble,
as many thatt daye dide juge off me.
Thus returned I hoome, and abowte to (two) monethes after I was
able to walke to London ane easy pace ; butt stylle with my kercheves
and pale lene face. I muffeled me with a sarcenett, wiche the rude
people in the strettes wolde murmure att, sayinge, " What is he?
Dare he nott show his face ? " I dyde repayre to my olde familiare
acquayntaunce, as drapers, mercers, and others, and stoode talkynge
with them and cheponed ther wares; and nott one off them thatt
knew me. Then wolde I saye unto them, " Do you nott know
me? loke better uppone me. Do you nott know my voyce?" For
thatt was also altered. " Truly, (wolde they saye,) yow must par-
done me; I cannott calle you to rememberaunce." Then wolde I
declare my name unto them ; whereatt they so marveled thatt they
colde scarcely credite me, butt for the famelyare acquayntaunce thatt
I putt them in rememberance off.
Thus passed I forthe the tyme att the Lyme hurst untyll crystmas
hatred unto all solemnity and decency in the service of God, performed more punctually
in that church, for example's sake, than in any other of the kingdom." On the question
whether the burning of Paul's church was to be regarded as a direct judgment of the
Almighty, a controversy arose, originating with a sermon preached by dr. Pilkington,
bishop of Durham, on the Sunday following the fire : this has been partially reprinted in
Pilkington's Works, 1842, (Parker Society,) pp. 479—648.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERHILL. 157
was past, thatt I waxed somethynge strounge, and then I thought it
best to shifte frome thence, for thatt I hadde there force enemys, specy-
ally the vycker of Stepney,4 abbot qondame off Tower hylle, whome
I aprehendide in kynge Edwardes tyme, and caryed hym unto
Croydone to Cranemer, bishope of Caunterbery; for thatt he dis-
tourbed the prechcrs in his churche, causynge the belles to be rounge
when they weare att the sermone, and sume tymes begyne to synge
in the quere before the sarmone weare halffe done, and sume tymes
chalenge the precher in the pulpitt ; for he was a strounge, stowte
popyshe prelate, whome the godly mene off the paryshe weare wearye
off; specyally my neyghboures of the Lyme hurst, as mr. Dryver,
mr. Ive, mr. Poynter, mr. Marche, and others. Yet durst the(y)
nott medelle with hym untylle it was my happe to cume dwelle
amoungst them; and for thatt I was the kynges sarvantt I toke
uppone me ; and they wentt with me to the bishope to wittnes those
thynges agaynst hym. Who was to fulle off lenite: a litle he re-
buked hym, and badde hym doo no more soo. " Me lorde, (sayde
I,) me thynkes yow are to jentylle unto so stowte a papiste."
" Welle, (sayde he,) we have no lawe to ponyshe them by." " We
have, me lorde, (sayde I;) yff I hadde your auctoryte I wolde be so
bolde to un vycker hym, or mynnester sume sharpe ponyshementt
unto hym and souch other. Yff ever it cume to ther turne, they wyll
show yow no souch favoure." " Well, (sayde he,) yff God so provyde,
we must abyde it." " Surely, (sayde I,) God wyll never cone yow
thank for this, butt rather take the sworde from souche as wylle nott
use it uppon his cnemyes." And thus we departed .b The lyke favoure
is showed now, and therfore the lyke plage wylle follow.
a Henry Moore made his profession as abbot of the monastery of St. Mary de Grace,
near the Tower of London, on the 7th May, 1516. (MS. Harl. 6956, p. 74.) He was
presented to the vicarage of Stepney by the executors of sir Richard Williams, alias
Crumwell, the farmers of the rectory, on the 6th March, 1 544 ; and the vacancy occasioned
by his death was filled in November 1554. Newcourt's Repertorium Londinense, i. 740.
b " And this indeed was the constant behaviour of the archbishop towards papists, and
such as were his enemies. For which he was now, and at other times, taxed by men of
hotter spirits : but his opinion was, that clemency and goodness, as it was more agreeable
158 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Ther was also another spitefull enemy att Stepeney, callede Ban-
bery, a shifter, a dycer, a hore-hunter, lyke unto Dapers the dicer,
Morgone of Salisbury courte, buskyne Palmer,a lustye Yownge,b
Raffe Bagenalle,c Myles Partryge,d and souche others; with wiche
cuinepanyans I was conversantt a whyle, untylle I felle to redynge
the scriptures, and folloynge the prechers. Then agaynst the weked-
nes off those mene, wiche I hade sene amounge them, I putt forth a
ballett, utterynge the falcehood and knavery thatt I was made preve
unto; for the wiche they so hated me thatt they reased falce slaun-
ders and brutes off me, saynge thatt I was a spye ffor the duke off
Northumberlande, and callynge me Hoper's champione, for a bylle
thatt I sett upon Poles gate in defence off Hoper,6 and another at
Saynt Mangenus church, wheare he was to moche abused with ray-
lynge billis cast into the pulpitt, and other wayes. Thus became I
to the Gospel, which he laboured to adorn, so was more likely to obtain the ends he de-
sired than rigour and austerity." Strype ( Memorials of Cranmer, p. 170.)
This feature in Cranmer's character was not unnoticed by his contemporaries, " So that
on a time I do remember that dr. Hethe, late archbishop of York, partly misliking this
his over-much lenity by him used, said unto him, ' My lord, I now know how to win all
things at your hand well enough.' ' How so ?' quoth my lord. ' Marry,' saith dr.
Hethe, ' I perceive that I must first attempt to do unto you some notable displeasure; and
then by a little relenting obtain of you what I can desire.' Whereat my lord bit his lip,
as his manner was when he was moved, and said, You say well; but yet you may be de-
ceived." ^ See Ralph Morice's character of Cranmer, in a subsequent page.
a The fame of these roues of the days of Henry VIII. is perpetuated only by the
writer of the text, with some exceptions. " Busking Palmer," we learn from one of
Stowe's Summaries (in which that nickname is mentioned), was the same person as sir
Thomas Palmer, who was beheaded with the duke of Northumberland on the 22d August,
1553. See Machyn's Diary, p. 332, and the Life of Lord Grey of Wilton, p. 3. He had
also the sobriquet of " long Palmer," as Foxe mentions when describing the persecutions
in Calais in 1541.
b A person now unknown : Strype, Eccl. Memorials, iii. 204, has mixed up his name
with the next, reading " lusty young Raulf Bagenal."
c Afterwards sir Ralph Bagenal : see a subsequent page of this volume.
d The name of sir Miles Partridge surpasses those of his fellows in the annals of gambling,
as having played with king Henry for the heavy stake of the clock-tower of St. Paul's,
which he won, and afterwards destroyed. He came to an untimely fate in 1551-2, when
he was hung as one of the active partisans of the duke of Somerset : see Machyn, p. 15.
e John Hooper, bishop of Gloucester and Worcester.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERHILL. 159
odious unto most men, and many tymes in daunger off my lyffe
amongst them, evyne in kynge Edwardes dayes; as also for apre-
hendynge one Allene a falce prophecyer, who bruted thatt kynge
Edwarde was deade, too yeres before it came to pas, who was a
greate calker a for the same. Butt these jugelars and weked dicers
weare stylle in favoure amoungst the magistrates, and weare
advauncede; who weare the scares b off sedissyone and the distroyers
of the too dukes.c I praye God the lyke be not practesed by souche
flatterers in these dayes, accordynge to the olde provearbe, He thatt
wylle in courte dwelle must corye favelle, and
He thatt wylle in courte abyde
Must cory favelle bake and syde,d
for souche gett moste gayne. I was also callede " the hoote gospellar"
jestynge and mokynge me, saynge, " he is alle off the sprete." This
a i. e. calculator of nativities, &c. See hereafter, p. 173. b sowers.
c i. e., successively, Somerset and Northumberland.
A Underhill has here preserved to us an old metrical adage, which is not placed in any
modern collection of proverbs, but which is very remarkable as showing the origin of our
still familiar phrase to curry favotir, which would else have remained in hopeless obscu-
rity. Any one asked to say what he understood by " currying favour " would have
answered, courting or procuring it (or, as Skinner did, querir faveur); but these would
have been mere guesses, giving the general sense of the phrase, but not its derivation. To
curry is to do the work of a currier, one who converts the skins of animals, coria, into
leather (from the verb corrado) ; and next, in a secondary sense, the term is applied to
the cleansing and dressing of the skins of living animals, which we now generally call
grooming. This leads us to the meaning of " favelle ;" it is one of the names formerly given
to horses, descriptive of their colour, as Bayard, Blanchard, and Lyard were to brown,
white, or grey. So, Fauvell was a bright yellowish colour, (diminutive offulvus, tawny,)
apparently the opposite of Sorell, which was dark. According to the chronicle of Robert
of Brunne, one of Richard the First's horses was so called :
" Sithen at Japhet [Jaffa] was slayn fauvelle his stede,"
which in Richardson's Dictionary is misprinted fanvell. The operation of currying is
grateful to a horse, and he is well pleased if he is thoroughly curried both on " back and
side." In modern orthography therefore the old couplet runs —
He that would in Court abide
Must curry Fauvell back and side.
It is obvious then (as Mr. Douce remarks, in his Illustrations of Shakspeare, 1807, i. 474,)
160 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
was ther commone costome at ther tables to jeste and moke the
prechers and earnest followers off the Gospelle, evene amoungst the
majcstrattes, or els in wantone and rybalde take (talk), wiche when
the(y) fell into, one or other wolde loke thorow the borde, saynge,
"Take heede thatt Underhylle be nott heare."
Att Stretforde on the Bowe,a I tooke the piksb off the alter, being
of copper, storede with copper Godes, the curatt beynge presentt,
and a popishe justes dwellynge in the towne, called justes Tawe.c
There was commaundement it sholde nott hange in a strynge over
the alter, and then they sett it uppon the alter. For this acte the
justes' wyff with the women off the towne conspirede to have
murthered me; wiche one off them gave me warnynge off, whose
goode wylle to the Gospelle was unknowne unto the reste. Thus
the Lorde presarved me frome them, and many other daungers moo;
but specyally from helle fyer, butt thatt off his mercy he called me
from the cumepany off the weked.
This Banbury aforesayde was the spy for Stepney parishe, as
that the phrase to curry favell was a metaphorical expression adopted from the stable.
It occurs in the old story " How a merchande dyd hys wyfe betray," and in Chaucer, and
also in a passage of Udal quoted by Mr. Richardson : Shakspere in his Henry IV. Part II.
writes curry alone — "I would curry with master Shallow." The only place in which a
proverbial distich resembling that in the text (but not exactly the same) has been found
is Taverner's "Proverbes or Adagies gathered out of the Chiliades of Erasmus, 1569," 18mo.
f. 44 : " He that will in court dwell mustneedes currie fabel;" but Taverner was not aware
of its origin, for he says, " Ye shal understand that fabel is an olde Englishe worde, and
signified as much as favour doth now a dayes." This was not the fact : forfavel is by
Piers Plouhman used for deceit, from the French favele, fabula. Douce has noticed that
the corruption from favell to favour, in the phrase " curry favell," occurs in Forrest's
Isocrates, 1580 : to which we may now add an earlier example from the reply to Thomas
Thackham, of which great part is printed in the present volume, and which was written
about 1571 : "specially when you (beyng skolemaster there) coulde so connyngly dissemble
and currye favour with the papistes." (MS. Harl. 425, f. 48.)
a This was an ancient chapel in the parish of Stepney, erected in the reign of Edward III.,
pursuant to a licence granted by bishop Baldock in 1311. It was made a parish church
in the year 1719. b The pix.
c John Tawe was nominated Autumn reader at the Inner Temple 33 Hen. VIII. but
did not read on account of the plague. He was Lent reader in 1 Edw. VI. and treasurer
of the house 6 Edw. VI. and 1 Mary.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDER1IILL. 161
John a Vales, Bearde, and souclie other weare for London*; who
caused my frende and neyghboure mr. Ivc to be sentt unto the Mar-
shalsye, butt the Lorde sliortlye dely vered hym ; wherfore I thought
it best to avoyd, bycause my nott cumeynge to the churche there
shulde by hym be marked and presented. Then tooke I a litle
howse in a secrete corner, att the nether ende off Woode-strete,
wheare I myght better shifte the matter.
Sir Homffrey Katclyffeb was the levetenauntt off the pencyonar*,
and alwayes favored the Gospelle, by whose meanes I hadd my
wagis stylle payde me. When Wyatt was cume into Southwarke,
the pencyonars weare commaunded to Avache in armoure thatt
nyght at the courte; whiche I hearynge off, thought it best in
lyke suorte to be there, least by my absense I myght have sume
quarelle piked unto me, or att the least be strekon owt off the boke
for reseavynge any more wagis. After supper I putt one my
armoure as the rest dide, for we weare apoynted to wache alle the
nyght. So beyng alle armed, wee came uppe into the chamber off
presense with ower pollaxes in ower handes, wherewith the ladies
weare very fearefulle; sume lamentynge, cryinge, and wrynginge
ther handes, sayde, t( Alas, there is sume greate mischeffe towarde;
we shalle alle be distroyde this nyght ! Whatt a syght is this, to
se the quenes chamber full off armed men ; the lyke was never sene
nor harde off." Then mr. Norres, who was a jentylleman ussher
ft Foxe, in his chapter on God's punishment upon persecutors, states how " Dale the
promoter was eaten into his body with lice, and so died, as is well known of many, and
confessed also by his fellow John Avales, before credible witnesse." " Likewise the
wretched end of Beard the promoter," which is not there further described; but it will
be found related in the story of Thomas Mowntayne, hereafter printed.
b Sir Humphrey Radclyffe was the third son of Robert earl of Sussex by his second wife
lady Margaret Stanley ; and brother to Henry earl of Sussex, the captain of the band of
pensioners, (p. 139.) From his marriage with Isabella, daughter and heiress of Edmund
Hervey esquire, he was seated at Elstow in Bedfordshire ; where, in the church, are
their effigies, as described in the Gentleman's Magazine 1826, ii. 106. Sir Humphrey
was installed at Windsor April 19, 1558, as proxy for William lord Grey of Wilton, then
elected knight of the Garter. He died in 1566. He was the father of Edward the last
earl of his family, who died in 1641«
CAMD. SOC. Y
162 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
of the utter chamber in kynge Henry the viijtes tyme, and all kyng
Edwardes tyme, alwayes a ranke papist, and therfbre was now the
cheffe ussher off quene Maryes prevy chamber,* he was apoynted
to calle the wache, to se yff any weare lakynge; unto whome
Moore, the clarke offower cheke, delyvered the boke off ower names,
wiche he parused before he wolde calle them att the cumebardeb, and
when he came to my name, " Whatt! (sayd he,) whatt dothe he
here?" " Syr, (sayde the clarke,) he is here redy to sarve as the
rest be." " Naye, by God's body ! (sayde he,) that herytyke shall
not be called to wache heare. Geve me a pene." So he stroke my
name owt off the boke. The clarke of the cheke sought me owte,
and sayde unto me, " Mr. Underhylle, yow nede nott to wache,
yow maye departe to your logenge." " Maye I? (sayde I,) I wolde
be glade off thatt," thynkynge I hadde byne favored because I was
nott recovered off my sykenes : butt I dyde not welle truste hym
because he was also a papist. •" Maye I depart in dede? (sayd I,)
wylle yow be my discharge?" " I tell yow trew, (sayde he,)
mr. Norres hathe strekon you owt off the boke, sayng these wordes,
4 Thatt herytyke shalle nott wache here ; ' I telle you trwe what he
sayde." " Mary, I thanke hym, ('sayde I,) and yow also; yow
could nott do me a greater plesure." "Naye, burdone nott me
withalle, (sayde he,) it is nott my doynge." So departed I into
a John Norris esquire. He and William Rainsford were the two gentlemen ushers who
represented the dukes of Normandy and Guienne at the coronation of Edward VI. Though
treated somewhat contemptuously by Underbill, he was a person of importance, and
one of a family connected during many generations with the court, and allied to
several families of the peerage : see the pedigree of Norris in Lipscombe's Buckingham-
shire, vol. i. p. 233. He was elder brother to Henry Norris, beheaded in 1536 for the
matter of Anne Boleyne : whose son was summoned to parliament by Elizabeth, and his
grandson became earl of Berkshire. After the accession of Mary, sir Philip Hoby, who
had held the office of usher of the Garter, or black rod, during the reign of Edward VI.,
resigned it for the purpose that it might be restored to the family of Norris, and by letters
patent dated 1 May 1554, (which are printed in Rymer's Fcedera, xv. 386,) it was con-
ferred on John Norres, one of the gentlemen ushers of the queen's privy chamber, and on
William Norres, his son and heir apparent, or the survivor. John Norris died Oct. 21,
1564, having married Elizabeth, sister to Edmund lord Bray. b cupboard.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 163
the halle, where ower men weare apoynted to wache. I toke my
men with me, and a lynke, and wentt my wayes.
When I came to the courte gate, ther I mett with mr. Clement
Througemartone,a and George Feris,b tindynge ther lynges to go
to London. Mr. Througemartone was cume post frome Coventry,
and hadde byne with the quene to declare unto her the takynge
off the duke off Suffoke.c Mr. Feris was sentt from the councelle
unto the lorde William Hawwarde,d who hadde the charge off the
whache att London bryge. As we wentt, for thatt they weare
bothe my frendes, and protestanes, I tolde them my goode happe,
and maner off my discharge off the whache att the cowrte.
When we came to Ludegate it was past aleavene of the cloke.
The gate was fast loked, and a greate wache within the gate off
Londonars, but noone withowte; whereoff Henry Peckam hadde
the charge under his father,6 who belyke was goone to his father,
a Clement Throekmorton esquire, of Haseley in Warwickshire, was the third son of
sir George Throekmorton of Coughton, by Katharine daughter of Nicholas lord Vaux : and
married Katharine, daughter of sir Edward Neville, second son of the lord Abergavenny.
(Wotton's English Baronetage, 1741, ii. 357.) In early life he served at Boulogne,
and was cupbearer to queen Katharine Parr. He was M.P. for West Looe in 1571,
and died in 1574. In 1555 mr. Clement Throekmorton charitably undertook to provide
for the elder son of Thomas Hawkes when that martyr was sentenced to be burned at
Coggeshall : see the letters of Hawkes to his wife and to master Clement Throekmorton
printed by Foxe. His eldest son and heir Job was the supposed author of Martin Mar-
Prelate ; and was father of sir Clement Throekmorton, of Haseley, an eloquent speaker
in the parliaments of the next century, in which he sat for the county of Warwick.
b George Ferrers, M.P. for Plymouth in 1542, a poet and an historian. For his
biography see Wood's Athense Oxonienses, (by Bliss,) i. 443.; the notes to Machyn's
Diary, p. 327; and those to the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 188.
c Henry Grey, the father of the lady Jane. He was captured in his park of Astley
near Coventry, and the particulars are given in Appendix VII. to the Chronicle of Queen
Jane and Queen Mary.
d Brother to Thomas fourth duke of Norfolk ; created lord Howard of Effingham
10 March 1553-4, lord chamberlain 1554, and lord admiral 1557 ; died 1573.
e Henry Peckham was the son of sir Edmund Peckham, who had been cofferer of the
household to Henry VIII. and Edward VI. and was treasurer of the mint to Mary and
Elizabeth. The son, in the year 1563, joined in the conspiracy of Henry Dudley, of
which a full account has been presented to the Camden Society by Mr. Bruce in his
Verney Papers, pp. 59 et seq. and was hung and beheaded on Tower-hill, together with
164 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
or to loke to the water syde, Mr. Througemartone knoked harde,
and called unto them, saynge, " Here is iij or iiij jentyllernen cume
from the courte thatt must cume in, and therfore opon the gate."
" Who?" cothe one, " Whatt?" cothe another, and moche laugeh-
ynge the(y) made. " Cane ye telle what ye doo, syrs?" sayd mr.
Througemartone, declarynge his name, and that he hadd byne
with the quene to showe her grace off the takynge off the duke off
Suffoke, " and my logeynge is within, as I am sure sume off yow
do know." " And," sayde Ferris, " I am Ferris, that was lorde off
misrule with kynge Edwarde,a and am sentt from the councelle
unto my lorde William, who hathe the charge off the bryge, as yow
knowe, uppon weyghtie affayres; and therfore lett us in, or eles ye
be nott the quenes fryndes." Stylle there was mouche laughynge
amoungst them. Then sayd too or three off them, " We have
nott the keyes, we are nott trusted with them ; the keyes be caryed
awaye for this nyght." " Whatt shall I do?" sayde mr. Througe-
martone, "I am wery and faynte, and I waxe nowe colde. I am
nott aquaynted here abowte, nor no mane dare opone his doores in
this daungerous tyme, nor I am nott able to goo bake agayne to the
courte; I shall perishe this nyght." " Welle, (sayde I,) lett us
goo to Newgate, I thynke I shalle gett in ther." " Tushe! (sayde
he,) it is butt in vayne, we shalbe aunswered ther as we are here."
" Welle, (sayde I,) and the worst falle, I can loge ye in Newgate;
yow know whatt aquayntaunce I have ther, and the keper's doore
is withowte the gate." " That weare a bad shifte, (sayde he,) I
hadd almost as lyffe dye in the strettes; yett I wylle rather [than]
wander agayne to the courte." u Welle, (sayde I,) lett us goo prove.
I beleve the keper wyll healpe us in att the gate, or eles lett us in
thorow his wardes, for he hathe a doore on the insyde also; yff alle
John Daniell, on the 8th of July in that year. (Stowe's Chronicle, and Machyn's Diary,
p. 109.) He appears to have well deserved his fate, having behaved treacherously to his
friends. He had sat in the late parliament for Chipping "VVycombe.
a First at Christmas 1551-2, and again in 1552-3, as described with great delight by
Machyn in his Diary, pp. 13, 28, 29 : see also, for various particulars, Kempe's Loseley
Manuscripts, 1835, 8vo., and The Literary Remains of King Edward VI. p. 381.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERIIILL. 165
this fayle I have a frend att the gate, Newmane the ierinmounger,
in whose howse I have byne logede, where I dare warantt yow we
shalle have logynge, or att the lest howse-rome and fyer." " Marye,
this is wel sayde," saythe Ferris.
So to Newgate we wentt, where was a greatc wache withowte the
gatCj wiche my frende Newmane hadde the charge off, for that he
was the cunnestable. They marveled to se there torches cumeynge
thatt tyme off the nyght. When we came to them, " Mr. Under-
hylle, (sayde Newmane,) whatt newes, thatt you walke so late?"
" None butt goode, (sayd I;) we cume from the cowrte, and wolde
have goone in att Ludgate, and cannott be lett in, wherfore I pray
yow yff yow cannot helpe us in here, lett [us] have logynge with
yow." " Mary, that ye shalle, (saydc he,) or go in att the gate,
whether ye wille." " Godamercy, jentylle frende, (sayde mr.
Througemertone,) I pray yow lett us goo in yff it maye be." He
called to the cunestable within the gate, who opened the gate forth-
with. " Now happye was I (sayde mr. Througemertone,) thatt I
mett with you; I hadd byne lost eles."
When Wyatt was cume abowte,a notwithstandyngc my discharge
off the wache by mr. Norres, I putt on my arrnoure and wentt to the
courte, where I founde all my felowes armed in the halle, wiche they
weare apoynted to kepe that daye. Old syr John Gageb was
apoynted withowte the utter gate, with sume off the garde and his
sarvantes and others with hym ; the rest off the garde weare in the
greate courte, the gattes standynge opune. Sir Rychard Southwell
had the charge off the bakesydes, as the woodeyarde and thatt waye,
with vc men. The quene was in the galary by the gatehowse. Then
came Knevett c and Thomas Cobam,d with a company off the rebelles
a On Wednesday the 7th Feb. 1553-4, being Ash Wednesday, — having marched fonvard
from South wark the day before, and crossed the Thames at Kingston.
b Being lord chamberlain and constable of the Tower. See before, p. 139.
c William Knevett was one of the principal captains of the rebels : but two others of
the family, Thomas and Anthony, were also among those committed to the Tower. See
the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 51, 52, 53. At the end of the following
February Anthony and William were sent into Kent for execution, (ibid. p. 66.)
d "Thomas Cobham, the loi'd Cobham's son." (ibid. pp. 51, 52.) His brothers sir
166 NARKATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
with them, thorow the gatehowse, frome Westmester,a uppon the
sodene, wherewith syr John Gage and thre of the jugeis,b thatt weare
menly armed in olde bryggantynes,0 weare so fryghtede thatt they
fledd in att the gattes in souche hast thatt oldd Gage fell downe in
the durte and was foule arayde ; and so shutt the gates. Wheratt the
rebelles shotte many arowes. By meanes off this greate hurleburle
in shuttynge off the gattes, the garde thatt weare in the courte made
as greate hast in att the halle doore, and wolde have cume into the
halle amoungst us, wiche we wolde not suffer. Then they wentt
William and George were also committed to the Tower, and all three tried in the follow-
ing February, (ibid. p. 62.) Thomas was condemned to death. The two latter were
acquitted, or pardoned ; and released, with their father lord Cobham, on the 24th of March,
(ibid. p. 71, and Machyn, p. 58.) The particulars of lord Cobham's committal to the
Tower on the 2nd of February are given in the same Chronicle, at p. 41.
a The rebels, on their way from Knightsbridge, were first attacked near St. James's
palace, by the earl of Pembroke's horsemen ; when some of them " which escaped the
charge, passed by the backeside of Saint James towardes Westmynster, and from
thence to the courte, and finding the gates shut agaynst them, stayed there a while, and
shotte off many arrowes into the wyndowes and over into the gardeyne, neverthelesse
without any hurt that was knowne. Whereupon the sayde rebelles, over whom one
Knevett was captaine, perceyving themselves to be too fewe to doe any great feate there,
departed from thence to followe Wyat, who was gone before towardes London." (Narra-
tive by George Ferrers, included in Grafton's Chronicle, and copied by Holinshed.)
Proctor, who published a separate narrative of Wyat's rebellion, erroneously imagined
that the attack came from Charing cross : see a note on this point in the Chronicle of
Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 131. The writer of that chronicle states (p. 48) that the
party who turned down towards Westminster were commanded by " Cutbart Vaughan
and about ij auncyentes."
b These judges were those of the common pleas. " This daye the judges in the common
place at Westminster satte in armoure." (Proctor.) " Yea, this day, and other dayes,
(says Stowe,) the justices, Serjeants at the law, and other lawyers in Westminster hall
pleaded in harnesse." Proctor adds that while the court gates were open, " one maister
Nicolas Rockewod, being a gentleman of Lyncolnes inn, and in armour at the said court
gate, was shotte through hys nose with anarrowe by the rebels. For the comminge of the
said rebels was not loked for that way." See also the anecdote of Ralph Rokeby serjeant
at law, pleading with a good coate-armour under his robes and playing a good part with
his bow and a sheaf of arrows, quoted in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary,
p. 40 ; also that (p. 41) of doctor Weston, who the same morning (being Ash Wednesday)
sang mass before the queen " in harnesse under his vestments."
c Brigandines were jackets of quilted leather, covered with iron plates. d MS. hold.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 167
throungynge towardes the Watergate, the kycheyns, and those ways.
Mr. Gage came in amoungst us alle durt, and so fryghted thatt he
coulde nott speke to us; then came the thre jugeis, so fryghted thatt
we coulde nott kepe them owte excepte we shulde beate them
downe. With thatt we issued owt off the halle into the courte to
se whatt the matter was ; where ther was none lefte butt the porters,
and, the gattes beyng fast shutt, as we wentt towardes the gate,
meanynge to goo forthe, syr Rycharde Southwell came forthe off the
bake yardes into the courte. " Syr, (said wee,) commaunde the
gates to be opened thatt we maye goo to the quenes enemyes, we
wyll breake them opone eles ; it is to mouche shame the gates shulde
be thus shutt for a few rebelles; the quene shalle se us felle downe
her enemys this daye before her face." u Masters," sayde he, and putt
off his muriane a off his heade, " I shalle desyer yow alle, as yow be
jentyllemen, to staye yourselves heare thatt I maye goo upe to the
quene to knowe her plesure, and yow shall have the gates opened;
and, as I am a jentylleman, I wylle make spede." Uppon this we
stayde, and he made a spedie returne, and brought us worde the
quene was contentt we shulde have the gates opened. " Butt her
request is (sayde he,) that yow wyll not goo forthe off her syght, for
her only trust is in yow for the defence [of] her parsone this daye."
So the gate was opened, and we marched before the galary wyndowe,
wheare she spake unto us, requyrynge us, as we weare jentyllemen
in whome she only trusted, thatt we wolde nott goo from thatt place.b
Ther we marched upe and downe the space off an ower, and then
came a harrolde postyngeto brynge newes that Wyatte was takone.
Immediately came syr Mores Barkeley c and Wyatte behynd hym,
a The morion was a scull-cap or hat of steel with a ridge on its top. See some repre-
sentations in Meyrick's Ancient Arms and Armour, pi. lxviii.,and Fosbroke's Encyclopedia
of Antiquities, plate of Armour and Arms.
b Of the queen's personal demeanour on this alarming occasion see further particulars
in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 48, 49, 133, 188.
c Sir Maurice Berkeley, of Bruton, co. Somerset, was standard-bearer (vexillifer) to
Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Elizabeth, according to the family pedigree. His
168 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
unto whome he dyde yelde att the Temple gate,a and Thomas Cobam
behynde ane other jentylleman.b
Anane after we c weare alle brought unto the quenes prcsentes,
and every one kyssed her hande, off whome we hadde greate thankes
and large promeses how goode she wolde be unto us; but few or
none off us got any thynge, although she was very liberalle to many
others d thatt weare enemyes unto God's worde, as fewe off us weare.
Thus wentt I home to my howse, wheare I kepte, and came litle
abraude, untyll the maryage was concluded with kynge Phellippe.
Then was ther preparynge to goo with the quene unto Wynchester ;
and all the bookes off the ordinarys weare parused by the beshope
of Wynchester,6 and the yearle of Arundelle, to consyder off every
mane. Syr Houmphray Katcleff, ower leffetenaunte, brought unto
them the boke off the pencyonars, wiche when they overloked, and
came unto my name, " Wliatt dothe he heare?" sayde the yearle off
Arundelle. " I knowe no cause why he shuld nott be heare, (sayde
mr. Katclyffe;) he is an onest mane; he hathe sarved from the
begynnynge of the bande, and was as forwarde as any to sarve the
quene in the tyme off Wyatt's rebellyon." " Lett hym pas then,"
name occurs as one of the knights of the king's privy chamber who signed the settlement
of the crown on the lady Jane in 1553 (see Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary,
p. 100). There was, however, at this time, besides sir Maurice of Bruton, another sir
Maurice, the younger son of Thomas tenth lord Berkeley, and the uncle of Henry at
this time the baron, and a minor. (Dugdale, Baronage, i. 368.)
a See the particulars of his surrender minutely described in The Chronicle of Queen
Jane and Queen Mary, p. 50.
b " And another toke Thomas Cobham, and [a third] William Knevet, and so caryed
them behind theym upon their horses to the courte/' (Ibid.)
c i. e. the gentlemen pensioners.
d See the list of " The names of certaine lordes and gentlemen that were with hir
majesties power against the rebelles," endorsed " to be rewardyd," printed from a MS. in
the State-paper office, at the close of the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p.
187. It may be remarked on that document that by " My lord Marshall " is meant lord
Clinton, who was « Marshall of the field " or " of the camp " at Wyat's attack ; and by
" My lord Heutenaunt" (p. 188) the earl of Pembroke, who had the chief command of
the queen's forces.
e Gardiner, now the queen's chief minister.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERHILL. 169
sayde the beshope. " Well, (sayde the yearle,) you may do soo;
butt I assure you, me lorde, he is an arche heritike." Thus I passed
onst (once) agayne.
When we came to Wynchester, beynge in the chamber off pre-
sentts, with my fellowes, mr. Norres came forthe off the quenes preve
chamber, unto whome we dide reverance, as his place requyred.
" Whatt! (say the he unto me,) whatt do yow heare?" " Marry,
sir, (sayde I,) whatt do yow heare?" " Ee, (sayde he,) are you so
shourte with me?" " Syr, (sayde I,) I muste and wylle forbeare,
for the place yow be in ; butt yff you weare in the place yow weare
in off the utter chamber, I wolde be shorter with yow. Yow weare
then the doore-keper, when we wayted att the table. Your offycc
is nott to fynde faulte att my beynge heare. I am att this tyme
apoynted to sarve here by those thatt be in ottorytie, who know me
as welle as yow doo." " They shalle know yow better, (sayde he,)
and the quene also," With thatt sayde mr. John Calveley,a one off
my felowes, brother unto syr He we Calveley off Cheshere, who
sarved att the jurney to Laundersaye in the same bande thatt I dyde,
" In goode faythe, mr. Norres, me thynke yow do nott welle. This
jentyllemane ower fellow hathe sarved off lounge tyme, and was
redy to venter his lyffe in defence off the quenes majestie att the
laste sarvis, and as forwarde as any was ther; and also beynge
apoynted and redy to sarve heare agayne now, to his greate chargeis,
as it is unto us alle, methynkes you do moore then the parte off a
jentyllemane thus to seke hym." " Whatt! (sayde he,) I parseave
you wylle holde together." " Eles we weare worse then beastes,
(sayde my fellow,) yff we wolde nott in alle leffulle causes so holde
together thatt he thatt touchethe one off us shalle touche all." So
wentt he from us into the preve chamber, and from thatt tyme
never medled more with me.
a John Calveley, one of the younger sons of sir George Calveley, of Lea in Cheshire,
by Elizabeth daughter of sir Piers Button, is in the family pedigree styled " valet to
queen Mary." His elder brother sir Hugh was knighted at Leith in 1543. (Ormerod'a
History of Cheshire, vol. ii. p. 419.)
CAMP. SOC. Z
170 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
On the maryage daye,a the kynge and the quene dyned in the
halle in the beshop's palice, sittynge under the clothe off estate, and
none eles att thatt table. The nobilite satte att the syde tables.
Wee weare the cheffe sarveters, to cary the meate, and the yearle
off Sussex ower capetayne was the shewer (sewer).b The seconde
course att the maryage off a kynge is gevyne unto the bearers ; I
meane the meate, butt nott the disshes, for they weare off golde. It
was my chaunce to cary a greate pastie of a redde dere in a greate
charger, very delicately baked ; wiche for the weyght theroff dyvers
refused ; the wiche pastye I sentt unto London to my wyffe and her
brother, who cherede therwith many off ther frendes. I wyll not
take uppon me to wryte the maner off the maryage, off the feaste,
nor off the daunssynge off the Spanyards thatt daye,c who weare
greately owte off countenaunce, specyally kynge Phelip daunce-
ynge with the quene, when they dide se me lorde Braye,d mr.
a At Winchester, on the 25th July 1554.
b "At the banquet, the earl of Arundel presented the ewer, the marquess of Win-
chester the napkin ; none being seated except the king and queen ; but, as to the rest
of the entertainment, it was more after the English than the Spanish fashion. The dinner
lasted till six in the evening, after which there was store of music ; and before nine all
had already retired." Narrative from the archives of Louvaine, in Tytler's Edward VI.
and Mary, ii. 432.
c " And thus, shortly to conclude, there was for certain daies after this moste noble
mariage such triumphing, bankating, singing, masking, and daunsing, as was never in
Englande heretofore, by the reporte of all men. Wherfore, to see the kinges magestie and
the quene sitting under the cloth of estate, in the hall where they dyned, and also in the
chamber of presence at dansing tyme, where both their magesties dansed, and also to
behold the dukes and noblemen of Spain daunse with the faire ladyes and the moste
buetifull nimphes of England, it should seme to him that never did see suche, to be
an other worlde." John Elder's Letter sent in to Scotlande to the bishop of Caithness,
reprinted in the appendix to The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 143.
Mary had been always fond of dancing, and her brother king Edward once wrote to her
to remonstrate with her on that score. (See Halliwell's Royal Letters, 1846, ii. 5 ; also Sir
Fred. Madden's memoir of her prefixed to her Privy Parse Expenses.)
d John second lord Bray, who succeeded his father in 1539, had been lieutenant of
the gentlemen pensioners before sir Humphrey Radclyffe, and was characterized as " a
paragon in court, and of sweet entertainment." But, though he shone in the court of
Mary, he did not agree in her policy, and in 1556 he suffered imprisonment in the Fleet
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 171
Carowe, and others so farre excede them ; butt wyll leve it unto the
learned, as it behovithe hym to be thatt shalle wryte a story off so
greate a tryoumffe.
Wiche beyng ended, ther repare was to London, wheare shortlye
after begane the cruelle parsecusyone off the prechers, and earnest
professors and followers off the gospelle, and shearchynge off men's
howses for ther bokes. Wherefore I goott olde Henry Daunce, the
brekeleyer off Whytechappelle, who used to preche the gospelle
in his gar dene every halydaye, where I have sene a thowsande
people, he dyde inclose my bokes in a bryke walle by the chemnyes
syde in my chamber, where they weare presarved from moldynge or
mice,untylle the fyrsteyere offower moste gracyouse quene Elisabeth,
&c. notwithstandynge that I removed from thence, and wentt unto
Coventry, and gott me a howse a myle owte off the citie in a woode
syde. Butt before I removed from the sayde howse in London, I
hadde too chyldearne a borne ther, a boye and a whence (wench).
It was a greate greffe to me to se so mouche innocentt bloode
shede for the veritie. I was also thretened by John Avales and
Bearde,b wiche I understoode by mr. Luke,c my very frende, off Cole-
mane strete visissyone (physician), who was greate with sume thatt
kepte them cumepany, and yett weare honeste mene; whome I
caused to lett them understande thatt yf they dide attempte to take
me excepte they hadd a warantt syngned with fore or fy ve off the
counceles handes I wolde goo farther with them then Peter dide,
who strake off butt the eare off Malcus, butt I wolde surely stryke
off heade and alle ; wiche was declared unto them ; so thatt I oftene
tynies mett them, but they wolde nott medle with me. So myghtilye
and in the Tower, on suspicion of connection with the conspiracy of Henry Dudley, in
which his nephews Edward and Francis Verney were involved. The particulars of this
trouble and his subsequent history until his early death in 1557 have been presented in
detail to the Camden Society by Mr. Bruce in the Verney Papers, pp. 52, 56, 73, 77.
a Anne his fifth daughter, born the 4th of January 1554, and Edward his second son,
born the 10th of February 1555. (See p. 135.)
b See before, p. 161.
c Luke Shepherd : see note in the Appendix.
172 NARRATIVES Otf THE REFORMATION.
the mercyfulle Lorde defendide me, as also frome beynge presentt
att tliatt blasphemus mase in alle the tyme off quene Mary.
This Luke wroote many proper bokes agaynst the papistes, for the
wyche he was impresoned in the Flete; specially a boke called John
Boone and Mast Parsone, who resoned together off the naturalle
presense in the sakermentt; wiche boke he wroote in the tyme off
kynge Edwarde, wherewithe the papist(s) weare soore greved,
specyally syr John Gresam,a then beynge mayour. John Daye dide
pryntt the same boke; whome the maior sentt for to knowe the
maker theroff, saynge he shulde also goo to presone for pryntynge
the same. It was my chaunce to cume in the same tyme, for thatt I
hadde founde oute wheare Alen the prophecyer hade a chamber,
thorow whome ther was a brute in the citie thatt the kynge was
deade, wiche I declared to the maior; requyrynge hym to have ane
offycer to aprehende hym. ' ' Mary, (sayde the maior,) I have receaved
letters tliis nyght att mydnyght to make searche for the souche,"
He was goynge unto dynner, who wyllede me to take parte off the
same. As we weare att dynner, he sayde ther was a boke putt
forthe called John Boone, the maker wheroff he wolde also searche
for. " Wy so? (sayde I,) thatt boke is a goode boke; I have one off
them here, and ther is many off them in the courte." " Have yow
so? (sayde he,) I praye you lett me se it; for I have nott sene any
off them." So he toke it, and reade a litle off it, and laughed
theratt, as it was bothe pythye and mery ; by meanes wheroff John
Daye, sittynge att the syde borde after dynner, was biddene go
whome, whoo hadde eles goone to presone.
When we hade dyned, the maior sentt to (two) off his offycers with
me to seke Alene; whome we mett withalle in Poles,b and toke hym
with us unto his chamber, wheare we founde fygures sett to calke the
a Uncle to the celebrated sir Thomas Gresham. His mayoralty was in 1547-8. See
memoirs of him in Burgon's Life of Gresham, pp. 11-21. Some particulars regarding him
will be found in the notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 353 ; and as to his children in The To-
pographer and Genealogist, 1853, ii. 512.
b In the nave of Saint Paul's cathedral, then a place of general concourse.
AUTOBiOGiiArny OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 173
nativetie off the kynge, and a jugemcntt gevyne off his dcathe, wher-
oiF this folyshe wreche though te hymselfe so sure thatt he and his
conselars the papistes bruted it all over.a The kynge laye att
Hamtone courte the same tyme, and me lord protector at the Syonc ;b
unto whomc I caryed this Alen, with his bokes off conejuracyons,
cearkles,'and many thynges beloungynge to thatt dylvyshe art,c wiche
he affyrmed before me lorde was a lawfulle cyens (science), for the
statute agaynst souche was repealed.d " Thow folyshe knave ! (sayde
me lorde,) yff thou and alle thatt be off thy cyeris telle me what I
shalle do to-morow I wylle geve the alle thatt I have;" commaund-
ynge me to cary hym unto the Tower : and wroote a letter unto syr
John Markam thene beynge leffetenauntt,c to cause hym to be ex-
amyned by souche as weare learned. Mr. Markam, as he was bothe
wyse and zelous in the Lorde, talked with hym ; unto whome he dyde
affirme thatt he knewe more in the syence off astronomy then alle the
uny versy ties off Oxforde and Cambryge ; wheruppone he sentt for my
frende, before spokyne off, doctor Keccorde, who examined hym, and
a " In the mean season, bicause therAvas a rumour that I was dead, I passed thorowgh
London," writes king Edward in his Journal. " Item the xxiij. day of the same monyth
(July 1549) the kynges grace came from the dewke of Suffolkes place in Sothwarke
thorrow London, and soo to Whytte hall, goodly, with a goodly company." Chronicle of
the Grey Friars of London, p. 60.
b Syon house, then belonging to the duke of Somerset.
c Some of these Underbill kept in his possession, and copies of them will be found in the
Appendix, together with other notices of Allen.
d By the statute 1 Edw. VI. cap. 12, the act of 33 Henry VIII. cap. 8 (a copy of which
will be found in the Appendix) was repealed, as being one of those constituting new felonies
since the 1 Hen. VIII. See the Index to the Statutes of the Realm, tit. AVitchcraft.
e Sir John Markham was lieutenant of the Tower during the protectorate of the duke
of Somerset, and was discharged from his office at the end of October 1551, because, during
the duke's imprisonment, he had suffered him to walk abroad, and certain letters to be
sent and answered, without making the council privy, as is recorded by king Edward in
his Journal : see The Literary Remains of King Edward VI. pp. 233, 238, 328. He was
head of the family seated at Gotham in Nottinghamshire, and his biography will be found
in the History of the Markham Family, by the Rev. David Frederick Markham, 1854,
8vo. p. 19. See also a letter of archbishop Cranmer to Cromwell in 1537, highly com-
mending sir John Markham both as an old soldier and as a favourer of God's word :
Jenkyns's Remains of Cranmer, i. 224.
174 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
he knewe nott the rules of astronamye, but was a very unlearned
asse, and a sorcerer, for the wiche he was worthy e hangynge, sayde
mr. Eecorde.
To have further matter unto hym we sentt for Thomas Robyns alias
Morgane,a commonly called litle Morgane, or Tome Morgan, brother
unto greate Morgane off Salisbury courte, the greate dycer, who
when I was a companyone with them, told me many stories off this
Alene, whatt a cunnynge mane he was, and whatt thynges he coulde
do, as to make awomanelove a mane,b to teache mene how to wyne
att the dice,c whatt shulde become off this realme— nothynge butt
he knewe it; so hadde his chambers in dyvers plases off the cittie,
whether resorted many women for thynges stollene or lost,d to know
ther fortunes, and ther chyldarnes fortunes ; wheare the ruffelynge
roysters the dicers made ther maches.6 When this Morgane and
Allen weare brought together, Morgane utterly denyed thatt ever he
had sene hym or knowen hym. " Yes, (sayde Alene,) yow know me,
a The remainder of the MS. is now bound in the MS. Harl. 424, at f. 8.
b — "to provoke any person to unlawful lovev" was one of the objects of witchcraft
enumerated in the Act 33 Hen. VIII. cap. 12, which will be found in the Appendix.
c See Allen's paper, No. 3, in the Appendix.
d The sorcerers were used to " take upon them to tell or declare where goodes stollen or
lost shall become." (Act 33 Hen. VIII. cap. 12.) This was a branch of the " science "
which formed too frequent a source of profit to be hastily relinquished. It was flourishing
a century later, and is not yet entirely extinct. The famous Richard Baxter, in " The
Certainty of the World of Spirits fully evinced, 1691," inquires "To what sort shall we
rank those that tell men of things stolen and lost, and that shew men the face of a thief in
a glass, and cause the goods to be brought back, who are commonly called white ivitches ?
We have had so many credible reports of such, as alloweth not reason to doubt of it."
And he then proceeds to tell some stories of Hodges, one of these " white witches," whom
he remembered, practising at Sedgley. See Allen's papers, Nos. 1 and 2.
e In the time of king Edward we read that " Dicing and carding are forbidden, but
dicing and carding-houses are upholden. Some in their own houses, and in the king's
majesty's court, (God save his noble grace, and grant that virtue and knowledge may
meet in his royal heart I) give ensample to his subjects to break his statutes and laws.
Prisons in London, where men lie for debt, be dicing-houses ; places of correction and
punishment be dens and schools of unthriftiness," &c. Epistle addressed to archbishop
Cranmer, prefixed by Roger Hutchinson to " The Image of God, or laie man's booke,"
1550. Hutchinson 's Works, (Parker Society,) p. 7.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 175
and I knowe yow," for he hadd confessed that beffore his comeynge.
Upon this mr. leffetenauntt stayed litle Morgane also presonar in
the Tower.
I caused also mr. Gastone the lawyare,a who was also a greate dicer,
to be aprehendid ; in whose howse Alone was mouche, and hadde a
chamber ther, where was many thynges practesed. Gaston hadde an
olde wyffe who was leyde under the borde alle nyght for deade, and
when the womene in the mornynge came too wynde her, they founde
thatt ther was lyffe in her, and so recovered her, and she lived
aboute too yeres after.
By the resworte off souche as came to seke for thynges stollen and
lost, wiche they wolde hyde for the nonst, to bleare ther husebandes'
ies withalle, saynge " the wyse mane tolde them," off souche Gastone
hadde choyce for hym selffe and his frendes, younge lawers of the
Temple. Thus became I so disspysed and odious unto the lawers,
lordes and ladies, jentyllrnene, marchantes, knaves, hoores, baudes,
and theves, thatt I walked as daungerously as Daniell amoungest the
lyons; yett from them alle the Lorde delivered me, nottwithstond-
ynge ther oftone devices and consperices by vyolence to have shed
my bloode, or with sorcery distroide me.
These affooresayde weare in the Tower about the space off a yere,
and then by frendshipe delyvered. So scapithe alwayes the weked,
and souche as God commaundethe shulde nott lyve amounge the
people ; yea evyne now in these dayes also, so thatt me thynk I se
the ruine off London and this hole realme to be evyn att hande, for
God wylle nott suffer any longer. Love is cleane banished; no
mane is sory for Joseffes hurte.
A prayer b tacon owt off the salines off Davide, dayly and nyghtly
used to be sayde off Edwarde Underhylle.
Lorde, teache me the understaundynge off thy commaundementes,
a This is probably the true name, and not Gascoigne. One of the knights of the Bath
made at the coronation of queen Mary was sir Henry Gaston.
b Strype, in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. Hi., at the end of Chapter VI. has printed
another prayer by Underbill, " that he used in queen Mary's days against the papists."
As I have not found the original of this, I do not reprint it.
176 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
thatt I maye aply rnyselfe for the kepynge off the same, as lounge
as I lyve. Geve me souche wisedome thatt I maye understande
and so to fulfylle the thinge thatt thy lawe devisethe ; to kepe it also
with my hoole harte, thatt I do nothynge agaynst it. Gyde me after
the trew understaundynge off thy commaundementes, for thatt hath
bynn alwayes my specyall desyer. Incline myne harte unto the love
off thy statutes, and cause me utterly to aboure covetousnes. Turne
myne ies asyde lest they be tangelede with the love off moste vayne
thynges; butt leade me rather unto lyff thorow thy warnynges. Sett
souche a worde befoore thy sarvantt as maye most cheffely further
hym to worshipe the. Take awaye the shame thatt I am affrayde
off, for thy jugementes are greatly myxed with mercy. As for me,
verelyl have loved thy commaundementtes; wherforekepe me alyve
accordynge to thy ryghtousnes.
Lone God above all thynges, and thy neyghboure as thy selfe,
Thatt this is Christes doctryne no mane cane it denye ;
Wych litle is regarded in Yngland's common wealthe,
Wherefore greate plages att hande be, the realme for to distroye.
Do as thow woldest be done unto, no place here he cane have ;
Of alle he is reff'used, no mane wylle hym reseave ;
Butt pryvate wealthe, thatt cursed wreche and most vyle slave,
Over alle he is inibraced, and fast to hym they cleave.
He thatt hathe this worldes goode and seithe his neyghboure lake,
And off hym hathe no campassyone, nor showith hym no love,
Nor relevithe his nesessite, butt suffres hym go to wrake,
God dwellethe nott in thatt mane, the scriptures playnely prove.
Example we have by Dyves, that dayntelye dide fare,
In worldely wealthe and ryches therin he dide excelle,
Ofi'poore Lazarous' misery he hadde theroff no care,
Therfore was sodenly takone and tormentide in helle.
EPWARDE UNDERHYLLE.
VII.
THE TROUBLES OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE,
RECTOR OF ST. MICHAEL TOWER-RYALL, IN THE REIGN OP QUEEN
MARY: WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.
THOMAS MOWNTAYNE was arrested for continuing to perform the Protestant
communion after it had been prohibited: and then retained in prison as a
traitor, having accompanied the duke of Northumberland in his journey to
Cambridge when endeavouring to establish the title of queen Jane. Having
lain for some months in prison, he was released through some legal informalities,
and at length escaped to the continent.
Mowntayne himself informs us that he was the son of Richard Mowntayne
a servant to king Henry the Eighth and king Edward. All that is further
known of him, beyond what is related in the following narrative, is that on the
dissolution of the college of the Holy Spirit and Saint Mary, founded by
Richard AVhittington, in connection with the church of Saint Michael in the
Ryal, in the city of London, Thomas Mountein, clerk, was on the 29th Dec.
1550, presented to that church by the dean and chapter of Canterbury, and
received institution from archbishop Cranmer, to whose jurisdiction the rectory
belonged as a peculiar; but after the accession of queen Mary, Whittington's
college being re-established, the former rector, Richard Smith, S.T.P. was re-
instated. (Newcourt's Repertoriuin Ecclesiasticum Londinense, i. 494.)
Mowntayne was one of nine priests beneficed in London that pertained to the
archbishop's jurisdiction, who (sede vacante) were by a citation dated March 7,
1553-4, ordered to appear before the vicar-general, Henry Harvey, LL.D. in
Bow church, in order to be called to account as married men. Mowntayne was
one of those who did not appear ; and consequently, being pronounced con-
tumacious, was deprived of his benefice. (Strype, Memorials of Cranmer
p. 327.)
Thomas Mowntayne, on his return from his continental exile, appears to have
obtained the rectory of St. Pancras Soper-lane, to which his institution is not
on record, but a successor was appointed on his resignation Oct. 4, 1561.
(Newcourt's Repertoriuin Ecclesiasticum Londinense, i. 519.)
CAMD. SOC. 2 A
178 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Strype printed the whole of this narrative in Iris Ecclesiastical Memorials,
with the exception of a few passages, but divided into five portions (vol. iii.
chapters 7, 11, 20, 23, and 24,) and impaired by numerous errors. It is there-
fore thought that a complete and literal copy is not superfluous in the present
collection.
(MS. Harl. 425, f. 106.)
In the yeare of Lorde God a thowsand fyffe hundrethe and iij
queue Marye was crownyd Quene of Ingeland, swche a daye of the
monthe a beynge Sondaye ; and the next Sondaye after, I Thomas
Mowntayne, parson of Sent Myhellys in the to were ryall, other wysse
callyd Wythtyngeton college yn London, dyd ther mynystere al
kyend of servys acordynge to the godly order than sett forthe by
that moste grasyus and blessyd prence kynge Edward the syxte;
and the hole paryshe, beynge than gatheryd togeather, dyd than
and there moste joyfully communycate together with me the holly
supper of the Lorde Jesus, and manye other godly sytysyns wher
than partakers of the same, whoe, with byter terysb of repentance,
dyd not onlye lament ther former wycked lyves, but also the lacke
and lose of our moste dred sufferent lorde kynge Edward the syxte,
whome we wher not worthy e of, for our unthankefulnes and dyss-
obedyence bothe towardes Allmightye God and his magestie. Nowe,
wyll I was even a brekynge of the bred at the table, sayenge to the
communycants thes wordys, Take and eate ihys, &c.? and Drynke thys,
&c., ther where standynge by, to see and here, sartayne sarvynge
men belongyng to the bushope of Wynchester, amonge home, one
of them most shamefully blasphemyd God, sayenge " Ye, Godys
blud, standys thowe ther yet? sayenge Take and eate, Take and
drynke ; wyl not thys geare be lefte yet ? yow shal be made to
synge another songe withyn thys fewe dayes I trowe, or elys I have
loste my marke."
The nexte Weddynsdaye folio wyngc the bushop of Wynchester sent
one of hys servantes for me to come and speake with my lorde hys
a October 1, 1553. b Misprinted by Strype bitterness. c October 11.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 179
master; to home I answeryd, that I wolde wayte one hys lordshyp
after that I had done mornyng prayer. " Naye, (say the hys man,)
I maye not tarye so longe for yow. 1 ham commaundyd to take
yow whersoever I fyend you, and to brynge yow with me; that ys
my charge gevyn unto me by my lordys owne mowthe." " Wei
than, (sayed I,) I wyll goo with yow owte of hande, and God be my
comforde, and strengthyn me with hys holy spryte thys daye and
ever, in that same truthe wher unto he hathe calyd me, that I may
contynue theryn to the end. Amen ! "
Nowe, whan I came ynto the greate chamber at Saint Marye
Overy's, ther I fownd the bushop standyng at a baye wyndowe with
a great companye aboute hym, and manye swters bothe men and
wemen, for he was gooynge to the courte; amonge home ther was
one mr. Sellinger, a knyghte and lord debytye of Iyerland,a beinge
a swtter also to my lorde. Than the bushope callyd me unto hym
and sayed, " Thou herytyke ! how darste thow be so bowlde to use
that sysmatycall service styll, of late set forthe? seynge that God
hath sent us nowe a catholycke quene, whose lawys thow haste
broken, as the rest of thy fellowse hathe don, and you shall knowe
the pryse of yt yffe I do lyffe. Ther ys suche abomynable companye
of yowe, as ys able to poyesyne a hole realine with your herysys."
" My lorde, (sayed I,) I ham none heretyke, for that waye that yow
counte heresy, so worshupe we the lyvynge God; and as our fore-
fathers hathe done and belevyd, I mene Habraham, Isaake, and
Jacob, with the reste of the holly prophetes and apostyllys, even
soo doo I beleve to be savyd, and by no other meanes." " Godys
pasyon! (sayd the bushop,) dyd not I tel yow, my lorde deby[ty],
howe yow sholde knowe an heretyke ? he ys up with the * lyvynge
* Sir Anthony St.Leger, knight of the Garter. Some verses (in ballad measure) on
the Eucharist, which are printed in Foxe's Actes and Monuments, are by him attributed
to king Edward as author, and said to have been addressed to sir Anthony St. Leger ; or,
according to other accounts, sir Anthony was himself responsible for them. But he got
into trouble about them in Ireland, and was anxious to deny them in the reign of queen
Mary : see the Preface to the Literary Remains of King Edward VI.
180 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
God,' as thoo ther were a dead God. They have nothynge yn ther
mowthes, thes herytykys, but * the Lord ly vythe, the lyvynge God
rwlythe, the Lorde, the Lorde,' and nothyng but the Lorde."
Here he chaffyed lyke a bushop, and, as his mannar was, many
tymys he put of hys cape and rubbyd to and froo, up and done, the
fore parte of hys heed, wher a locke of hare was alwayes standynge
up, and that as some saye wase hys grace; but, to passyiFye thys
hastye bushop and cruell man, the lord debytye sayed, " My good
lorde chaunseler, trobyl not yourselve with thys herytyke, I
thynke all the worlde ys full of them, God bles me from them!
but as your lordshyp sayed even now full well, havynge a chrystyan
quene no we raynynge over us, I truste ther wylbe shortly a re-
formasyon and an order taken for these hery tykes, and I trust God
hathe presarvyd your honorable lordshyp even for the very same
porpoose." Than sayed mr. Selynger unto me, " Submyt yourselve
unto my lorde, and so yow shall fynd favor at hys hand." " I thanke
yow, syr, (sayd I,), plye your owne swete [suit], and I pray
yow let me alone, for I never offendyd my lord, neyther yet wyll I
make any suche submysyon has he wolde have me to doo, be
assueryd of that, God wyllynge." " Wei, (sayed he,) you are a
stuburne man." Than stode ther one by muche lyke unto docter
Martyn,a and sayed, " My lorde, the tyme pasythe awaye; trubule
your solve no longer with thys herytyke, for he ys not onlye an
herytyke, but also a traytor to the queues magesty, for he was one
of them that wente for the with the ducke of Northethumbeiianrl and
was yn open felde agaynste here grace; and therfor as a traytor
he ys one of them that ys exsemte owte of the generall pardon, and
hathe loste the benyfytt of the same." "Ys yt even so? (say the
a Thomas Martyn, D.C.L. one of the masters in chancery, who was actively engaged in
the prosecution of archbishop Cranmer and many others, as appears in Foxe's pages,
throughout the Marian period. He was author of a book published in 1554, on the
Unlawfulness of Priests' Marriage. See memoirs of him in Wood's Athena? Oxon. (edit.
Bliss.) i. 500 ; and references to many particulars in the General Index to the Works of
Strype.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNI . 181
the bushopc,) fcchc me the boke that I inaye see yt." Than was
thebokebroughtehyin, uvryn he lokeda as one ingnorante what had
bene done, and yet he bcynge the cheffe doere liymselve tlierof. Than
asked he of me what my name was. I sayed my name was Thomas
Mownttayne. u Thow haste wronge," sathe he. " Why so, my
lorde?" " That thow haste not moiontyd to Tyborne, or to soche
a lyke place." Than sayed I unto hym, " I beseche your lordshyp
be so good lord unto me, as to let me knowe myn acusars who they
they be, for I truste that I have not desarvyd nether to be hangyd
as a theffe, nor yet to be burnycl as [a] herytyke, for I onely beleve
yn one God yn trinity e, and as for the lawes of the realme, I truste
I have not offendyd or brokyn anye of them/' "No? ( say d the
bushop,) I wyll make thee to synge a newe songe or thow and I
have done, for thes ij b be alwayes lynkcd together, treson and
herysy, and thow haste lykc a shameles man offendyd in bothe,
and that shalte thow knowe. I wyl scole thee myselve." Than he
called for the marshall or some of his men, and ther was none of
them ther. Than calyd he for one mr. Hungerford, one of his owne
jcntellemen; hyme he rowndyd yn the eare a pretty whyele, and
than openly the bushop sayed with a loude woysce, " I praye yow,
mr. Hungerford, take thys tray terns herytike, and have hym to
the Marshallsee, and remember wel whate I have sayed unto yow,
for thys ys one of our new brochyd bretheryn that spekethe
agayenste al good workes." " No, my lorde, (sayed I,) I never
prechyd or spake agaynste anye of those good workys which be
comawndyd of God yn the holy scryptures to be done ; for yn those
good workys every chrystyan man awghte to exsersys hyraselve
al the dayes of hys lyffe, and yet not to thynke hymselve to be
justyffycd therby, but rather to cownte hymselve an unprovy table
servant whan he hathe don the beste he can." " That ys true, (qothe
the bushop;) ynded your fraternytye was, ys, and ever wyll be
altogether unprophytabull yn al ages, and good for nothynge but
a The words wherein he looked are omitted ly Strype. b ij omitted ly Strype.
182 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
for the fyere. Tel me, I praye the, whate good workes was ther done,
other yn kynge Hary's days, or yn kyng Edward's days? " " Truely,
my lorde, (sayd I,) ther was doone yn the dayes of these ij notable
kynges, of moste worthye memorye, manye notable thynges moste
worthye of perpetuall memory to the ende. Fyrste, the bushop of
Rome was uterly abollyshyd owte of thys realme, with alle his usurpyd
powre and auctor(it)ye over all crystyan prynsys ; al idolatrye, super-
stysyon, and ipocrysye suprcssyd; all false and faynyd erelygyusa
men and women dischargyd of ther longe lowtrynge yn cloysters,
and thaute hence to serve God yn spirete and truthe, and no longer
to worshup hym yn wayne, devoyrynge poore whydoose howsys
under the pretence of longe prayers. Also, and that lyke your
lordeshype, they did erecte many colegyes. Also the imyversytys
of Cambryge and Oxforde fyrst by wyse men were vysytyd, than
purgyd, wel furnyssyd with godly learnyd masters of every howse,
and laste of all contynuallie relevyd and mayentaynyd from tyme
to tyme by the good and well dysposyd people of thys sytye of
London, that lernyd men myghte floryshe. Al these, my lord,
were good workes. Further, they dyd erecte manye fayer os-
pytallys; oneb for orfaynes and fatherlese chylderyn, wheryn they
maye be towghte to knowe ther duety and obedyence bothe to God
and man, havynge bothe a scolmaster and also an husher, to theche
them thergrammer; these lykewaies also have meat, drynke, clothe>
and logynge, lawnders, surgyns, and phisysyons, with al other
nessesarys. Yn the other howsys,c my lorde, ther ys the blyend,
the lame, the doume, the deaffe, and al kynd of syke, sore, and
dessesyd peple ; they have alwayes with them an honeste learnyd
mynyster to comforte them, and to gyve them good cownsell that
they myghte pasyently take yn good parte Godys vysytasyon.
Thys they have: bysyed meate, drynke, lodgynge, surgyns, and
physysyons. Are not al these good workes, my lord?" Than the
bushop sayed unto me yn mokage, " Ser, you have made a greate
a Apparently a furtive jest, " irreligious " instead of " religious."
b Christ's Hospital. c St. Bartholomew's and St. Thomas's.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 183
speke; for, wheras yow have set upe one begarlye howse, yow have
pulde downe an C. prynsly howsys for yt; puttyng owte godly,
lernyd, and devoyte men that sarvyd God daye and nyghte, and
thurte [thrust] yn ther plase a sortc of scurvye and lowsye boyes.
Wei, to be shorte with thee, whate sayeste thow to the blysyd
sacramente of the alter? ho we belevyste thow yn that?" "Not
as yow beleve, my lord; for I never reed yn the scryptur of anye
suche sacrament so callyd, and so unreverently to be hangyd up yn a
rope, over a hepe of stones, and that same to [be] worshuppyd of the
people as God. Woo be unto them that so dothe theache the
people thus to beleve ! for they be false prophetes,* beleve them who
wyll; for trewlye I wyl not. Thus ham I tawghte to beleve."
" By home?" say the the bushope. " For sothe, even by Jesus
Chryste, the hye bushop and pryest of our sowlys; who by the
offerynge up of hys owne blysyd bodye on the crosse once for all, as
saint Pawl say th to Ebrwse,and ther shedynge hys moste presyus blude
hathe clensyd us from al our synnes ; and I trust only b by his
deathe to have everlastynge lyffe." " What sayeste thow nowe,
thow shameles heretike, unto the holy and blysyd mase?" " My
lorde, suffer me to speake my consyence, I beseche yow; I nother
beleve yt to be holly nor yet blyssyd, but rather to be abomynable
before God and man, and the same to be acursyd;" and with that
I knellyd doune and hylde up my handys, lokynge up unto hevyn,
and sayed yn the presence of them all, " 0 Father of heaven and
of earthe ! I moost whomblye beseche thee to increase my faythe
and to help my unbeleve, and shortly cast doune for ever that
shameful idolle the mase, even [for] Jesus Chrystes sake I aske yt.
Amen. God grawnte yt for hys marsy sake shortly to come to
pase." " I crye you marsy, syr, (sayed the bushop,) howe holy
you ar nowe ! Dyd you never saye mase, I praye yow? " " Yese,
my lorde, that I have, and I aske God marsy, and moost hartely
forgyfenes for doynge so wvcked a dede." " And wyll yow never
saye yt agayne? " sayd the bushop. " No, my lord, God wylynge:
a " Priests " iti Strype* b only omitted by St<
184 NARRATIVES OP THE REFORMATION.
never while I ly ve, knoynge that I doo knowe ; not to be drawne
insundcr with whyld horse. I trust that God wyll not so gyve me
over and leve me to myselve." Than he cryed, " Awaye with
hyme ! yt ys the stoburnste knave that ever I talkyd with," etc.
Than mr. Hungcrford callyd.for iij or iiij of my lordys men to
wayet apon hym to the Marshalsee; and by the waye as wee went
he myghtyly persuadyd with me, that I showld gyve over myne
herysys and wyckyd opynnyons as he termyd them ; and he wolde
be a mean for me unto my lord, and offeryd me to goo bake agayn.
I thanked hym for hys good wyll, and dysyryd hyme that I myghte
goo forward to the plase apoyentyd by my lorde. " Wei, (saythe he,)
and thcr be no remedye, come one. I ham sory for yow." Than
cam we to the Marshallsee; and the porter, calyd Bryttyne, opynyd
the doore, and let us yn, sayenge, " Whate have yow broughte
here, mr. Hungerfurde, an herytyke?" He sayed " Ye, and a trayter
to." u No, (sayed I,) I am none; I ham even as trwe a man bothe
to God and to the crowne of Ingland as anyc of yow bothe are,
or my lorde your mastar other." u Well, (sayd the porter,) wee
shall hamper yow wel inoughe. Come one with me." Then the
jentelman rowndyd hyme yn the eare, and so went hys wayes.
Than was I browghte unto [the] greate blocke. " Sete up your
feete here, master herytyke, (sayed Bryttyne the porter,) and let
me see howe thes cramp ryngynes wylle become yow." " I hame
not to good (sayed I,) to were these for the truthe sake; seynge
that Jesus Chryste dyed for my sake, they are welcome unto me,
with all my harte : for by moche trybulasyon we muste enter ynto
the kyngdome of God." Than he toke a greate hammer yn hys
hand, and dyd set them one, and that surelye. Than he brughte
me to my lodgynge, a place calyd Bonnares cool-house ;a ther he
put me yn and locked the dore apon me, sayeing that he was
commandyd to keape me as a cloose prysonar, and that no man
myghte speake with me. " Content, (sayd I,) and yete wyll I
speake with one I truste every daye, and aske yow no beleve.b "
a Coal-house. b i. e. by your leave.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 185
"Whoo ys that? (sayed he,) I wolde I myghte knowc hym." "So
wolde I trwely ; than were yow a greate dell more nearar to the
kyngdom of God than yow are no we. Repent therfore your papes-
trye, mr. Brytyn, and beleve the Gospell; so shall yow be suere to
be savyd, or eles lost for ever." So he shuke hys hed at me, and
whente hys wayes.
Withyn a ten dayes after, the bushopes amner came yn with hys
mayster's awmese basketes, and thes woordys he sayed to the porter:
" My lordys plesure is that none of thoos hery tykes that ly here,
sholde have anye parte of hys almes that he dothe send hether;
for yef he maye knowe that they have anye of it, thys house
shal never have yt agayne so longe as he lyffe." " Weel ! (sayd
Brytyn,) I wyll see to yt well inowght, mr. Brooxa; and they
have no meate tyl that theye have of that, some of them are
lyke to starfe I warante you ; and so tel my lorde, for anye favore
they get at my hande." Than Broxe whent hys wayes; and, go-
ynge owte, he behelde a peese of scrypture that was payentyd over
the doore, yn the tyme of kyng Edwardes rayne, " Whate have we
here? (saythe he,) a pees of herysye ! I command yow yn my lordys
name that yt be clene put owte agaynst I come agayne; for if I
fynd yt here my lord shall knowe yt, by the holy mase !"
Now, wylle I was prysonar yn the Marshallse, they came yn
dayly thyke and threefold for relygyone, and than mr. Wyate was
up yn Kente, and so corny nge to London and lyenge yn Southe-
warke, he sent one of hys chaplaynes unto me and to the reste of
my fellow prysonares, to knowe whether that we wolde be delyvered
owte of pryson or no. Yf we wolde so doo, he wolde set us at libertye
so manye as laye for relygyon ; with the reste he wold not medylle.
Than we all agreyd and sent hym thys answcre, "Syr, wee gyve
you moste hartye thankes for thys your jentell offer; but, for as
mouche as we came yn for our consyences, and sent hether by the
a James Brooks, D.D. Oxon. 1546, master of Balliol college 1547, bishop of Glouces-
ter 1554. He was one of the pope's delegates for the trial of Cranmer, Ridley, and
Latimer. See other particulars of him in Wood's Athencc Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 314.
CAMD. SOC. 2 B
186 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
counsell, we thynke yt good here styll to remayne tyl yt please God to
worke our delyverance as yt shall seme beste to hys glorye and owre
lawfull dyscharge; whether yt [be] by lyffe or deathe we are con-
tente, hys wyll be done apon us ! and thus fayer you well." With
this our answer he was very well content, as afterward reporte was
made unto us.
That same Lente ther came unto me doctor Chadse,a doctor Pe-
nulton,b mr. Udalle,0 parson Pyttyes,d and one "Wackelyn a petye
cannon of Powllys. Al these laboryd me very sore for to recant, and
yf that I wolde grawnte so to doo, "my lorde chancelar wyll de-
lyver yow, I dare saye, (sayed mr. Chadsey,) and yow shall have as
good lyvynges as ever yow had and better." To whom I answeryd
that "I wolde not by (buy) my libertye nor yet my lordys favore
so dear, and to forsake my good God, as some of yow hafe done; the
pryse wherof you are lyke one daye to feel yf that yow repent not
yn tyme. God turne your harttys and make yow of a better
myend ! Fayer yow well. Yow have loste your marke, for I hame
not he that yow loke for." And so we partyd.
a William Chadsey, D.D., prebendary of St. Paul's 1548, archdeacon of Middlesex
1550, canon of Windsor 1554, canon of Christchurch Oxford 1557, president of Corpus
Christi college Oxford 1558, deprived of all his preferments 1559. In April 1554
dr. Chadsey took the lead in the disputation at Oxford with archbishop Cranmer.
He preached the thanksgiving sermon Nov. 28, 1554, for queen Mary's supposed
quickening, as fully described in Stowe's Chronicle; and others of his sermons are
noticed by Machyn : see the index to that diary. Other particulars of him will be found
in Wood's Athense Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 322.
b Henry Pendleton, S.T.P., prebendary of St. Paul's 1554 ; rector of St. Martin's Out-
wich in the same year, and of St. Stephen's Walbrook 1556. Of his other preferments,
and his religious principles, see Newcourt's Repertorium Eccles. Londinense, p. 204, and
Wood's Athense Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 325. He was the preacher at St. Paul's cross at
whom a gun was fired on the 10th of June, 1554 ; and other occasions of his preaching
will be found in the index to Machyn's Diary. His funeral, Sept. 21, 1557, at St.
Stephen's Walbrook, " where he was parson," is described by Machyn, p. 152.
c Who this was does not appear: as it could scarcely be Nicholas Udall, once master of
Eton school, who was ranged on the Protestant side.
d Probably the incumbent of a church in the borough of Southwark, as his name does
not occur in Newcourt's Repertory of the diocese of London.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 187
Doctor Martyn also dyd one tyme send for me lykewyse, to come
speake with hyme at my lorde of Wynchester's howse, offerynge me
good lyvynges, yf that I wolde submyte unto my lorde. I tolde hym
that " yf I sholdegoo abowghte to plese men, I knowe not howe sone
my Maker wolde take me awaye, for a dubyle-hartyd man ys uncon-
stante yn all hys wayes. I truste that your swete barmyse (balms)
therfor shalle never break my hede ; and, seynge that I have begone yn
the spryte ,a God forbyd that I sholde nowe end yn the fleshe !" And
he herynge thys partyd from me yn a greate furye; and goynge out
of hys chamber, he sware a great othe, sayinge that I was as craftye
an herytyke knave as ever he talked with, and that I dyd nothynge
but mocke my lorde. " Thow shalte gayne nothynge by it, I war-
rante ye. Kepar, have hyme awaye, and loke strayetly to hym, I
counsell yow, tyl that yow knowe further of my lordys plesure."
So I returnyd to the Marshalse agayne withe my keapar; and
within a whylle after, kynge Phyllyp beynge come yn to Ingland,b
a sartayne dyscrypsyon was made of hys parson, queen Mary beynge
joynyd yn the same, and somethynge sayed of her, as well as of the
Spanyardes; and, becaiise that I hade a copye of the same, yt was
layed to my charge that I dyd make yt; wherupon sartayne jentel-
men were apoyented to syte yn commysyon for the tryall theroff,
and to examyne me and iij moo of my fellowse. The commysyon-
ars wher these :c sir Jhon Baker,d sir Thomas Moyelle,6 sir Rychard
Sothwelle,f and mr. Brygysg the lefftenante, and sir Thomas Hold-
a Compare with the passage in Underbill's narrative, p. 159.
b He landed at Southampton, July 19, 1554.
c Strype, Eccles. Memorials, iii. 101, in giving these names, has printed "Sir Tho.
Baker," instead of sir John, and has omitted Southwell and Brydges.
d A privy councillor, and chancellor of the exchequer.
e Sir Thomas Moyle was general receiver of the court of augmentations. Through his
daughter and coheir Katharine, he was grandfather of sir Moyle Finch, the first baronet
(1611), whose wife was created countess of Winchilsea, and from whom the subsequent
earls of Winchilsea and Nottingham have descended.'
f See before, pp. 8, 139.
8 Thomas Brydges : see before, p. 144.
188 NARRATIVES OP THE REFORMATION.
crofte/ beyng knyghte marshall. All tliees sate yn comysyon withyn
the To were of London, yn a gallery e of the quenes syede;
afore home we were commandyd to come, that ys I myselve one,
Jamys Proctor,b Edmond Lawrance, and Thomas Stonynge, everye
one of us beynge fyrste severally examynyd. We utterly denyinge
that anye of us ever were the fyrste awctores theroff, " No, (sayd
they,) that wyll be provyd the contrarye to some of your paynes.'
Than sayed sir Ky chard Sothewelle, t( To the racke with them ! to
the racke with them ! sarve them lyke erytyckes and traytors as they
be; for one of these knavys ys able to undoo a hole syttye." Thys
was spoken at afternone, and soudaynly he fell faste aslepe as he
sate at the borde. Than sir Jhon Baker asked of me wer I had the
coppy , and howe I came by yt. ' * For sothe, (sayed I,) ther was one
"Waiter, cuerte (curate) of St. Bryedys yn Fletstrete, and he fyrste
browghte yt yn amongste us, and so came I by the coppye of yt."
"Whoowryte yt?" sayd they. " That dyd I," sayed Tomas Sto-
nynge. " And ys thys your hand? " lf Ye, (sayed he,) and yt lyke
your honors, I wyll never deny yt." " Onester man yow," sayd
they. Than were we all commandyd to goo asyed. Than dyd they
consulte togeather, and whan they hade done, we were calde yn
agayne, and so commytyd unto the leftennant to be locked up, every
man by hyme selve alone. Tomas Stonynge was stayed by hynde,
and so had downe to the rake, and was layed on yt and so pulde
that he began to crake under the armepytes and yn other partes of
his bodye ; and than was he takyn of and put yn a brake of iorne,
hys necke, handys, and feet;c and so he stod al nyghte agaynste a
walle, and the next day takyn owte agayne.
a Sir Thomas Holcroft, some time sewer to Henry VIII., made a knight of the Bath at
the coronation of Edward VI. in 1547 : imprisoned in the Tower in 1551 as an adherent
of the duke of Somerset, and deprived of the office of receiver of the duchy of Lancaster in
June, 1552. In his office of knight marshal, which he probably held for life by patent,
he appears to have taken opportunities to act as" a secret friend of the Protestants.
b There was one James Proctor who was procurator for the clergy of Sussex in the con-
vocation of 1562 : see Strype, Annals, i. 327, 338, 343.
c Both the rack and the brake of iron are shewn in operation in Foxe's cut, which re-
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 189
Thus dyd we contynywe prysonars yn the Tower a quarter of a
yare or ther abowghte, and than, at the commandement of the
counsel, we were sent to the Marshallse agayne, and ther I remaynyd
untyl suche tyme as my lord chanseler sent a wryte to remove
presents the torturing of Cuthbert Symson in the Tower, in 1557. Of the iron brake we
find it stated, early 'in Elizabeth's reign, " This engine is called Skevyngton's Gives,
wherin the body standeth double, the head being drawen towards the feete. The forme
and maner of these gyves, and of his (Cuthbert Symson 's) rackyng, you may see in the
booke of Martyrs, folio 1631." (Letters of the Martyrs, 1564, 4to. p. 686.) A few years
later, the adherents of Rome had in their turn a personal acquaintance with these instru-
ments of torture. Mathias Tanner, the martyrologist of the Jesuits, describes the Sca-
vinger's Daughter (to which the name had been corrupted from that of Skeffington's
Daughter) as inflicting torments the very reverse of that of the rack, but at the same time
much more painful, producing in some victims a discharge of blood from the hands and
feet, and in others from the nose and mouth. His words are : " Pnccipua torturse post
equuleum (the rack) Anglis species est, Filia Scavingeri dicta, priori omnino postposita.
Cum enim ille membra, alligatis extractisque in diversa manuum pedumque articulis, ab
invicem distrahat : hsec e contra ilia violente in unum veluti globum colligat et constipat.
Trifariam hie corpus complicatur, cruribus ad femora, femoribus ad ventrem appressis,
atque ita arcubus ferreis duobus includitur, quorum extrema dum ad se invicem labore
carnificum in circulum coguntur, corpus interim miseri inclusum informi compressione
pene eliditur. Immane prorsus et dirius equuleo cruciamentum, cujus immanitate corpus
totum ita arctatur, ut aliis ex eo sanguis extremis manibus et pedibus exsudet, aliis rupta
pectoris crate copiosus e naribus faucibusque sanguis effundatur, prout Cottamo etiam turn
hectica misere laboranti evenit, amplius hora integra anulo concluso." (Societas Jesu
usque ad Sanguinis et Vitce prqfusionem Militans, &c. auctore Mathia Tanner, SS.T.D.
Pragce, 1675, folio, p. 18.) Thomas Cottam, the Jesuit here mentioned, suffered in the
year 1582.
A committee of the House of Commons in 1604 reported that they found in the dungeon
called Little Ea.se, in the Tower, " an engine of torture devised by mr. Skevington some-
time lieutenant of the Tower, called Skevington's Daughters, and that the place itself was
very loathsome and unclean, and not used for a long time either for a prison or other
cleanly purpose." Mr. David Jardine on this authority asserts, in his Reading on the
Use of Torture in England, 1837, 8vo. p. 14, " In the same reign (Henry VIII.) we find
sir William Skevington, a lieutenant of the Tower, immortalising himself by the invention
of a new engine of torture, called Skevington's Irons," &c.; but sir William Skeffington
was never lieutenant of the Tower. He was master of the ordnance, and in that capacity
was probably required to supply these gyves. The length of this note will be excused the
more readily from the circumstance that Skeffington's Daughter is still shewn among the
historical curiosities of the Tower armoury.
190 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
me from thence to Cambryge castelle ;a and over nyghte I had war-
nynge to prepare myselve agaynste the nexte daye yn the morn-
ynge. Shorte warnynge I hade; but there was no remedye. In
the mornynge I made me redy by tymes, and rekenyd with my
keper;b went downe and toke my leve of al my felowe prysonars
withe the reste of my frendys, movynge them and exortynge them,
as the tyme dyd serve, " to be constante yn the truthe, to serve God
and feare hyme, and to be obedyent unto the deathe, and not to resyst
the hyere powers, havynge alwayes with yow the testymonye of a
good consyence, belevynge that Jesus of Nazarethe was crusyfyed for
your synnes, lettynge all other trache and trumpery e goo. Yea and
thoo an angell sholde come from heven and preche anye other gospell
unto yow than that which we have prechyd alredye c yn the dayes of
kynge Edward, beleve them not, but holde hyme acursyd, for there ys
a waye that some men thynke to be ryghte, but the endtherofledyth unto
deathe. (Prov. xiiij.) Chryst ys therfore the onely waye and meane
unto God the Father: he is truthe and lyfe, he is alone our onlye
medyator and advocate, sytynge at the ryghte hande of hys Father.
Yt ys he, as S. Powle saythe,d that ys our onlye redempsion, salva-
syon, justyffycasyon, and reconsylyation. Take yow heed therfore,
my deare bretheryn, lest yow be abusyd and led awaye from the
truthe by false prophetes; let them not make you to shute at a
wronge marke, for they wyll onlye labore to make shypwrake of
your faythe, and to brynge yow to pardysyon. Yow see whate a
sort of greedie wolves are alredye enteryd yn amonge Christes flocke to
devour them." " Staye there, syr, I pray yow, and make an end,
(sayed the under marshall,) yow have talked long inowghe, I trowe,
and that be good." To home (whom) I sayd, " Sir, I thanke yow moste
hartely for your jentelnes, yn that yow have so pasyently sufferyd
a Mqwntayne was removed to Cambridge because he was charged with high treason
there committed when he accompanied the army of the duke of Northumberland.
b i. e. paid the fees, as Underbill did at Newgate (p. 153).
c Galatians,i. 8.
* 1 Corinthians, i. 30.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 191
me freely thus to speake, and to take my leve of thys house. 1
truste I have not spoken anye thyng here yn your presens that hathe
offended ether God or anye good man." " Well, (sayd he,) dys-
pache, I pray yow, for the wryte ys come, and they tarye for yow at
the doore." With that I fell prostrate to the grownd, and sayed,
" 0 hevenly Father, yf yt be thy blyssyd [will] and plesure, de-
lyver me owte of thys trouble, and suffer me not to be temptyd
above my strenght, I beseche the(e), but yn the mydyste of the
temptasyon make suche a waye for my delyverance as shall be moste
to thy glory, my comforde, and the edyfyenge of mye bretheryn.
Never the lese, thy wyll be done, and not myne. Geve me pasyens,
I beseche thee, 0 Father, for Christes sake !" To thys they all sayd
Amen. So I kyssyd the earthe, and roose up, byddyng them all
fayre well, and dyssyerynge them to praye for me, and not to forgete
whate I had sayd unto them, as they wolde answer afor God.
Than wente I owte of the doores, fyendynge ther betwen the gates
vj tale (tall) men yn blwe cottyes with swordys and buckelers and jauf-
lyngesyn ther handys, and one of them broughte unto me a geldynge,
desyerynge me to lyghte on hym quyckely, *' for the daye ys fare
spente," sayde he. " Content I ham so to do." And, beynge on horse-
bake, one of good wyll broughte me a coup of wyne to comford me
with ; so I toke yt and dronke to all the peple that were present there,
and thanked them al hartely for there jentelnes. The under-marshall
than toke me faste by the hand, and roimdyd me yn the eare, sayeng
thus, " Syr, I ham commandyd by my lorde chanseler to charge
yow in the kinge and quenes name, that yow doo keape your tongue
as yow doo ryde throwe the syttye, and quietly to pase the same, as
yow wyll answer to the contrye (contrary) before the counsel; and
thus muche more I saye unto yow, I feare that I shall here of thys
dayes worke for your sake. Never the lese, God strengthen yow yn
that same truthe wherunto he hath callyd yow, for I parsave and
also beleve that yow are yn the ryghte waye. Fayer yow wel ! for
I dare stand no longer with yow. Praye for me, and I wyll praye
for yow." And thus we partyd at ix of the cloke yn the forenone.
192 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Than iij of them ryd afor me, and the other iij behynde me, tyl
I came to Ware, and there we alytyd at the syene of the Crownea;
and I was browghte yn to a fayer parlar, a greate fyer made afore
me, and a tabulle coveryd. Than they asked me yf that I were not
wery and a hungeryd. " Not gretly," sayd I. "Wei, (sayd they,)
cal for whate yow wyll, and yow shall heve yt, yf yt be to be gotyn
for gold, for so are we commawndyd ; and be of good cheer, for Godys
sake. I trust yow shall have none other cawse." So doune I sate
at the borde, sayed grase, and made as I thoughte a good meale ;
and, so fare as I can remember, the reconynge came to a viij or ixs.,
bysyed our horsemeate. So, grace beynge sayed, and the table
taken up, the cheffyste of thes vj sarvynge men sayed unto me, " Sir,
ho we are yow myendyd nowe ? anye other wyse than yow were whan
yow came owte of London?" "No, trwelly, (sayed I,) I thanke
God I ham even the same man nowe that I was than, and I truste
yn God so to remayne unto the end, or els I wold be sory and also
ashamyd ; and I tell yow trwe, that I hame not ashamyd of the gospell
of Jesus Chryste, for yt ys the power of God unto salvasyon to as
manye as doo beleve* and to tel you further, yf thys gospell be hyde
yt ys hyde from thoos that shall peryshef for unto the good yt ys the
savore of lyfe unto lyffe, and unto the wycked and ungodly yt ys
the savore of deathe unto deathe.d Take yow all heed therefore,
dearly belovyd ; beware yn tyme, leste bothe yow and your teachers
have your porsyon yn the fyerye lacke amonge the ipocrytes, wher
there ys wepynge, wayllynge, and gnashynge of teethe6; weras the
worme of consyence shall never dye,f but yow to dwell yn payne so
longe as God raynythe yn glory e. 0 whate should yt prophyte a
man to have thys whole worlde at wyll, and to leese hys owne
sowle ?g and whan y t ys lost wherwithall wyl you redeme yt agayne ?
a Ware contained several large and ancient inns. It was not the Crown, but the
Saracen's Head, which boasted of "the Great Bed of Ware," mentioned by sir Toby
Belch in Shakspere's Twelfth Night, and represented in a plate of Clutterbuck's Hert-
fordshire.
b Romans, i. 16. c 2 Corinthians, iv. 3. A 2 Corinthians, ii. 18.
« Matthew, xxiv. 51. f Mark, ix. 44. s Matthew, xvi. 26.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 193
I tel yow thys ys no maseynge a matter, neyther yet wyll any par-
dones, purgatorye, or pylgramagyes sarve your turne. No, and my
lord chancelar, or the pope hymselve, shulde saye mass for one of
yow, and synge iijc tryntallys b for yow, yt wolde not goo for paye-
ment before God; for, as the prophet Davyd say the yn the sphalme,
Ther ys no man that can make agrement to God for hys brother; he
must let that alone, for yt coste moor than so:c and Yf one man syn
agaynst another, dayes-men maye be judges; but yfa man synne agaynst
the Lord, ivho ivyl be hys dayes-man ?d Yow ar dearly bought, say the
sent Fetter,8 not with coryptyble gold and silver, pearle or presyus
stones, but by the moste presyus and ynnosent blude-shedinge of Jesus
Chryste, the only begottyn son of God" Than sayed they one to
another, " Never let us talke any longer with hym, yt ys but lost
labor. Yow see that he ys at a pownte ; there ys no good to be
done of hym, I perceive that he wylle dye yn hys opynyons." " Ye,
(sayd I,) I truste yn God so; for yt ys wrytyn, Happye and blessyd
are al they that dye yn the Lorde,f for they shall be sartayne and
suer of a joyfull resurecsyon. Aryse therfor, I praye yow, and let
us be gooynge."
So to horsbake we wente, a gret nomber of people beynge yn the
yarde and yn the stretes, to see and behold me, the poore pry sonar
that came from London. Every man spake there fansy, and some
broughteme wyne to comforde me with, for the which I gave them
moste harty thankes, desyerynge them all to pray for me, and I
wolde praye for them.
And thus with teres of all handy s we party d from Ware, and
so came to Rayston s to our bed ; wheras they made me good chere
and sparde for no coste. Than they once ageyne dyd asawte me, de-
syerynge me to wryght my mynde to my lorde chansler, or to
some other of the cownsell, to home I wolde, and they wolde del-
a Massing, i. e. pertaining to the Mass.
b The word iijc is omitted by Strype
c Psalm cxlii. 4. d 1 Samuel, ii. 25. e 1 Peter, i. 18. f Revelation, xiv. 13.
s Royston.
CAMD. SOC. 2 C
194 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
lyver yt wyth spede; u and yf that yow wyll so do, we wyl send
one of our companye to cary the same, and wee wyll tarye here
styll tyl that he bryng word agayne what the counsel's plesure
ys." To home I answeryd, " I thanke yow for your good wyl. I
yntend never to wryghte unto anye of the counsell whyll I lyve,
for thys matter; and therfore I praye yow content yourselves, and
ses (cease) your vayne swyte (suit) so oftyn atemptyd, for yow doo
but stryve agaynste the streme, for I see that yow are not wyth
Chryst, but agaynst Chryste. Yow savore of earthly thynges and
not of hevenly. Yow goo aboughte to hynder my helthe and sal-
vasyon layd up yn Chryst, and to plucke down whate God hathe
byeldyd. Yow know not what yow doo. And therefore once
agayne I praye yow hartely, lefve of, and take yn good part whate
I have sayed alredy, and so judge al to the beeste (best)." " Wei,
(sayed theye one to another,) yt were good that my lord chanseler
dyd knowe all hys sayenges. One of us muste tel hyrn by mouthe
as well as we can." They were not yet agreyd than whoo shold tel the
tale. Than desyeryd they me to goo unto my lodgynge, wher there
was a great fyer made redy agaynste I came, and al other thynges
verye swett and cleane. So yn the name of God to bed I wente, and
all they vj wachyd me that nyghte, all the doores a beynge faste locked
apone me, and they kepynge the keyes themselves. They myghte
goo owte, but no man colde come yn to them withowte there leve.
In the mornynge they calde me very early e, and wylde me with
speed to make me redye to horsbake; " for (sayd they) we muste
ryed to the hye shyryffto dynnar." u Whoo ys that? (sayd I,) and
where dothe he dwell?" " Viij myllys beyoned Huntyngton,
(sayed they,) and hys name ys sir Ollyver Leader,b a man of muche
& Misprinted by Strype at the doors. ,
b Sir Oliver Leader was apparently of civic origin, as one of his name (and probably
himself) occurs in the list of the Fishmongers' Company in 1537. (Herbert's City
Companies, vol. ii. p. 6.) He was knighted by king Philip, Feb. 2, 1554. (MS. Harl.
6064.) He was twice sheriff of the county of Huntingdon, in 1541 and 1554, and one of
its knights in parliament 1553. His funeral on the 6th March 1556-7 is noticed in
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 195
worshyp and one that keapyth a good howsse." " The poore shall
fayer the better therby," sayed I.
So whan we came to Huntyngton they made me to drynke, and
we came to the shyryffes howsea even as the tabull were coveryd.
Than they herynge that the prysonar was come from London, ther
was no small adoo. _ Worde was caryed to the churche, where syr
Oly ver was at mase,b and y t was no nede to yntrete hyme to come ;
for with speed bothe he and my lady hys whyffe c departyd owte of
the churche, and the paryshe folio wyd them, lyk a sorte of shepe,
stayryng and wonderynge at me. The shyryffe gently toke me by
the hand and led me ynto a fayer parler, dyssyeryeng me to stand to
the fyer and to warme me, for wee were all thorowe wet with rayne,
snowe, and halle (hail). Than to dynnar we went, and greate
cheare I had, with many welcomys; and oftyn tymes dronke to,
bothe by the shyryffe hymselve and the reste hys freendys.
When dynar was done, ynto the parler I was callyd, and a great
sorte of jentellmen beynge there set on the one syed, and jentelwomen
on the other syed with my ladye the shyryffes wyffe, than mr.
shyryffe sayed unto the knyghte marshalles men, " Where ys the
wryte that yow have browghte as towchynge the resayte of thys
prysonar?" " Here yt ys, syr," sayed one of them. So he reasavyd
yt, and whan he had red yt, he toke me by the hand agayne and
sayed that I was welcome. I thanked hyme for hys jentel frendshyp.
Than callyd he for a payer of yndentores. So they were browghte
yn and rede. That done, one of them was gyven to the knyghte
marshalles man, and the other the shyryffe kepte. Than the
knyghte marshalles man toke me by the hand, and sayed to the
shyryffe, " Syr, I doo here, yn the presense of al these people,
delyver thys prysonar unto you, and your mastarshyp from hence-
Machyn's Diary, p. 128, and more fully recorded in the College of Arms, I. 15, f. 272 b.
Some notes from his will in the registry of the prerogative court of Canterbury will be
found in Notes and Queries, Second Series, iv. 479, and some from his funeral, v. 96»
a At Beachampton in the parish of Great Stoughton. b mass.
e Frances daughter of Francis Baldwin esquire of Beachampton.
196 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
forthe to stand cliargyd with hyme, and my may star sir Thomas
Holdecroffte, the kynght marshall, dyschargyth hymselve of the sayd
prysonar callyd Thomas Mowntayne." And with that he dellyveryd
hym bo the me and the yndentor. Than the shyryffe sayed unto
hym, " I do here resave that same prysonar so callyd, and discharge
your master of the same;" and so toke me by the hand, and delyveryd
unto hym hys yndentor. All thys was done with greate sollemny tye.
Than was there a coupe of wyne calde for, and the shyryfFe began
unto me, and wylyd me to drynke to the marshales men, and so I
dyd. Thane they toke their leve of the shyryfFe, and so went their
wayeSj bedynge me fayerwell, sayenge unto me, " There ys remedy
inowghte yet, mr. Mowntayne, yf that you wyll take heed yn
tyme." ' ' God be with yow all ! (sayd I,) and I thanke yow. Have
me commendyd I pray yow unto your master, and to the reste of all
my frendys;" and so wee partyd. Than the shyryfFe causyd iiij or
v horse to be made redy. Yn the meane tyme he causyd one of hys
men to make redye the warrant to the keapar of Cambrydge
castylle. Never the lese, my lady hys wyfFe laboryd very earnystly
to her husband for me, that I myghte not goo to Cambridge castelle,
beynge so vyle a pryson, but that I myghte remayne yn their owne
howse as a prysonar. " Good a madame, (sayed he,) I praye yow be
contentyd; yf I shoulde so doo, I knowe not howe yt wolde be
taken. Yow knowe not so mowche as I doo yn thys matter; but
what fryndshyp I can shewe hyme he shall suerly have yt, for your
sake, and for hys owne to, for I have known hyme longe, and ham
very sory for hys truble." So I thanked hym for [his] jentelnes.
By thys tyme all thynges were yn a redynes. Than he hymeselve
and my lady browght me to the uter gate. He wyllyd me to be set
one hys one (own) geldynge, gave me a cup of wyne, toke me by the
hande, and bad me fayr wel ; dyssyerynge me to be of good cheeare.
So to Carnbryge I came ; and at the townes encle there mete me
one Kenrycke, who a lytell before hade been a prysonar yn the
a This word good is omitted ly Strype.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 197
marshallesee, as I myselve was; but our cawsys not lyke, for hys was
playne fellonye, and so provyd, and myne was treson and herysye as
they calde yt. " 0 mr. Mountaync, (sayde he, with a lowd voyce,)
alase ! what make yow here ? I persave nowe that y t ys trwe that I
have hard." " What ys that?" sayed I. " Trwely, (sayed he,) that
yow be come hcthcr to be burned/' "This ys a sharpe sallutasyon,
mr. Kenryke, (sayde I,) and yt ys more than I doo knowe of; and
yf it be so, God strengthyne me yn hys trwthe, and hys wylle be
done upon me, for I truste that I ham hys." Than ryd we ynto the
towne to an yne called the Gryffyn, bycawse the kepar was not at
home; where I alyghtyd, and went up to a chamber. My hed
beynge than somewhate troublyd with Kcnryckes sowdayne salluta-
syon afore mensyonyd, I callyd mr. shyryifys men and sayed unto
them, " Avoyed the peple, I praye yow, owte of the chamber, and
loke (lock) the doores, for I have to saye unto yow." Whan thys
was done I sate down, and sayed unto them, " Deare freyndys, a
questyon I have here to move unto yow, wheryn I shall dyssyer
yow to be playne with me, and note to dyesymble, even as yow wyll
answer afore God at the laste daye; afore home bothe yow and I
shall stand, and there to render up our accowntys. Tell me there-
fore, I praye yow, whate order hathe mr. shyryffe taken with yow as
towchynge the daye and tyme whan I shall suffer, and whate kynde
of deathe yt ys that I shall dye ; and yn so doynge yow shall mowche
plesure me, and cawse me to be yn a greate redynes, whansoever I
shall be callyd." Than one of them, whose name was mr. Calton,
sayed unto me, " Sir, yow need not to feare; for yf there were anye
suche thyng, yow shulde have knolege of yt, as meet yt were; but
our master wyllyd us, and also commaundyd us, that we shuld
jentlye use yow, and also commaunde the kepar to do the same."
Than called they for meate, and wyne; and when we had wel
refreshyd us, we went up to the castell, where they callyd for the
keaper, but he was not withy n. Than delyveryd they the warrante
unto the kepares wyffe, sayenge thus, " Good wyffe Charlys, my
master hathe sent your husband a prysonar here ; and hys plesure ys,
198 NARRATIVES OP THE REFORMATION.
that you should yntreate hym well, and to see that he lake nothing,
and also to have the lyberty of the yarde ;" and so toke they their
leve of me, and went their wayes. Than the kepares wyffe led me
up throw the sessyones hall, and there she locked [me] up under iiij
or v lokes, and at nyghte verye late the kepar came home, and up he
came unto me, I beynge yn bed, and sayd unto me, " Syr, yow are
wellcome hyther. Are you come to me [to] be nursed?" To home I
sayd, I hame sent hether unto thys jayell by the quenes cownsell, and
whate yow are I knowe not as yet. I thynke that yow be the
kepar." " So I ham yndeed, (sayd he,) and that shal yow knowe
or yt be longe." " Well, I trust, mr. kepar, to fynd favor at your
hand, and I beseche yow to be good unto me, for I have lyen longe
in pryson." "What ys your name?" sayed he. "My name ys
Thomas Mowntayne," sayed I. " Naye, (sayed he,) yow have
another name." " Not that I doo knowe of," sayed I. Than he
lokyd yn my purse whate monye I had, and toke yt with hyme;
also my cote, my bottys, and spures, and so bad me good nyghte ;
and I sayed " Good nyghte, my nooste (mine host)." " I am
content, (sayed he,) to be your oste to-nyghte ; to morowe yow shall
have a newe." Here I calyd to my rememberance the sallutasyons
gyven unto me at the townes end, by the afore namyd Kyndrycke.
So I ryse up, caste my cloke abowt me, and knellyd downe, cryenge
owte unto Almyghtye God, dyssyerynge hyme of hys greate
ynfynyte marsy and goodnes, for Jesus Chrystes sake, to comforde
me with hys holye sprite yn that agony e, and not to forsake me yn
my olde age, beynge so sore assaltyd of that sutyll dyvel the
flatrynge worlde a and the weke neshe, that I had well nye slypte,
as Davyth that holy prophete sayed ; and whan the dead tyme of the
nyghte came, nature requyrynge reste, and I fellynge yn myselve
yn shorte tyme yn so greate quyetnes, thorow the myghteye marsy es
of my Lorde God, who had sent me so sweet a calme after so cruell
and stormye a tempeste, sayd thus, " Soli Deo honor et gloria, &c.,
the Lordys name be praysyd from the rysynge up of the son untyl
a Printed in Strype the subtil Devil, flattering World, &c.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 199
the goynge downe of the same ! and unto thy marsyfull handes do I
commend my souwlle, trustynge not to dye, but to lyffe for ever, yn
the land of thelyvyng; for thy spryte, 0 Lorde, hathe so sartyffyed
me, that whether I lyve or dye, stande or falle, that I ham thyne;
and therefore thy blessyd wyll be done apon me !" Thys done, I
layed me downe apone my bed, and slepte untyl v a clocke yn the
mornynge ; and than my kepar came and opynyd the dore, bade me
good morowe, and askyd me and I were redye. "Wherunto?"
sayed I. "To suffer deathe," sayd the keapar. " Whate kyend of
deathe?" sayed I, " and whan shall yt be." u Your tyme ys neare
at hand, (sayed he,) and that ys to be hangyd and drawne a as a
trayetor, and burnde as an herytyke; and thys muste be done even
this foorenoone. Loke well to yourselve, therfore, and saye that yow
be frendly usyd." " Your frendshyp, mr. Charlys, ys but hard and
scares, yn gy vynge me thys Scharborowe warnynge ; b but gyve me
a In Strype drawn and hanged.
b Dr. Thomas Fuller, in his "Worthies of England," after explaining the proverbial
expression of "a Scarborough warning," that it implies no warning at all, but a sudden
surprise, when a mischief is felt before it is suspected, adds, " This proverb is but of 104
years standing, taking its originall from Thomas Stafford, who in the reign of queen
Mary, anno 1557, with a small company seized on Scarborough castle (utterly destitute of
provisions for resistance) before the townsmen had the least notice of his approach." But
before leaving the subject, Fuller adds, " But if any conceive this proverbe of more
ancient original, fetching it from the custome of Scarborough castle in former tunes, —
with which it was not a word and a blow, but a blow before and without a word, as
using to shoot ships which passed by and strook not sail, and so warning and harming
them both together, — I can retain my own, without opposing their opinion." Fuller's
" own " notion of the origin of this saying has been adopted by Ray in his Proverbs, by
Grose in his Provincial Glossary, and by others ; but Nares in his Glossary has shown that
the phrase was certainly older : for in a poem by John Heywood which was written and
published at the time of the surprize of Scarborough castle by Thomas Stafford, (and
which is reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany, vol. x. p. 258,) the phrase is not only em-
ployed, but the following attempt at its explanation occurs :
This term Scarborow warning grew (some say)
By hasty hanging for rank robbery theare,
Who that was met but suspect in that way,
Straight he was trust up, whatever he were.
According
200 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
leave, I praye yow frendly, to talke with you, and be not offendyd
[with] whate I shall saye unto yow. Thys tale that yow have tolde
me, ys yt trwe yn ded?" " Ye, (sayed he,) and that yow are lyke
for to knowe. Dyspache therfor, I praye yow with speed." " Con-
ten tyd I hame with all my harte so to doo. Where ys the wryte
of execusyon? let me see yt, I praye yow." " I have none, (sayed
he;) thys ys moore and nydyes,a for I hame to be trustyd and yt
were for a greater mater then thys." " Syr, I praye yow be con-
tentyd ; for yn thys thing I will not truste yow, bycawse yt ys a
matter of lyve and deathe; it standythe me apon. Is the hye
shyryffe sir Olyver Leadar come yn the towne to see the execusyon ?"
" No/' sayed he. (i Ys the undere shryffe hys debytye here to
see yt?" " No," sayed he. "Is there anye probate b comawnde-
mente come from the queenes counsell? or eles anye leteres sent of
late for that porpose?" u No, (sayed he;) but yow doo all thys for
no cawse eles then to prolonge the tyme." " No, (sayed I,) as I
ham borne to dye, contentyd I ham so to doo whan God wyll; but
to be made awaye after sowche slyghte, I wolde be verye lothe; and
therfor, yfe that yow have nothynge to showe for your dyscharge,
acordynge as I have requyryd of yow, I tel yow trwe that I wyll not
dye. Take yow good heed therfor to your selve, and loke that I
myscary not, for yfe that awghte come unto me but good, yow and
yours are lyke to knowe the pryse of yt, be yow well assuryd therof.
Whan dyd yow ever see anye man put to deathe, before he was con-
demnyd to dye?" " That ys trwe, (sayd he;) and are yow not con-
demnyd ?" " No, (sayd I,) that Iham not, n'ether was yet ever araynyd
According to this supposition, the summary justice of Scarborough resembled the
famous gibbet-law of Halifax : but whether this conjecture is more to be trusted than the
preceding there is not sufficient evidence to determine. Foxe employs the phrase in one
of his side-notes, and it was evidently of very current use throughout the sixteenth century.
See a letter of Arthur lord Grey in 1580 appended to " A Commentary of the Services
of William lord Grey of Wilton/' (printed for the Camden Society, 1847,) p. 67 ; and a
letter of archbishop Toby Matthew so late as 1603 quoted in Card well's Conferences, p. 166.
a i.e. than needs.
b private in Strype.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 201
at anye sesyoncs." " Than, (sayed he,) I have been greatly myseyn-
formyd. I crye yow marsy ; for I hade thowghte that yow had
been bothe araynyd, and also condemnyd to dye, beynge sent hether
for to suffer yn thys plase, bycawse that yow were here agaynste the
queue with the ducke of Northethomeberland." tl Well, (sayed J,)
thoos materes hathe bene alredye suffysyently answeryd before your
betteres; but I praye yow, syr, and a man myghte aske yow, whoos
man are yow, or to whome doo yow belonge? " " Marye ! (sayd he,)
I ham not ashamyd of my maister, I wolde thow showldest knowe yt,
as thow arte. My lorde chaunsler of Ingland ys my master, and I
ham hys man." " I thoughte sowche a mater; the olde proverbe ys
trewe, I persave, for socJie a master, suche a sarvante ; and ys thys my
lord of Wynchesteres lyvere that yow were nowe?" " Ye," sayed
he. " And ys thys the beeste servys that yow can doo my lorde
your master? Fye, for shame, fye ! wyl you folowe now the bludye
stepes of that wyckyd man your master ! whoo ys unworthye, before
God I speake yt, bothe of the name and place that he hathe and ys
calyd unto. What sholde moufe yow for to handyll me after thys
sharpe sorte as yow have done, so spytefullye, beynge here not yet
iij dayes under your kepyng? Wyl yow become a tormentor of
Godys people and prophetes ? wyl yow now seas from kyllynge of
bolokes, calvys, and shepe, which ys your ockapasyon (being a
bucher), and to gyve over your selfe moste crwellye to sarve your
mastares tourne in sheddynge of ynnosente blode? 0 man, with
what an avaye (heavy) harte maye yow laye your selve down to
slepe at nyghte, yf that God of hys great marsy doo suffer yow to
ly ve so long yn thys your so wycked atempte and enterpryse ! I
speake not thys of anye hatryd that I bare unto yow, as God
knowethe my harte, but I speake yt of good wyll, to thys end that
yow myghte be callyd yn to a beter rememberance and knowlege
of your duetye bothe towardys God and your chrysteyan brother.
Let yt therfore repente yow, deare brother kepar, and knowe howe
dangerus a thyng yt ys for a man to falle ynto the handys of the
lyvynge God ; and howe y t ys sayed that blud reqyryth blude. And
CAMD. SOC. 2 D
202 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
yow wyl not bc(le)ve me, set that teryble example of cursyd Cayen
before your eyes, whoo slewe hys owne deare brother Abell, moste
unnaturallye lyk a beastely man, and afterwarde wanderyd up and
downe lyke a wacabound on the face of the ear the, seakynge restc,
peece, and quyetnes, and cowlde never atayne unto yt, so that at the
laste with mooste desperate wordy s he burste forthe and sayde, ' 0
wreche that I ham, I sayed unto the Lorde, whan he callyd me to
acownte for my brother's deathe, I answeryd that I was not hys
keapar, but shortlye after I parsavyd that the shedynge hys blud
cryed unto God for vengeanes to falle apon me for so doinge, and
now I parsave that my synes be greater then the mersye of God ys
able to forgyve.' Yf thys wyl not move your harde and stonye
harte to repentaunce, than thynke of that trayetor Judas, which for
lucare sake betrayed hys owne master, as he confessyd hym selve whan
the worme of consyenes troublyd hyme, sayenge to the hye prestes,
* I have betrayed the ynnosent blude; take, there ys your monye,
for Iwyll non of yt,' and that was too late; so to shortyne hys owne
dayes, he moste desperately wente and honge hym selve, so that he
burste asunder yn the mydyste, hys b welly s hangynge abowte hys
helys (heels a). 0 moste terryble examples, lefte wrytyn yn the holy
scryptures, that wee therby myghte take hede and beware never to
do the lyke, lest we sped yn reward as they dyd. From the which
God defend us, for Jesus Chrystes sake !" " Amen ! (sayed the
kepar with wepynge teares,) and, syr, I beseche yow onenes (once)
agayne, even for Godys sake, to forgyve me, and I aske God hartelly
mersy for the great myschyffe that I porposyd yn my harte agaynste
yow. I parsave that yow, and soche other, that yow be other
maner of men than we and our beteres take yow to be ; I parsave
that the blynd dothe eate manye aflye. God, and yt be hys blyssyd
wylle, make me one of your sorte! and loke, what that I can
doo for yow, yow shalbe assueryd of yt. Come downe with me, I
praye yow, ynto the yard." So I wente with hym, and when web
a Misread belly by Strype. b Misprinted he by Strypei.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 203
came downc, al the yarde was full of people. " Wliate meanythe
thys people ? " sayd I to the kcapar. ' ' Al thcs are come (sayde he,) to
see yow suffer dcathc ; there ys some here that ys come as farre as
Lyengkecon (Lincoln ft), but I truste ther commynge shal be yn
vayne. Be yow of good cheare." "Than goo your waye, (sayd
I,) and gentlye dysyere them for to departe, and tell them yt ys no
reason that anye man sholde suffer deathe before that he be con-
demnyd, and so yow shall eslye awoyed them, and I wyll goo up
agayn tyl yow have don."
Whan theye were all gone, the kepar callyd me downe, to dyne with
hym at hys owne table, and, dynnar beynge cndyd, we fele yn talke
agayne, and so, from tyme to tyme, had moche conferences together,
and [I] began to growe yn greate credite with hym, insomuche
that whansoever he ryd forthe aboughte anye busynes, he corny tyd
all the charge of hys hole house unto me, prysonares and all, and
laboryd unto the hye shyryfe for me that I myght be delyveryd.
Notwithstandinge, I remaynyd ther prysonar halve a yeare, yn
moche myserye, havynge some tyme meate and some tyme none,
yea and manye tymes glad whan that I myghte gete a penye loffe and
my glasse full of fayere water up to my lodgynge, beynge faste lockte
up every nyghte, and at mydnyghte alwaye whan they searched the
prysonars' iornys (irons b) than one shold come and knock at my dore
and aske me yf I were withyn. To home I answeryd alwaye thus,
" Here I ham, mr. kepar." " Good nyghte, than," sayed he; and so
wold goo their wayes.
Now on a sartayne daye, beynge merye, he browghte home with
hym to see me dy veres honeste men of the towne ; amonge home there
was one that I never sawe before, nor he me, callyd mr. Segare c a
a Misread by Strype Hengston. b Misread rooms by Strype.
c This mr. Seager is mentioned by Foxe in his (second) account of the martyrdom of
John Hullier (hereafter mentioned p. 206) as having supplied the sufferer with gunpowder
for the usual purpose of shortening his torments when in the flames. Mr. C. H .Cooper, the
historian of Cambridge, supposes him to have been the same person with Sygar Nicholson,
who was one of the treasurers of the town of Cambridge for the year commencing at
Michaelmas 1555, and one of the bailiffs for the year commencing Michaelmas 1557. He
204 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
berebruar, dwelynge at Madelyn bryge, whose harte God oppynyd
above the reste to showe marsy unto me, for he knewe that the
keapar wold doo muche at hys requeste, so that or ever he wente
awaye he promysyd hyme payemante for my dyette, dyssyerynge
hym to showe me favore for hys sake, " and I wyll be bound for
hyme, that he shal be trwe prysonar." Al thys plesyd Charlys the
kepar well, and yt was no greffe at all to me, to here thys bargayne
made betwen them, "for otherwyse, (sayd I,) yt was notunlyke but
that I sholde have here a peryshed for lacke of comforde. And her
ys not to be forgotyn of my parte the myghtye and fatherly e pro-
vydence of God, who never fayellethe any man that trwelye putes
hys truste yn hyme. Who can kylle hym, mr. Charlys, whome God
wyll kepe alyve? maye I saye nowe, and who can dellyver hym
whom God wyl destrowe? His greate powere delyveryd me ones
owte of the lyones deen as he dyd hys holy prophet Danyell ; so I
truste that he wyll dely ver me here owt of all my troubles, yf he so
see yt good. Yf not, hys wyl be done !" And thus we partyd for
that tyme, my kepare beynge glad of thys hys good assurance,* I
takynge pasyently myne yndwerance, and my suertye hopynge for
my dellyverance.
After thys, withyn short tyme, the hye shyryffe sent for me
home to hys howse beyond Huntyngton, to see whether I woold
relente or no ; tellynge me that he hade wrytyn up to the coun-
sell for me, and that yt was their plesure that I shoulde be delyveryd
yf that I wolde be a confyrmable man to the quenes prosedynges,
and forsake herysy, or eles to remayne yn pryson untyll the iiexte
sessyons of gale dely very. " For your good wyl, I doo thanke
your mastership moste hartelye, and well contentyd I hame so
to remayn as a prysonar, and rather than to gyve over my faythe
was probably a son of Sygar Nicholson, of Gonville hall, and one of the stationers of the
university, noticed in Athense Cantabrigienses, p. 51, as having suffered a long and bar-
barous imprisonment in consequence of the works of Luther and other prohibited books
having been found in his house.
a these good assurances in Strype.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 205
for thys vayne lyfe which ys but shorte." " Wei ! (sayde he,) I
parsave than that yow are no chanlyng; yow shall therfore retorne
to the place from whence yow came, and there abyed your
tryall."
So wee toke our leve of hyme, and came our wayes bake agayne to
Huntyngeton, and there we laye al that nyghte, I havynge apon one
of inyne armys a greate braslete of yeron iiij fingers brodc, faste loked
one, and a fyne chayne of iij yardys longe joynyd therunto; and
beynge bed to supar of one Thomas Whype, marchante of London,
with otheres, my keper was dyssyeryd to ease me for the tyme, and
they wold be bound for me, and he to be well recompensyd for so
doynge. Thys dyssyer of my frendyes was schares (scarce) well
lyked of my keapar, bycawse they were Londoneres, and grawnte
yt he wold not yn no wyse. So, when suppar was done, to our
chamber wee wente, and anon corny se yn a smythe with a hammer
and a greate stapyle. " Make yow redye, (sayd he,) I pray yow, and
goo to bed." So I layed me downe apon my bed. Than he calde the
smythe unto hym, and sayed, " Make faste the staple and the cheyne
together, and dryfFe them faste ynto some parte of the bedstead; for I
have harde say, (say the he,) faste byend, faste fyend." Than he loked
(looked) behyend all the payentyd clothes to see yf there were anye
mo doores ynto the chamber than one. That done, he locked the
dore and caste the keye owte of the wyndow, to the goodman of the
house, dyssyeryng him to kepe yt save wylle the mornynge. Smale
reste I toke that nyghte, I was so sore wronge aboughte my wreste
that the blud was redy to spyn owte at my fyngeres endyes. So,
early yn the mornynge we rys and toke our horse, and came to
Cambrydge castelle to dynner, and then my braslete was taken of
myne arme.
Yn Awguste folio winge was the sessyones; unto the which there
came my lorde chyffe justyes of In gland, one that before was
recordare of London and callyd mr. Broke a ; with hym tlier sate syr
a Sir Robert Brooke, appointed chief justice of the common pleas Oct. 28, 1554.
206 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Thomas (James) Dyera, syr Clement Hyhamb, syr Olyver Leadare
hy shyryffe, mr. GryfFyn tlie quenes sollysytcrc, mr. Burgoned, with
a number of jentellmen mo. No we, when they were come to the
sessyones hall and there set, the kepar was commandyd to brynge yn
hys prysonares. I, beynge fyrste callyd for by name, then on wente
my braslet agayne, and there a preste callyd John Wllyard,e vycar
o' Babram, he was faste loked unto me. We tayne (twain) went
formoste, and stod at the bare. Than sayed my lord cheffe justyes
unto me, " Syr, whate make yow here? are you not a Londynar?"
"Yes, and yt lyke your lordshyp." "Howe longe have yow be
here pry sonar?" " Halve a yeare, my lorde." " Who sent yow
hether?" "Forsothe, my lorde, that dyd the counsel." Than
sayd the hye shyryffe, " My lorde, thys ys the man that I tolde
your lordshyp of; I beseeche yow be good lord unto hyme, for
he hathe bene as quyete a prysonar as ever came within thys
gayell, and hathe usyd hymselve as honestly toward hys keapar."
" Yow speake wel for hym," sayd my lorde; " stand asyed a whyell
tyl yow be called." Yn the meane tyme mr. Gryffyn had a caste at
me, sayenge thus, "Thou arte bothe a tray tor and a herytyke.5'
a This should be sir James Dyer, a justice of the common pleas 1556, of the queen's
bench 1557.
b Sir Clement Heigham, chief baron of the exchequer 1556-7. For his biography
consult Gage's History of the Hundred of Thingoe, and Manning's Lives of the Speakers
of the House of Commons.
c See before, p. 46.
d Probably Christopher Burgoyne, who was escheator of the shires of Cambridge and
Huntingdon in 4 and 5 Edw. VI. He was either of Impington or Longstanton, at both
which places there were families of Burgoyne.
e Misprinted Thomas Willyard ly Strype. His real name was John Hullier. He was
elected from Eton a scholar of King's college in 1538, and afterwards became conduct of
Eton, vicar of Babraham near Cambridge, and preacher at King's Lynn. He was not so
fortunate as Thomas Mowntayne in escaping from the persecutors, for he suffered at the
stake on Jesus Green at Cambridge, on or about the 2d April 1556. Of this martyrdom
Foxe inserts a full narrative in his Addenda, having previously given a shorter account,
with some letters and a prayer of Hullier's composition (see edition by Townsend and
Cattley, viii. 131-138, 378-380).
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 207
" No, and yt lyke your worshup, I ham nother of bothe." " Ys
not thy name Mowntayne? " " Yes, forsothe, I wyll never deny yt."
*' And art not thow he that my lorde chansler sent hethcr with a
wryte?" " I am the same man." " Wei ! (sayed he,) and thow be
not hangyd I have marvell. Thow wylte scape narrowly, I beleve."
" Syr, I parsave that yow are my hevy freend. I besyche yow be
good master unto me. I have lyen thys iij yeare a yn pryson yn
yerons. Never was there anye man that laycd anye thynge to my
charge." Than he calde for the wryte. To home the hye shyryfFe
sayd that he had forgotyn to brynge yt with hyme. "0 wel!
(sayed [he b],) syr Olyver, yow are [a] good man I warant yow; thys
man was not sent hether for byeldynge of churchy s, I dare saye, nor
yet for sayenge of our lady sawter. Yn dede, sir, these be thynges
that I can not wcl stylof (stifle c)."
Than my lord cheiFe justyce callyd me to the bare agayne, and
cawsyd proclamasyon to be made, that whosoever colde laye awghte
to my charge to come yn, and he shulde he hard, or elys (else) the
prysonar to stand at hys dellyverance. Thys was done thryse, and
no man came yn to gyve evydence agaynste me. Than sayed my lord
cheef justyes unto the hole benche, " I see no cawse whye but that
thys man maye be dellyveryd upon suertyes to be bound to apeare
at the nexte sessyones here holdyn of gayell delly verye ; for yow see
that there ys no man comythe yn to laye anye thynge to hys charge.
Wee cannot but by the lawe delly ver hym, proclamacyon beynge
ones made, and no man comynge yn agaynste hym. Whate saye
yow, mr. Mowntayne, can yow put yn suertyes here, before the
quenes justyssys, to apere before us here at the nexte sesyones? And
yf that yow can so doo, paye your chargys of the howsse, and God
a Strype has here inserted between brackets the words " quarters of a " yeare : but
Mowntayne included in his reckoning the time he had remained in prison in London,
and he again in the closing paragraph of his narrative states that he lay three years in prison.
b This omission of the MS. not having been perceived by Strype, he has printed this
passage very confusedly.
c Read like of ly Strype.
208 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
be with yow ! Yfc not, than muste yow nedyes remayne here styll,
untyll the next sesyones. Whate saye yow? have you anye
suertyes redye?" " No, and that lyke your lordshype I have none
redy ; but yf y t please yow to be so good lorde unto me as to gyve
me leve, I truste yn God to fyend suertyes." "Well! (sayd my
lorde,) goo your ways; make as good speed as yow can, for wee
muste awaye." Than he commaundyd the kepar to stryke of myne
yerones.
That done, I was turned owte of the gate to seake my venter,
without anye kepar at all, go where I wolde; and whan I came
abrode I was so sore amasyd that I knew not where to be come.
At laste, I toke the waye to the towne, and there I mete a man
unknowen to me, whoo was not a lytle joy full whan he see me at
lybartye, sayeyng unto me, " Are yow clene dyschargyd from your
bondys? " " No, (sayd I,) I lake ij shuertys." " Trwely, (sayd he,)
I wyll be one, God wyllynge; and I wyll see yf that I can gete
another to be bownd with me." So WQQ mete with another honest
man callyd mr. Blunte; and havynge these tayne (twain) I gave
thankee to God for them, and with speed returnyde bake agayne to
the castell; and as I wente, there mete me ij Essex men which came to
seake me, offrynge themselves to enter ynto bondys for me. I gave
them moste hartye thankesfor their j en til offer, and tolde them that
God had raysyd up a couple for me alredy. " We are glad of yt,
(sayed they ;) yet we wyll goo with yow, lest yow doo lake ;" and as
I entryd ynto the castell yarde, the judgys were a rysynge, and they,
seynge me comynge, sat downe agayne. Than sayed my lord chyffe
justys, " Have you browghte yn your swertyes?" " Ye, and lyke
your lordship here they be." "Let me see them," sayd he.
Then they all iiij stood forthe, and shewyd themselves unto
my lord: hoo sayed unto them, "Are yow contentyd to enter
ynto bondys for thys man?" "Ye, my lord, (sayed they,) yf yt
please yow to take us." (l Well ! (sayed he,,) ij of yow shall sarve."
There were standynge by ij bretheryn, and they, herynge my lord
say that ij wolde sarve, went with sped to hym that wryt the band,
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 209
and cawsyd hym [to put a] in tlicr names [in the] fyne iij s. iiij d.b
for [each of them], sayengc thus the one to the other, " Let us not
onclye balle hym owte of bowndys ; but also relevc hyme with soche
parte as God hathe lente us;" and so they dyd, I prayse God for yt.
And whan the people sawe and understode that I was clearlye dys-
charchyd owte of boundys, there was a greate showte made amongc
them, suche joye and gladnes was yn their hartys, as myghte ryghte
well apeare, for my dellyverance.
Than came mr. Segar, of whome I have spoken a lytell afore, and
he payed all maner of charges that cowlde be dyssyerd of the keapar
for the tyme of my beynge there ; and, that done, he hade me home
to hys ownehowse, where as I had good yntertaynemente; and, after
that I had remayned there a fortenight, I toke nry leafc, and so came
to London.
And withyn shorte tyme after, I, standynge yn Cheapesyed, sawe
these iiij ryed throwe Chepe,c (that ys to saye,) kyngc Phyllype,
quene Marye, cardynall Poole, and Steven Gardynar chawnseller of
Ingeland. Thys bushope ryde on the one syed before kynge
Phyllyp, and the greate seall afore hyme; and on the other syede
there ryde the quene, and the cardnall afore her, with a crose
caryed afore hyme, he beynge all yn skarlette and blyssynge the
people as he ryde throwe the syttye ; for the wyche he was greatly
laugyd to skorne, and Gardnar beynge sore offendyd on the other
sycd, becawse the people dyd not pute off their capys, and make
cursye to the croose that was caryed afore the cardnall, sayenge to
hys sarvantes, " Marke that howse," " Take thys knave, and have
hyme to the cownter," " Suche a sorte of herytykes ho ever sawe,
that wyll nothcr reverence the croose of Chryste, nor yet ones saye so
a The paper is here torn : the sense is restored by the help of Strype.
b Misprinted ly Strype \\\l. u\\d.
c This was on the 26th of August 1555. King Philip was about to depart for the
continent, and passed in state through London, taking barge at the Tower wharf for
Greenwich. The event is noticed in Machyn's Diary at p. 93, and in the Chronicle of the
Grey Friars of London, at p. 96.
CAMD. SOC. 2 E
210 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
muche as, God save the kyngc and quene ! I wyll teache them
to doo bothe and I lyve." Thys dyd I here hym saye, I standynge
at Sopar laync ende. And whan all thys syghte was paste, I wente
my ways ; for as yet I durste not goo home to my ownc howse ; and
at nyghte, whan the bushopc came home, one of hys spyallycs tolde
hyme, that he sawe me stand yn Chepsycde whan the quene ryd
thro we the sytye. Here he fell ynto suche a greate rage, as was
tolde rne by one of hys owne men, as was unsemyng for a bushop,
and with great spede sent for the knyghte marshall; and whan
he came he sayed unto hym, " Mr. Ilolcroffet, howe have yow
handlyd yourselfe yn your offyse? dyd not I send unto yow one
Mowntayne that was both a traytor and a herytyke, to thys ende
that he shulde have suiferyd deathe? and thys daye the vylayne
knave was not ashamyd to stand opynly yn the strete, lokynge the
prence yn the ffasce. Myne owne men see hym. I wolde consell
yow to loke hym upe, and that there be dyllygent searche made for
hym thys nyghte, yn the sytye, as yow wyll answer afore the coun-
sell." "All thys shal be done and yt lyke your honnor, and I
trust e there shal be no fawte fownd yn me." "Away than, (sayed
the bushop,) abowte your bessyness." , Than came one that was
secrytorye unto the knyghte marshall, who wylled me with spede
to departe owte of the sytye, "for thys nyghte (sayth he,) shal the
sytye be searchyd for yow, and yf yow be taken, suerly ye dye for
yt. Thus fayer yow well ! God delyver yow out .of their handy s,
and yt be hys wyll !"
Than wente I over ynto Sowthewarke, and there laye all nyghte.
Yn the mornyng I roose up early, toke a bote and wente to Lyme-
house, and so from thence to Colchester, and there toke shypynge,
thynkynge to have gone ynto Seland, and so up ynto the hye coun-
trye; but we were so whether-beatyn that of force we were glad to
returne bake agayn ; and thys vyage was tryshe (trice) attemptyd and
always was pute bake ; and at the laste tyme we were caste a land at
sent Towhys,a wheras I durste not longe tary, bycawse of my lord
a Saint Osythe's, on the Essex coast, near Harwich .
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 211
Darsy,a whoo layc there, havynge a strayte comysyon sent unto
hym from quene Marye, to make dyllygent searche for one beynge
callyd Trowge over the worlde, and for all souche lyke begars as he was.
So that I was fayne to flye to a lytle paryshe callyd Hemsted,b
thynkynge ther for to have had some reste, but the schearch was so
strayte, that at mydnyghte, I havynge almost to (too) shorte
warnynge, was fayne with gret speed to flye unto Dedam heathe,
and to take my cote yn my necke, havynge an noneste man with
me, whoo had a foreste byll on hys bake, and with the same he cute
downe a greate sorte of brakes, and that was my beed for a tyme,
and whansoever I myghte geate ynto an haye-loflet, I thowghte
myselve hapy and well to be logyd. At the laste I was howsyd, I
thanke God, with an noneste man, and the same havynge a wycked
sarvante, not lovynge the gospelle, went and complaynyd of hys
master to the bay lye and cownstablys; sayeyng unto them, that
there was an herytyke yn hys mastares parler. " Howe knowe
yow that? (sayd theye,)take hed whate thow sayeste; thy master ys
an noneste man, and thow seaste howe trublesome tyme yt ys, and yf
we apon thy report sholde goo searche hys howse, and not fyend yt so,
whate arte thow worthye to have for sclawnderynge thy master?"
" Inofe,c (saythe he,) I am suere yt ys so; for the howse ys never
without one or other, and moste chyfly whan ther ys a fyer in the
parler; and therfore I knowe by the smooke that there ys one
yndeed," So the ofysars wyllyd hym to goo abowghte hys busynes,
and to saye nothynge, " for (sayed they) we wold prove yt at
nyghte." Yn the meane tyme they did hys master to understand
whate hys man had sayed unto them, and frendly bad hym to take
head, for they wolde searche hys howse that nyghte ; and so they
dyd yndeed, but the byrdes were flone. The nexte daye, the offy-
sares toke hys man, and set hyme yn the [stocks, to teach him to
a Thomas first lord Darcy of Chiche, K.G. His seat was at Wivenhoe, between Col-
chester and St. Osythe's, at which latter place he was buried in 1560.
b Elmsted, four miles from Colchester. c Enough. Rend ly Strype Tush !
212 NARRATIVES OF TUB REFORMATION.
speak a] good of hys master, and not to acwyse [him, and bring
the] smoke [for a] wytnes agaynst hym.
No we, wyl I was seakynge a corner to hyd my hed yn, justyes
Browne,b that dwellyth bysyed Bornte wood, comys me downe to
Colchester, and there played to dyvell,c by the counsell of one
mr. Tyryll, and mr. Cossyne d inn holder of the same towne, and
Gylbart the lawer, whoo cawsyd dyvers honeste men to be sent for,
before the sayed justys, and sworne upon a boke to bryng yn the
namys of all those that were suspectyd of heresy, as he term[ed]yt,
and also gave unto the offysars a great charge, that from tyme to
tyme dylygent search shoulde be made yn every howse for all stran-
gers, and to take them and brynge them before a justyes; " for thys
towne (sayed he) ys a harboror of all herytykes, and ever was." So
whan he had bownd them all yn recounysanse, he wylyd them to
departe, every man home to hys howse.
Than, apon ther returne, with speed was I convayed awaye to
London warde forth ewith, and whan I came there, I wente over
ynto Sothewarke agayne, and there laye ij dayes and too nyghtys;
and the thyrd nyghte, whan yt was somewhate darke, I entry d
ynto shyp of Andwarpe, and so went downe to Graveseend. Ther
they caste ankeer, and went al a lande, and lefte me aborde with a
man and a boye. I, ferynge the sarchars,6 that they wold have hade
ine to shoore, and there beynge so well knowyn as I was, I knewe y t
a Torn, and restored from Strype.
b Sir Anthony Browne, who purchased the manor of South Weald, in which parish the
town of Brentwood is situate, was called to the degree of serjeant at law 1555, and ap-
pointed king and queen's serjeant on the 16th October in the same year. He was made
chief justice of the common pleas in October 1558, but degraded by queen Elizabeth in
1559-60 (on account of his religion) to be a puisne judge of the same court. However,
she knighted him in the parliament house in 1566. He died May 16, 1567, and has a
monument in South Weald church. See Morant's History of Essex, vol. i. p. 118; and
Foss's Lives of the Judges.
c So the MS. Strype reads played the devil.
d Misprinted Colson in Strype.
e searchers, as the officers of customs were then called.
AUTOBIOGllArjIY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 213
was the next waye to bryngc me before a justys to be examyned,
and so to be returnyd bake agayne to London, and than suer I hain
that I had dyed for yt, I loked yn my purse and there was iij pys-
tolets. I toke one of them, and gave yt unto the man that was
ubord with me, and dysyeryd hym to goo ashore to the master of
the shype, and lie to be a mcane unto the search ares for me whan
they came a shypbord to searclie; and trwely yt pleasyd God so
to worke yn their hartys that I fownd greatc favor at their
handys, for when one of them had examynyd me, and that very
stray tly, he asked of me whate my name was. " Thomas Mowntayne
ys my name, (sayed I,) I wyll never denye yt, nor never dyd, I
prays God for yt." "Nayc, (sayd he,) that ys not your name, for
I knewe hym wel inoughe ; his father and I were sarvantes to kyng
Harye the viij. and also to kynge Edwarde, and I hame swere that
Ky chard Mowntaynes son was bornte, sence thys quene Marye came
yn." " Syr, credyt me, I praye yow, for I ham the verye same
man that nowe talkethe with yow. Yn dede God hathe myghtyllye
delte with me, and most marsyfullye hathe dellyveryd me from the
cruell handes of bludye men ; and nowe beholde my lyffe ys yn your
handys. I maye not ressyste yow, nor wyl not; but jentely sub-
mytynge myselve unto yow, dysyerynge your lawfull favore that I
maye pase thys porte; and God I truste, that ys the hye searcher
above, and knowethe the secrettes of all men's [hearts], shall one
daye reward yow openlye, accordynge as he hathe promysyd.
Than begane he to water hys plantes, sayenge unto me, " Syr, I
thowghte once never to have seene yow agayne; yow are grown
owte of my knolledge; and, seynge that yt ys the wyll of God that
yow shold not dye by ther crwelty, I truste that your blud shal
never be requyryd at my handys. I wyl not rnolleste yow ; but
thys I warne yow of, yn anye wyse, that yow keep yourselve as
eloose as yow can, for here ys one of the promotars,a that goythe
yn the same shyp that yow goo yn." "Whoo ys that?" sayed I.
a See before, p. 161.
214 NARRATIVES OP THE REFORMATION.
" Yt ys one mr. Bearde, (sayd lie,) dwellynge yn Flet stret, a mar-
chante tayeler." "I knowe hyme wel, (sayd I,) and he me."-
"Wei ! (sayd he,) God be with yow ! for yonder he commythe, and
all the passyngeres with hym."
So we partyd, and I wente ynto the mastares cabbone, and there I
laye tyl that wee were enteryd the mayne sease. Than came I forthc
to refreche myselve, and Bearde seyenge me, began to blushe, saynge
unto me, "Ser, whate make yow here?" "Trwely, (sayd I,) I
hame of the same myend that yow are off." "Yow knowe not my
myend," sayd he. "Whatesoever youres ys, I mean to goo to
Andwarpe, God wyllynge, (sayd I,) and so doo yow I trowe."
"Whate wyll yow doo there? (say ed he,) yow are no marchante
man as I hame, and the reste that be here." " Mr. Bearde, whate
the rest ys that be here,' I knowe not; but as for your marchawntryes
and myne, yn some poyntes I thynke they be mouche alyke; but
whan that yow and I shall meet yn the Ingleshe burse together,
yow shall see whate cheare that I can make yow. Yn the meane
tyme, let us as frendys be mery together, 1 pray yow." " Naye,
(sayd he,) I wolde I had mete yow at Gravy send, that I myghte
have made yow some good chere there ; but yt was not my fortone
so to doo, and I ham verye sory for yt, belevc me and yow wyll."
"Syr, I thanke God, yt ys better as yt ys. I knowe your cheare
wel inowghte, and Jhon Avayellyes to.a" With that he wente
downe under the hachys, and told all the pasyngars what an ranke
herytyke I was, "for yt ys marvel (sayd he) that the shype do the
not synke, havynge so wyked a man yn yt as he ys; and therefore,
good jentelmen, I praye yow hartely take heed and beware of hym.
I hade rather than my welffete cote that he and I were at Grafs-
end agayn." Than came the marchawntcs up to me, and callyd for
meate and wyne, havynge good store thereof their owne provysyon,
and they made me great chere, bydynge me yn anye wyse to take
head of Beard. These were marchantes of Danske, and hade to doo
a See p. 161. Strype has omitted the words " and John a Vales too."
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 215
here yn London with moste of the aldermen, unto home they gave
a good reporte.a Now I, thynkyngc to prcventc Beard of further
trouble that by hym and hys procuremente inyght liapc unto me
apon my aryvall at Andwarp, whysperyd the master yn the care,
and dysyeryd hym hartely to land us at Dounkerke, " for I wyll ryde
the rest by waggon, God wyllynge, and so shall I be ryde of mr.
Beardes companye." I ham content, (say the the master of the shype,)
for I ham wcrye alredye (saytlic he,) of hys companye. The worsen
pape shall come no more yn myne sckepe !"
So to Downekerke we came, and Beard wente fyrste alaiide, and
bade us all welcome, u for (sayd he) I wyll be our stuurd, and we
wyll faycr well and ther be anyc good chcar yn the towne." Than
came we to our hoste's howse [and] supte altogether. That beynge
done, we wente to our lodgyng, and so yt fel owte that Beard
and I sholde lye togeather, and so dyd; but before he wente to bed,
he knellyd hyme down at the bedsyed, and made apon hys bodye, as
I thynke, xl. crossys, sayenge as manye Ave Maryris, but nother
Crede nor Pater noster. Than he shewyd us whate monye he had :
ther was bothe golde and sylver, and that plentyc. At mydnyghte
the master of the shype toke hys tyed, and wente hys waye.
Mr. Beard, upe yn the mornynge by tyme, went downe to the
water syed to loke for the shype ; and when he sawe y t was goone,
he came and tolde us, swerynge and chaffynge lyke a made man,
sayeing that kyng Phyllyp shold knowe of yt, howe he was usyd.
Than sente he all abowghte, to knowe yf anye wente at the nexte
tyed folowynge. Yn the meane tyme, I toke my waggon and
wente my wayes, and that was the laste tyme that ever I sawe hym;
but afterward I was ynformyd by credable parsones that he had
spente all hys monye, bothe hys velffete cote and also hys lyvere
cote that he had of quene Mary, and so came home poore and bare,
a " gave a good reporte." This phrase here means possessing credit and consideration,
like " having a good report," which is frequently used in our authorised edition of the
New Testament: Acts, xxii. 12, "Ananias having a good report of the Jews ;" 1 Tim.
iii. 7, " A bishop must have a good report of them," &c.
216 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
bcyngc vcrye syke and weakc, and yn Holborne dyed moste myser-
ably, full of lyse. Beliolde hys end ! God grauntc He dyed liys
sarvantc. Amen !
Now whan as I came to Andwarpe, beynge never there afore,
I was amasyd and knewe not where to become that nyghte. At
laste I fownde owte the Inglyshe howse, and there I was realevyda
for a tyme. After that, I toke a howse yn the oxe-marte of a mar-
chawnte callyd Adam Raner ; hoo shewyd me muche favore, and there
I thawghte a scoole for the space of a yeare and a halve quyetly ; and
than commyse over mr. Hussy, beynge than guvernor of the
Inglyshe nasyon,b and yt was gyven owte that he wolde sodaynly
shype and send awaye ynto Ingland al soche as were come over for
relygyon, he namynge me hymselve for one. So with as mowchc
speed as I could make, [ I ] toke wagon, and wente up ynto Jar-
manye, and there was at a place callyd Dwesborowe, a free sytye,
beynge under the ducke of Clefveland, and there remaynyd imtyl
the death of quene Mary ; and then came bake agayne to Andwarpe.
And there whan I set all my doynges yn order, I returnyd home agayn
with joy ynto Ingland, my natyffe contrye, yn the which God
grawnte hys gospel to have free pasagge, and by the same owre
lyves to be amendyd ! Amen.
Thus hast thow harde, good crystyan reder, the paynful perygry-
nasyon of the aforenamed To. Mo., who, for the testy monye of the
truthe, and keapynge of a good consyence, sufferyd al thys and a
greate deale more not here expresyd ; and, altho' that he laye iij yeare
yn pryson, that ys yn the Tower of London, the Marshalsec, and
Cambryge castyll, and mostc of thys tyme yn yorons, bysyed the
mysyerye that he sufferyd beynge beyond the seese for the spase
n In Strype received.
b There was one Anthony Hussey esquire, who, having been a master in chancery,
chief registrar of the archbishop of Canterbury and of the chapter of St. Paul's, latterly
resigned those functions, and became governor of the Muscovy merchants (see notes to
Machyn's Diary, p. 380) ; and that he was the person to whom Mowntayne alludes in the
text appears not improbable.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 217
of ij yeares, the which ys v ycares ynn all; notwithstandynge, as
the holy prophet Davy the sayth, God hath delyveryd hym owte of
all hys trubles,* and hath promysyd that hosoever sufferythe parse-
cusion for hys name sake, and dothe contynue yn the same truthe
unto the end, all those shall be moste sartayne and suere to be savyd,
and to have their namys wrytyn yn the boke of lyffe, and after thys
lyfFe to be savyd by the only blud of Jesus Chryste, unto home,
with the Father and the Holy Gooste, be all glory and prayse, nowe
[and] for ever ! Amen.
Wrytyn by me, THOMAS MOWNTAYNE.
At the head of Thomas Mowntayne's narrative is written, in his own hand,
" God is my deffense." (which has been accidentally omitted in p. 178.)
a Psalm xxxiv. 6.
CAMD. SOC. 2 F
VIII.
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.
In the present article, and that which will follow, are placed before the
reader the materials from which Foxe composed that portion of his " Actes
and Monuments " which is entitled " The life, state, (or actes in the running
head-lines,) and storie of the Reverend Pastour and Prelate, Thomas Cranmer,
archbishop of Caunterburie, Martyr," &c.
It was from the paper now before us that the martyrologist derived the
substance of his chapter on Cranmer as it appeared in his first English edition
of 1563, and as he had previously printed it in the Latin edition of 1559. It
does not appear from what source it had proceeded : but the MS. is written in
two very different hands, the first of which is of extraordinary accuracy both
in penmanship and orthography, and the place where the second hand begins will
be found indicated in p. 227. The second writer is by Strype (Memorials of
Cranmer, p. 305,) conjectured to be either Scory or Becon : but the present
editor has found no MS. of either Becon or Scory by which he could verify this
conjecture.
In his second edition of 1576 Foxe interweaved with the present paper the
greater portion of the succeeding one, written by Ralph Morice.
Various passages of this paper have been quoted by Todd and the other
biographers of Cranmer as original statements of Strype.
THE LYFE AND DEATH OF THOMAS CRANMER, LATE ARCHEBUSHOPE
OF CAUNTERBURY.
[MS. Harl. 417, fol. 90.]
Thomas Cranmer, the sonne of Thomas Cranmer of Aslocton
esquier, and of Agnes Hatfeld his wyefe, doughter of Laurence Hatfeld
of Wylloughby of lyke degre, was born (at the sayd Aslocton, within
the county of Notingham,) the second of July .1489. and learned his
gramar of a rude parishe clerke in that barbarus tyme, unto his
age of .14. yeares, and then he was sent by his seyd mother to
Cambrege, where he was nosseled in the grossest kynd of sophistry,
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 219
logike, philosophy morall and naturall, (not in the text of the old
philosophers, but chefely in the darke ridels and quiditcs of Duns
and other subtile questionestes,) to his age of xxij yeares. After
that, he gave hymselfe to Faber, Erasmus, good Laten authors, iiij
or v yeares togyther, unto the tyme that Luther began to wryte; and
then he, considering what great contraversie was in matters of
religion (not only in tryfles but in the checfest articles of our sal-
vation,)bcnt himselfc to tryeoutthe truthe herin: and, for as moche
as he perceyvcd that he could not judge indifferently in so weyghty
matters without the knowledge of the holy scriptures, (before he
were enfected with any mannes opinions or errours,) he applyed his
whole studye iij yeares unto the seyd scryptures. After this he
gave his mynde to good wryters both newe and old, not rashely
running over them, for he was a slo we reader, but a diligent marker
of whatsoever he redd, for he seldom redd without pen in hand, and
whatsoever made eyther for the one parte or the other, of thinges
being in controversy, he wrote it out yf it were short, or at the least
noted the author and the place, that he might fynd it and wryte it
out by leysure ; which was a great helpe to hym in debating of
matters ever after. This kynde of studie he used till he were made
doctor of divinitie, which was about the 34 of his age.a
Not longe after kyng Henry the viij, being persuaded that the
maryadge betwyxt hym and quene Katerine doughter to kynge
Ferdinande of Spayn was unlefull and nought, by doctor Long-land b
bushop of Lincoln his confessor, and other of his clergy, sent for vj
of the best learnd men of Cambredge and vj of Oxford to debate this
question, whether it were lefull for one brother to mary his brother's
wyfe, being knoweii of his brother; of the which xij doctor Cranmer
was apoynted for one, but because he was not then at Cambredge, there
was an other chosen in his stead ; which xij learned men agreed fully,
with one consent, that it was lefull, with the pope's dispensation, so
to do.
Shortly after, doctor Cranmer returning to Cambredge, dy verse
A In 1523. b John Longlaud, bishop of Lincoln 1521; died 1547.
220 NARRATIVES OP THE REFORMATION.
of the seyd learned men repayred to hym to knowe his opinion in the
seyd mariadge, and, after longe reasoning therabout, he chaunged the
myndes and judgmentes of v of them. Then almost in every dispu-
tation, bothe in privat houses and in the cominen scholes, this was
one question, Whether the pope might dispence with the brother to
mary his brother's wy fe after carnall knouledge ; and it was of many
openly defended that lie might not. Which thing Steven Gardener,
then the kynges secretary and after bushop of Wynchester, hearing,
shewed the king that doctor Cranmer had chaunged the myndes of
v of the seyd learned men of Cambredge, and of many other besyde
them; wherupon the king commaimded hym to be sent for. And
after long reasonnyng with hym, he sent hym agayn to Cambrege,
commanding him to pen the matter at large, and return agayn to hym
with spede.a
Shortly after lie sent him into Fraunceb with the erle of Wylshyre,c
chefe ambassadour, doctor Lee d elect archebushop of Yorke, doctor
Stockesley e elect bushop of London, dyvines, and doctor Trigonell,f
doctor Earn, g and doctor Benet, h lawyers, to dispute this matter at
a Bale enumerated among the archbishop's works, " De non ducenda fratria, HI. M."
but the work is not now extant. See Mr. Jenkyns's remarks on the subject, Remains of
Cranmer, vol. i. p. vi.
b The several parties mentioned in the text were employed in various missions to the
continent at the period in question : but it does not appear that they were ever placed
all together in one embassy.
c Thomas earl of Wiltshire and Ormonde, the father of queen Anne Boleyne. He was
sent ambassador to the emperor with doctor Stokisley and doctor Lee, in Jan. 1529-30*
(see State Papers, 4to. 1849, vii. 230,) and was also in France about the same period, as
well as his son George lord Rochford.
d Edward Lee, D.D. archbishop of York 1531; died 1544.
c John Stokisley, D.D. bishop of London 1530; died 1539. He was sent to France
with George Boleyne, gentleman of the king's privy chamber (and presently viscount
Rochford) : see their instructions in State Papers, 1849, vii. 219.
f John Tregonwell, LL.D. afterwards knighted. He was a prebendary of Westminster
as well as member of parliament.
e Edward Carne, LL.D. afterwards knighted in 1541. He was appointed to the
function of king Henry's excusator at Rome: see State Papers, 4to. 1849, vii. 269. He
died in 1561 at Rome, where his monument still exists.
h William Benet, LL.D., archdeacon of Dorset 1530, dean of Salisbury 1531 ; died 1583.
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 221
Paris and other places in Fraunce. Whcrin he behaved hym so
learnedly, soberly, and wittely, that the sayd erleso commended hym
by his letters to the king, that he sent hym a commission with
enstructions to be his sole ambassadour to the emperour in the seyd
cause of matrimony, when the emperour marched to Vienna agaynst
the great Turke; and so he, traveling through Germany, fully satisfied
manymennes myndherin, which afor were of a contrary judgement ;
and in the emperor's court also. In so moch that Cornelius Agrippa
confessed to the seyd ambassadour the maryage to be nought, but he
durst not say so openly for feare bothe of the pope and the emperour.
After which tyme the emperour wolde never heare the matter rea-
soned, but referred it to the court of Rome.
Wherfor the kyng called hyme home agayn, and shortly after sent
hym ambassadour to the pope about the same cause ; and there, after
long disputation had, he so forced them that they graunted openly in
the pope's chefe court of the rotta, that the seyd maryage was
agaynst Goddes lawe, and they sayd morover that the pope might
dispence with the lawe of God, which the sayd doctor Cranmer
denyed utterly.
In the mean tyme dyed Wylliam Wharham, archebyshop of Can-
terberya; wherfor the king called home the seyd doctor, and gave
him the seyd archebyshopericke.
Not long after this, the usurped power of the bishop of Rome was
propounded in the parliament, and then the old collections of the
newe archebishop did him good service,b for the chefe and in manner
a Warham died on the 23d August, 1532.
b Mr. Jenkyns, who quotes the above as a passage written by Strype (from Memorials of
Cranmer, p. 32), remarks : " These ' old collections' are probably those which are still pre-
served at Lambeth under the title of Archbishop Cranmer's Collection of Laws. They
were formed, perhaps, while he resided at Cambridge, and consist of a large number of pas-
sages, extracted at length from the canon law, and followed by that short summary of some
of its remarkable doctrines which is here printed (i.e. in the Remains of Cranmer, 1833, ii.
1 — 10)." There is, however, besides " Abp. Cranmer's Collections of Lawe," (which is
1107 of the Lambeth MSS.) another folio volume (1108) indorsed Sententice doctorum vi-
rorum de Sacramentis, being Cranmer's collections on theological subjects, the heads of the
222 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
the whole burden of this wayghty cause was layd upon his sholders ;
in so moche that he was forced to answer to all that ever the whole
rablc of the papistes could saye for the defence of the pope's supre-
misee; and he answerd so playnly, directly, and truly to all their
argumentes, and proved so evydently and stoutly bothe by the
word of God and consent of the primative churche, that this usurped
power of the pope is a meare tiranny and directly agaynst the
la we of God, and that the power of emperours and kynges is the
highest power here upon earth, unto the which byshoppes, priestes,
popes, and cardinalles ought to submit themselves, and are as much
bound to obey as their temporall subjectes or laymen (as the papistes
call them), wherfore the pope's usurped supremisee was upon just
causes abolished and utterly expelled out of this realme of Englonde
by the full consent of the parliament.
After the which, bothe the kynge [and] the quene were cyted to
appeare at Dunstable before Thomas Cranmer, archbyshop of Can-
terbury, and Stephen Gardiner, byshop of Wynchester, being judges
to determine whether the forseyd manage were good and laufull
before God or not; before whom the kinge appeared at place and
tyme apoynted, ready to make his answer by his proctour; but the
quene refused to make answer before them as her judges, and stood to
her appellation before made to the byshop of Rome; but for as muche
as his usurped power was before abrogat by acte of parliament, and
ordeyned that no person should appeale or prosecute any appeale to
the pope or to any other person out of the kynges dominions, for
the seyd causes, and the quenes contumacy in refusing to appeare
and make answer before her laufull judges, they preceded to sen-
contents of which will be found in the Catalogue of the Lambeth MSS, folio, 1812, p. 265.
There is further another large collection, formed by Cranmer, of extracts from the
holy scripture and the fathers, which now forms the volumes 7 B XI. and XII. of the
Royal MSS. in the British Museum. Its contents are given by Mr. Jenkyns in his
vol. iv. pp. 147 — 150, and Cranmer's Works, (Parker Soc,) ii. 7, 8. (See in the Appendix
hereafter the remarkable particulars of its history as a MS. ) The writer of the text was
probably aware of the existence of all these collections, of which he had previously given a
general description (see p. 219).
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 223
tencc, and, perceyving the maryage to be unlaufull and agaynst
Goddes word, devorced the kynge and the quene. a
After this, the seyd Wynchester contynued still in his old popery
secretly, allthough he had in open parliament renounced the same,
bothe by word othe and subscribyng with his hand ; but the seyd
archbishop, judging it a thing impossible to make any reformation of
religion under the pope's dominion, thought it now (the same
being dispatched out of the realme,) a mete tyme to restore the true
doctrine of Chryst, according to the word of God and the old
primative churche, within his jurisdiction and cure, and with the seyd
pope to abolishe also all false doctrine, errours, and heresyes by hyme
brought into the churche, bothe by himselfe and by all other whom
he judged earnestly to favour the truthe of the gospell, procured the
kynge to appoynt certen bushoppes with other learned men, as
Stockesley b byshop of London, Gardener of Wynchester, c Samson a
of Ch[ich]ester, Reppese of Norwyche, Goodrike f of Hely, Latymer g
of Worcester, Shaxtonh of Salisbury, andBarloo1 of saynte Davides,
to set forth a trueth of religion, being clean pourged from all popishe
errours and heresy. In the whiche disputation Wynchester, the pope's
chefe champion, with iij or iiij of the seyd byshoppes, went about
with all subtill sophistry to maynteine all idolatry, heresy, and
superstition wrytten in the canon la we, or used in the church
under the pope's tyranny ; but at the last they, being convinced by the
word of God and consent of the olde authors and primatyve church,
agreed upon and set their liandes to a godly booke of religion called
a The divorce was pronounced on the 23d May, 1533.
t> John Stokisley, consecrated 1530, died 1539.
c Stephen Gardyner, bishop of Winchester 1531.
d Richard Sampson, bishop of Chichester 1536, translated to Lichfield and Coventry 1543,
died 1554.
e William Repps, alias Rugge, bishop of Norwich 1536, died 1550.
f Thomas Goodrich, bishop of Ely 1534, died 1554.
e Hugh Latimer, bishop of Worcester 1535, resigned 1539.
11 Nicholas Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury 1535, resigned 1539.
' William Barlow, consecrated bishop of St. Asaph 1533, translated to St. David's 1536,
to Bath and Wells 1548, deprived 1553, appointed to Chichester 1559, died 1668.
224 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
the bisJioppes' booke, a not muclie unlyke the booke set forth by his
sonne kyng Edward the vjth,b except in ij. poyntes; the one was
the reall presence of our savyour Chrystes bodie in the sacrament of
th'alltar, of the which opinion the seyd archebushop was at that
tyme, and the most part of the other byshoppes and learned men ;
the other errour was of praying, kyssing [and] kneling before images,
which was added by the kynge after the bysshoppes had set their
handes to the contrary. This booke was estableshed by acte of
parliament;6 but not long after, the kynge, taking displeasure with
the seyd archbushop and other byshoppes (as they term them) of
the newe learnynge, because they would not gyve their consent in
the parliament that the kyng should have all the monasteries
suppressed to his own use, but would have had parte of them to have
bene bestowed upon hospitalls, brynging up of youth in virtue
and good learning, with other thinges profitable in the commen
welth, being also stirred therunto by Winchester and other old
dissembling papistes, in the next parliament made vj. newe articles'1
of our fayth, as well agreing with the word of God and the former
booke of religion called the bysshoppes' booke as fier with water, light
with darknes, and Chryst with Beliall. But after, the kyng percey ving
that the seyd bisshoppes did this thing, not of malice or stubbornes, but
of a zele that they had to Goddes glory and the commen wealth, re-
formed in parte the sayd vj. articles,6 and doubtles he was mynded (yf
he had ly ved) to have set forth as good or a better booke as the first was.
a This was the name popularly given to The Institution of a Christian Man, issued in
1537. On the archbishop's share in its composition see Mr. Jenkyns's preface to the
Remains of Cranmer, p. xvii. b The Book of Common Prayer, afterwards mentioned.
c This does not appear to have been the fact, unless by the act already passed in 1536, for
" extynguyshing the auctoryte oj* the bisshop of Rome," 28 Hen. VIII. cap. 10. Statutes of
the Realm, iii. 663.
d The act of the Six Articles was passed in 1539, 31 Hen. VIII. cap. 14, and was entitled,
" An Acte abolishinge of diversity of opinions in certen articles concerning Christian reli-
gion :" see Statutes of the Realm, iii. 739. The articles are given by Jenkyns, Pref. p. xxv.
e In 1543 appeared A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christen Man.,
commonly called the King's Book. On its composition see Jenkyns, Pref. p. xxxvi.;
Ridley's Works, (Parker Soc.) p. 511 ; and Morice's Anecdotes, hereafter, p. 248.
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 225
After whose death his sonne Edward, by the incyting of the fore-
seyd archbushop and the advice of the duke of Somerset the kynges
uncle and protector of the realme, and the consent of the whole
councell, stablished by acte of parliament so good and perfight a booke
of religion, a and agreable with Goddes word (without disprayse of
other be it spoken), as ever was used since the apostles' tyme. But
when it pleased God, for our unthankfulnes and wycked lyvyng, to
take from us this godly kyng, he, perceyving that he could not long
lyve in this mortall lyfe, seing also his sister lady Mary, who by her
father's wyll was heyr apparent to the crown after him,geven so moche
to poprie, by the advyce and consent of his whole councell, and the
cheffe judges of the realme, gave the crown with the realme to lady
Jane, (doughter to the duke of Suffolke, begotten [of] kyng Henry
the viijth's sister,) which lady Jane was bothe so virtuous and well
learned as I thinke Englond never brought forth her peare. And
when the whole councell and chefe judges had set theyr handes to
the kynges wyll, last of all they sent for th'archbushop, requiring
him also to subscribe the same wyll as they had done ; who an-
swerd that he might not without perjury, for so moche as he was
before sworn to my lady Mary by kyng Henries wyll ; to whom the
councel answeryd that they had consciences as well as he, and were
also as well sworn to the kynges wyll as he was. Then answerd he,
" I am not judge over any mannes conscience but myne own only ; for,
as I wyll not condempn your fact, no more wyll I stay my fact upon
your conscience,1* seing that every man shall answer to God for his
own dedes and not for other mennes ;" and so he refused to subscribe
till he had spoken with the kyng herin ; and then the king told him
that the judges had enformed hyme that he might lefully bequethe
the crown to lady Jane and his subjectes receyve her as quene, not-
withstanding theyr former othe to kyng Henry's wyll. Then the
seyd archbushop desired the kyng that he myght first speake with
a The Book of Common Prayer, first set forth in 1549, and amended in 1552.
b — «so he would not commit his conscience to other men's facts." Foxe.
CAMD. SOC. 2 G
226 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
the judges, which the king jently graunted him.a Then he spake with
so many of the judges as were that tyme at the court, and with the
kynges attornaye b also ; who all agreed in one that he might lefully
subscrybe to the kynges wyll by the lawes of the realme ; wherupon
he, returning to the kynge, by his commandment graunted to set his
hand therto.
Shortly after this kynge Edward departed out of this transitory
lyfe, I doubt not unto lyfe eternall with Chryst. After whose
deathe the councell caused the seyd lady Jane to be proclaimed
quene; but, partly for the right of her title and partly for the malice
that the people bare to the duke of Northumberland (whose sone
had maryed the seyd lady Jane) as well [as] for the death of [the] duke
of Somerset and other cruelty by him used, the more part of the
comens with certen of the nobilitie tooke part with lady Mary, who
also proclamed herself quene. Wherfore the duke of North-
umberland raysed an army, entending to subdue quene Mary; but
shortly after his departure from London the councell caused lady
Mary to be proclamed quene, and apprehended lady Jane in the
Toure ; wherupon much of the duke's army fled from him, and he
was taken at Cambrege without any resistence, and sent to London
to the Towre and dy verse other with him. Whyther quene Mary
shortly after repayred : to whom the seyd archbushop by his frendes
made humble sute for his pardon; but she, as well for his religion
sake, as also because he had bene a worker in the devorce of her
a It will be recollected that Cranmer himself addressed to queen Mary an explanation
of the circumstances under which he had been induced to consent to king Edward's
settlement of the crown. It is to be found in Strype's Cranmer, Appx. No. LXXIV.
Cranmer's Remains, i. 360 ; and Cranmer *s Works, (Parker Soc.) ii. 442. It does not
confirm the statements of the text in every particular. Cranmer had an interview with
the king in the presence of the council, and desired to talk with him alone, but was not
suffered to do so; nor did he personally consult the judges, but both the king and the
privy council informed him of the opinions given by the lawyers, when " methought it
became not me, being unlearned in the law, to stand against my prince," and then, at the
king's personal requisition, he placed his signature to the will.
b Edward Gryffyn. He, however, disappeared from the scene between the 12th and
14th of June, and consequently retained his place under.queen Mary. (See before, p. 46.)
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 227
father and mother,11 wold nether here hym nor see hym. In the
meane tyme yt was falslye bruted abrode that he offered hymselfe to
synge the masse and requiem at the kynges burynge and also had
restored the masse in hys cathedrall churche of Canturburye. To stay
thys slaunder he wrote a letter to a frynd of hys, that he never
made any suche promysse nor that he dyd erecte the masse at
Canturburye, but that yt was a false natteryng lyeng moncke,b doctor
Thorden, a man havyng nether wytte, lernyng, nor honesty,0 and
yet hys wytt ys very ready, for he preacheth as well extempore as
at a yeares warnyng, so learnedlye that no man can tell what he
cheafly entendith or goeth aboute to prove, so aptly e that a grosse of
poyntes ys not sufficiente to tye hys sermon together, a man not
unlyke to Jodocus, a moncke of home Erasmus maketh mencion in
hys Colloquies, who yff lie were not garnysshed with these gloriouse
ty tells, Monck, Doctor, Vicedeane, and Suffragane, were worthye to
walke openlye in the streates with a bell and cockscome.d
a Foxe has thus remoulded this passage, — " for as yet the old grudges agaynst the
archbishop for the devorcement of her mother remayned hid in the bottom of her heart —
• Manet alta mente repostum
Judicium Paridis spretreque injuria matris. — Virgil, ^neid i."
[It is at this point of the text in the MS. that the handwriting changes.]
b " Wherfore thes be to signifie to the world that it was not I that did sett up the masse
at Canterbury, but it was a false, flatering, lyeng, and dissembling monke which causid
the masse to be sett up ther, with out my advise or counsell." This is the passage of the
archbishop's declaration (noticed in the next page) which is quoted in the text. In the
MS. at this place the following side-note is annexed, in a different hand to the text,
" These words Mowing were not in the archbishop's letters, but they [are] very true, and
added by the wryter of this history, who knoweth his [Thornden's] condition very well."
c Richard Thornden, alias le Stede, was vice-dean of Canterbury and suffragan bishop
of Dover. Foxe tells us he was called " Dick of Dover," and describes his death as en-
suing from a sudden attack of palsy, as he was one Sunday " vertuously occupied looking
upon his men playing at the bowls," at Bourne, near Canterbury. Foxe's pages abound
with instances of his " cruel tyranny upon many godly men at Canterbury." The cha-
racter given of him in the text, Strype (Mem. of Cranmer, p. 305) attributes either to
Scory or Becon : see the introductory remarks made in p. 218. (See additional notes.)
d " Jodocus adco stupidus erat, ut nisi veste sacra commendaretur, obambularet publi-
citus in cuculla fatui, cum auriculis ac tintinnabulis." Erasmi Colloq. " Virgo Mi<roya/zof ."
228 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
Thys letter* was copyed by many men unto yt came to the handes of
the counsell, where uppon he was sente for by them, and, confessyng
thys letter to be made by hym, was therfore committed to the Tower,
wher all other of the counsell which had wyllynglye subscrybed to
the kynges wyll (the duke only except) had ther pardon, he beynge
the last which hadd subscribed, beynge also seduced be gyvynge
to inuche credyte to the judges of the realme, in the lawes wherof
he was ignorant, yea and in maner beynge enforced by the authorytye
of the kynge and the consell, was condemned of hye treason.
And yet the quene, not therwyth contente, removed hym to
Oxford, wher in a disputacion, doctor Weston b beynge judge, which
was without all order, with hyssynge, haghyng, lawghyng, tauntynge,
scoffynge, and quaffynge. speachynge some tyme x. or xij. at ones
that none coulde be hard for another, thre questions aboute the
sacrament beynge propounded, and but one of them beynge reasoned
apone, he was in Goddes name with post hast condemned of all
three; and so with gleves and bylls was agayne commytted to
pryson, wher he remayned untyll Saturdaye the 21 of Marche, 1556,
at what tyme he was brought into st. Maryes churche, beynge
present lord Wylyams and lord Chandois,c with dy verse other judges,
a Here on the MS. are written these words, " It is good that the letter itselfe be sette in;
the copie of it in prynte is annexed * :" and upon the printed copy, which is accordingly
" sett in," are these words : " Joyne in yis letter hoc signo *;" to which Strype appended,
" Bp. Grindal's hand." The letter or declaration forms a small octavo leaf, " Imprynted
1557," evidently with foreign types. It is the "Declaration concerning the Mass,"
printed in vol. iv. p. 1, of Jenkyns's Remains of Cranmer; also in Strype's Memorials of
Cranmer, p. 305, and Cranmer's Works, (Parker Soc.) i. 428. It was not published by
the archbishop, but it is supposed to have been indiscreetly circulated by dr. Scory bishop
of Chichester. A copy was publicly read in Cheapside on the 5th of September, 1553,
which was nine days before Cranmer was committed to the Tower.
b Hugh "Weston, dean of Westminster and Windsor.
c Above the name of lord Chandos is written in another hand " alias sir John Bridges."
But this is altogether a mistake. Lord Chandos was not present : but his brother sir
Thomas Brydges of Cornbury, in Oxfordshire. Cranmer was accompanied to the stake
" by the mayre and alldermen, and my lord Wyllyams, with whom came dyvers gentyll-
men of the shyre, sir T. Abryges, sir John Browne, and others." (Letter of J. A. men-
tioned in note c p. 229.)
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 229
knyghtes, and squyers, wher a sermon was made by doctor Cole,a
durynge the which sermone he wepte very sore,b and the sermon
beyng fynished he, beynge comaunded to declare hys mynd, sayd
as folowethc: —
" Good chrysten people, my deare beloved brethern and system
in Chryste, I beseche you moost hartlye to praye for me to Almighty
Godd that he wyll forgeve me all my synnes and offences, which be
many and without nomber and greate above measure. But yet
one thynge greveth my conscience more then all the rest ; wheroffe,
Godd wyllynge, I intend to speake more herafter. But howe many
and howe greate soever they be, I beseeche you to pray to God of hys
marcye to pardon and forgeve them all."
And here kneeling downe [he] sayd, " O Father of heaven ! 0
Son of God, Eedemer of [the] worlde ! 0 Holy Gost, [proceeding
a Henry Cole, warden of New college, and dean of St. Paul's.
b " I shall not nede, for the tyme of sarmon, to describe hys behavyour, hys sorrowfull
countynance, his heyvye chere, his face bedewed with teares : sometyme lyftyng hys eyes to
heaven in hope ; sometyme castyng them downe to the earthe for shame : to be brefe, an
image of sorowe, the dolore of hys hart burstyng owt at hys eyes in plentye of teares, re-
taynyng ever a quiet and grave behaveour, which incressed the pyttye in men's hartes, that
they unfeynedly loved hym, hopyng yt had byn hys repentance for hys transgression and
error." (Letter of J. A.)
c In the MS. Harl. 422 is preserved a contemporary account of the last hours of
Cranmer, written by an eye-witness, and dated only two days after his execution. The
writer, who signs J. A., though professedly condemning Cranmer, had an evident sympathy
in his sufferings, and viewed his fate with deep commiseration, as the extract just given
has shown. This document, highly important and interesting, is printed by Strype>
Memorials of Cranmer, p. 384; and by Todd, in his Life of Cranmer, vol. ii. p. 493. The
report it contains of the last prayers and exhortation made by the martyr is not only remark-
able as coming from a quarter professedly unfavourable, but further as coinciding very closely
with that given in the text, and which was published by Foxe. How is this close coincidence
to be accounted for ? I am inclined to think that the letter of J. A. is in fact the original, and
that the version in the text was written from it for publication in the Actes and Monuments,
certain modifications being made, which will be shewn in the ensuing notes. Most of the
incidents also of Cranmer 's last hour, as the pertinacious conduct of the two Spanish friars,
and of Ely of Brazenose, who refused to take the martyr by the hand when parting at the
stake, and the final and most striking incident of all, that of the archbishop stretching forth
his right hand, and exposing it first to the flames — all these are related by J. A., and
confirm the supposition that Foxe's account was really founded upon the letter of J. A.
230 NARRATIVES OP THE REFORMATION.
from them both,a] thre persons and one God! have mercye apon me
moost wretched catyfe and miserable synner. I have offended bothe
heaven and erthe more then my toungeb can expresse. Wether
then may I goe, or wether shoulde I flee for succor? To heaven I
am c ashamed to lyft upp my eyes, and in erthe I fynd no succoure or
refuge. What shall [I] then doe ? Shall I despayre ? Godd forbydd !
Oh, gode Godd ! thou art mercyfull, and refusest none that come to
thee for succoure. To thee therefore doe I come.d To thee I doe
humble myselfe, saynge, 0 Lord [God], my synnes be greate, but yet
have mercye aponc me for thy greate mercye ! [0 God the Son, thou
wast not made man,a] Thys mysterye was not wrought that Godd
became man for fewe or lyttell offences. Thou dyddest not gyve thy
sonne [unto death*], 0 Heavenly Father, for [our little and a] small
synnes onlye, but for all and the greatest of the world, so that the
synner returne and repente6 unto thee with hys whole f harte, as I doe
here at thys presente. Wherfore have mercye upon me, 0 Lord,
whose property ys alwayes to have mercye and pytye, g for, although
my synnes be great, yet ys thys mercye greater. Wherfore have
mercye upon me, 0 Lord, after thy greate mercye. I crave nothyng,
0 Lord, for myne owne merits, but for thy name sake, that yt maye
be halowed therbye. And for thy deare Sonne Jesus Christ's sake.
And nowe therfore, 0 Father of Heaven, halowed be thy name."
And then standing up he sayd: "Every man, good people,
desyreth at the tyme of hys death to geve some good exhortation
that other may remember after hys deathe and be the better therby,
for one word spoken of a man at hys last end wyll be more remem-
bered then many sermones made of them that lyve and remayne ; h
so I beseche God grant me grace that I may speake that somethynge
at [this] my departynge wherby God may be gloryfyed and you
edyfied.
a Letter of J. A. b — " more grievously than any tongue.'1 Letter of J. A.
c may be. ll>. (l Misprinted run l>y Strype and ly Todd.
« and repent inserted. f a penitent. Letter ofJ.A. " and pytye inserted.
h « for remayne," not in the letter of J. A.
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 231
" Fyrst, yt ys as hcvy a case to see that many folkes be so doted
upon the love of the false world and so carefull for yt, that of the
love of God or the worlde to come they seme to care very lyttell or
nothinge. Therfore thys shal be my fyrst exhortacion, that you set
not overmuchc by thys [falsea] glosynge worlde, but upon God and
the worlde to come ; and learne what thys leason meaneth which saint
John teacheth, that the love of the worlde ys hatred agaynst God.
" The second exhortacion ys that next unto Godd you obey your
kyng and quene, wyllyngly without murmur or grudgyng, not for
feare of them onlye, but muche more for the feare of God, knowyng
that they be Godes mynisters apoynted of Godd to rule and governe
you, and therfore whosoever resisteth them resistethe Goddes
ordinances. ^ •
"The thyrd exhortacion ys that you love altogether like brethren
and systers. But alas ! pitye ys to see what contentyons and hatred
one man hath agaynst an other, not takyng eche other for bretherne
and systers, but rather as strangers and mortall enymyes. But I
pray you lerne and beare well away thys lesson, to doe good to all
men as muche as in you lyeth, and hurte no man, no more then you
wolde hurte your owne naturall brother b or syster. For thys you
may be sure that whosoever hateth hys brother or syster, and goeth
about malyciouslye to hynder or hurte hym, surelye and without all
doubte God ys not with that man, althoughe he thynck hymselfe
never so muche in Goddes favor.
" The fourth exhortacion shal be to them that have great substance
and ryches of thys worlde, that they may well consider and wey
these iij saynges of the scripture. One ys of our Saviour Chryst
hymselfe, who sayethe that yt ys a harde thynge for a ryche man
to come ynto-heaven, a sore saynge, and [yet] spoken of hym that
knoweth the truthe. The second ys of saint John, whose saynge ys
thys, He that hathe the substance of thys worlde, and seeth hys
brother in necessytye, and shutteth up hys compassion and mercy
a Letter of J. A.
b Written originally bodye, and corrected ly a second liand to brother*
232 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
from hym, liowe can lie saye that lie loveth Godd ? The thyrd of saint
James, a who speaketli to the covetous and ryche men after thys
manner : Weep and howle for the mysery which shall come uppon you.
Your ryches doth rotte, your clothes be moth-eaten, your gold and
sylver is cankered and rusty, and the rust therof shall beare wyttenes
agaynst you, and consume you lycke fyer. You gather and hord up
treasure of Goddes indignation against the last daye. Let them
which be ryche ponder well theise sentences, for yff ever they hadd
occasion to shewe theyr charytye they have yt nowe at thys present,
the poore people beyng so many and victuells so deare ; for, although
I have been longe in pryson, yet have I harde of the greate penurye
of the pore.b
" And nowe, forasmuche as I come unto [the]- lasj; ende of my
lyfe, wheruppon hangethe all my lyfe passed and all my lyfe to
come, ether to lyfe with my Savior Chryst in joye, or ells to be ever
in paynes with wycked dy veils in hell ; and I see before myne eyes
presently eyther heaven (poyntyng hys fynger upward) redye to
receave me, or elles hell (poyntyng downward) readye to swalowe
me up, I shall therfor declare unto you my verye faythe, howe I
believe, without coulour or dyssimulation, for nowe yt is no tyme to
dyssemble, whatsoever I have sayd or wrytten in tymes past.
" Fyrst, I beleve in God the Father Almyghty, maker of heaven
and earthe, &c. I beleve everye article of the catholike faythe, every
worde and sentence taught by our Savior Chryst and hys apostelles
and prophetes, in the newe and old testament.
" And nowe I come to the greate thynge that so muche troblethe
my conscience more then anye other thynge that ever I dyd or sayd
in my lyfe. And that ys settynge abrode in wrytynge contrarye to
my conscience ' and the truthe ; which nowe I here renounce and
a This is omitted in the letter of J. A.
b In Oxford itself the scarcity "was so great, that several societies, being scarce able to
live, had leave from their governors to go into the country to their respective homes, to re-
main there till such time as bread-corn was more plentiful." Wood's Annals of the
University of Oxford, under the year 1555.
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CKANMER. 233
refuse as thynges wrytten with my hand contrarye to the truthe
which I thought in my harte, and wrytten for feare of deathe, to
save my lyfe yf yt myght be. And that is all suche by 11s or papers
which I have wrytten and sygned with my hand sence my
degradacion; wherin I have wrytten many thynges untrewe. And,
forasmuche as my hand offendyd in wrytynge contrarye to my harte,
my hand therfore shal be fyrste punished; for, yff I may come to
the fyre, yt shall be fyrste burnte. And as for the pope, I utterly
refuse hym as Chrystes enemy and Antechryst, with all hys false
doctrine. And as for the sacrament, I beleve as I have taught in my
booke agaynste the —
The rest of the original manuscript is lost : Foxe terminates the words of
Cramner's address thus : —
— bishop of Winchester, the which my book teacheth so true a
doctrine of the Sacrament that it shall stand at the last day before
the judgment of God, where the papistical doctrine contrary thereto
shall be ashamed to shew her face."
This was certainly for the greater part an addition of Foxe, for his earlier
Latin version of 1559 concludes thus :
— cujus libri assertionem tarn firmam judico, ut omnes omnium
Papistarum conatus nunquam sunt repulsuri.
The letter of J. A. probably presents the true circumstances under which
the archbishop's mouth was stopped : —
"He added that, for the Sacrament, he believed as he had taught
in his book against the bishop of Winchester. And here he was
suffered to say no more."
CAMD. SOC. 2 H
IX.
ANECDOTES AND CHARACTER OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER,
BY RALPH MORICE, HIS SECRETARY.
This article has been added to the present collection on the suggestion of
the Rev. J. E. B. Mayor, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of St. John's College,
Cambridge, editor of the very interesting series of memoirs published under the
title of " Cambridge in the Seventeenth Century :" who has also been at the
trouble of transcribing it from the library of Bene't College. It is there pre-
served among the manuscripts of archbishop Parker : at whose request it was
evidently written, as towards the conclusion he is twice addressed under the
appellation of "your grace."
The propriety of attaching this document to the previous contents of the
present volume will be acknowledged on finding that it formed part of the
materials used by the historian Foxe; to whom Parker must have communi-
cated it, previously to the publication of the second English edition of the
Actes and Monuments in 1576, and of course subsequently to the first in 1563,
to which the writer makes reference.
It will be found, on comparison with the present text of the Actes and
Monuments, that Foxe, whilst interweaving this information with his former
narrative of Cranmer (which had been formed from the MS. printed as the pre-
ceding article of this volume), remodelled and re-arranged the whole of Morice's
anecdotes, greatly amplifying them in most parts, but retrenching them in
others : generally changing Morice's language, but still retaining some of his
most singular phrases and expressions. He gives Morice's name in one of his
side-notes (where the archbishop's attendance outside the council door is men-
tioned :) " This secretary was mr. Ralph Morice, witnesse and drawer of this
story."
I shall show in the notes some remarkable examples of the recastings made by
Foxe, but they can be fully appreciated only by comparing the present pages
with those of the Actes and Monuments.
Strype had the use of what he terms the " MS. Life of Cranmer in Bene't
College;" but he did not discover that it had been previously worked up by
Foxe. In chapters xxx. and xxxi. of his Memorials of Cranmer, Strype has
inserted a great part of Morice's MS. verbatim. The introductory portions,
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 235
which he omitted, were published by Mr. Mayor in the British Magazine in
1849 (vol. xxxvi. p. 165).
Ralph Morice, the writer of this paper, was the younger brother of William
Morice esquire, of Chipping Ongar, in Essex, a who has been noticed at p. 45 of
the present volume. Having graduated at Cambridge B.A. 1523 and M.A.
1526, he spent the best portion of his days as a faithful servant of archbishop
Cranmer, of whose history, qualities, and actions he gives a cursory but effect-
ive sketch. So much has been written upon the biography and charac-
ter of Cranmer that it appears unnecessary to burthen the following pages with
much illustration or remark. The reader may drink elsewhere of more mixed
streams : he must here imagine himself to be placed at the fountain-head.
Two undated supplications, or petitions, addressed by Ralph Morice to queen
Elizabeth are still extant, and have been noticed by Strype. b In one of these c
he thus describes his parentage: —
" Ralph Morice sonne unto James Morice late of Roydon in the countie of
Essex esquier, some tyme servante unto that virtious and noble princesse of
renowned memorie L. Margaret Countesse of Richmond and Derbie, your
highnes' greate-graundemother, and to her grase also clercke of her kechin and
mr. of her werkes, namelie of those ij colleges in Cambridge, Christes colledge
and St. John's."
In the other petition Ralph Morice sets forth the extent of his services to
Cranmer. They had been continued " for the space of 20 yeres and above,
being reteyned in service with the said most reverend father in the rowme of a
secretary," wherein he had " bestowed and spent both his time, youthe, and
prosperitye of his life, not so much in writing of the private busynes of the said
moost reverend father, as in travailing with his pen aboughte the serious affaires
of the prince and the realme, commy ted unto him by those most noble and worthie
princes K. Henry the eighth and K. Edward the sixth, your majesties deare
father and brother, concernyng aswel the writyng of those great and weightie
matrimonyal causes of your highnes' said dere father, (the good effectes, suc-
cesse, and benefits wherof to Godd's glory this hole realme with the subjectes
therof in your highnes' most noble and royal personage do now most happilie
enjoye,) as alsoaboute th'exstirpation of the bishop of Rome his usurped power
a The family of Morice of Chipping Ongar afterwards assumed the name of Poyntz, sir
John Morice having married the daughter and heir of sir Gabriel Poyntz, and grand-
daughter of Thomas Poyntz esquire, the chief patron of William Tyndale. See Anderson's
Annals of the English Bible, i. 525.
b See also the memoir of Morice in Athense Cantabrigienses, vol. i. p. 293.
c MS. Lansdowne 108, art. 8.
236 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
and authorise, the reformation of corrupte religion and ecclesiastical lawes,
th'alteration of divine service, and of divers and sundry conferences of lernid
men for th'establishing and advancement of sincere religion, with such like :
wherin your highnes' said orator most painfullie was occupied in writing of no
small volumes, from tyme to tyme ; as in that behalf divers lernid men now
living can testifie, namely dr. Hethe,a dr. Tbirleby,5 the bishops of Elie,c
Chichester <J and Heriford." e (The rest of this petition will be found in Strype's
Memorials of Cranmer, Appendix, No. cm.)
Ralph Morice was register to the commissioners appointed in 1547 to visit
the dioceses of Rochester, Canterbury, Chichester, and Winchester : who were
sir John Hales, sir John Mason, sir Anthony Cope, dr. Cave (a lawyer), and
mr. Briggs, preacher (of Pembroke college, Cambridge.) Strype's Memorials
of Cranmer, p. 147.
Ralph Morice had his share of persecution and suffering in the reign of
Mary. In the course of two years his house was thrice searched, by which
he lost many valuable papers, and especially certain epistles of Edward VI. to
archbishop Cranmer, and the archbishop's answers. When this occurred
Morice had fled from his house ; and was committed to custody, but escaped
by breaking prison. His latter years were passed at Bekesbourn in Kent.
He appears to have been living in 1570, but the date of his death has not been
ascertained.
Morice made other communications to Foxe; one of which, relating to
master Richard Turner preacher, follows the story of Cranmer in the Actes and
Monuments. Another, (which appears to have been the earliest, and is ad-
dressed to Foxe's printer John Day,) is an account of Cranmer's patronage of
doctor Thirlby afterwards bishop of Ely. This has been already laid before the
Camden Society by Sir Henry Ellis in the "Letters of Eminent Literary Men,"
at p. 25. At its conclusion Morice tells Day that he " could say moche more
concernyng the notable doinges of this worthie archebisshop which were
worthie to be committed to perpetuall fame. And also sumwhat towching the
progeny and advancement of the lorde Crumwell, which ys not attall towched
in his storye." It was probably after writing this (which is dated " from Bekis-
borne, the xth of January, 1565,") that the old man was induced by archbishop
Parker to indite the following anecdotes of Cranmer.
There can be no doubt that he also materially contributed to the portion of
Foxe's work entitled " The life, actes, and death of the famous and worthy
counsailour lord Thomas Cromwell earl of Essex," which is greatly enlarged
a The deprived archbishop of York. b The deprived bishop of Ely.
c Richard Cox. d William Barlow. e John Scoiy.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 237
in the second edition from what it was in the first. The story " How the lord
Cromwell helped Cranmer' s secretary," when the archbishop's manuscript argu-
ments on the Six Articles fell into the river, and were detained by the lady
Elizabeth's bearward who happened to pick them out, is evidently from the
secretary's own pen ; and so probably are several of the subsequent anecdotes.
That relative to " The talke betwene the lorde Cromwel and certeine of the
lordes at Lambeth," is acknowledged to be ex testimomo Secretary Cantuar.
(Second edition 1576, fol. 1160. The date 1540 there given to the anecdote
was subsequently corrected to 1539.)
Again, the story of bishop Gardyner's exclusion from King Henry's will, as
Morice had heard it told by sir Anthony Denny to Cranmer, is related by Foxe
on the report of" the said archbishop's secretary, who is yet alive." (Edit. 1576.)
Ralph Morice likewise wrote an account of Hugh Latimer's first conversion
at Cambridge, which is preserved among Foxe's papers, MS. Harl. 422, art. 12,
and printed by Strype, in Eccles. Memorials, iii. 233, and in Latimer's Works,
edit. Corrie, (Parker Soc.,) vol. ii. pp. xxvii — xxxi. On the same sheets are
some anecdotes of mr. Thomas Lawney and bishop Stokesley, which will be
found hereafter in the present volume.
Also a paper " concernyng mr. Latymer's communicacion with mr. Bayneham
in the dungeon of Newgate," preserved in the same volume, MS. Harl. 422, art.
26. This has been printed in the Appendix to the fourth volume of the new
edition of Foxe, (by Townsend and Cattley, 1846,) p. 770 : and in a modernised
version, by Strype, Eccl. Memorials, iii. p. [236], and Latimer's Works, (Parker
Soc.) ii. 221.
A brief narrative, written by him, of " master Dusgate" burnt at Exeter,
would have been appropriately placed in the present volume, had it not already
appeared in one of the Camden Society's works, prefixed by Sir Henry Ellis
to the letter before mentioned.
But, after all, perhaps the most valuable relic of the labours of Ralph
Morice's pen is the MS. Harl. 6148, being a book in which he kept copies of a
large number of letters on important matters of business, written for his master
the archbishop. This volume was probably one of those of which his study
was robbed during his troubles. It subsequently came into the possession of
sir Richard St. George, who, filling up its blank pages with his heraldic
collections, has nearly smothered the labours of Morice. Unfortunately, the
letters are for the most part undated ; but they have been published, first in the
Christian Remembrancer, next edited by the Rev. Henry Jenkyns in his
Remains of Archbishop Cranmer, and a third time in the Works of Cranmer,
edited for the Parker Society by the Rev. John Edmund Cox. (Strype had
made transcripts of them, which are now in the MS. Lansdowne 1045.)
238 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
[MS. Coll. Corp. Chr. Cantab. 128, f. 405.]
A declaration concernyng the Progeny, with the maner and trade
of the lif and bryngyng upp, of that most Reverent Father in
God, Thomas Cranmer, late archebisshopp of Canterbury, and
by what order and meanes he came to his prefermente and
dignitie.
First, it ys to be considered that the said Thomas Cranmer was
borne ft in a vilage named Arselacton, b in the countie of Notyngham,
and the sonne of one Thomas Cranmer, gentilman, descending of an
aunciente and famous famylie and progeny.6 Insomoche as there
yet remayneth an aunciente mansion house of antiquitie called
Cranmer halle, in Lyncolne shere; whose armes at this present
remayne there in the glasse wyndowes of the same house to be scene.
And as it is thought by some men, the firste of that familie and
name was one of the gentilmen that came into this realme with
William Conqueror; whiche semeth something true, in that a gen-
tilman being a Norman borne, and in kyng Henry the VHIth his
tyme assosiated in commission with a certeyne ambassador of France,
gave the self-same armes in parte that the Cranmers do here in
England, who was of the same name, whiche occasioned the same
archebisshoppe to invite that noble gentilman unto his house at
Lambeth, where he did banquett hym, so that after diner there was
conference of both thair armes togethers, in divers poyntes nothing
atall discrepaunte.
Secondlie, as towching his education and bryngyng upp in his
youthe. I have harde hymselfe reporte, that his father did sett hym
a July 2, 1489.
b First hand, Arseleton. It is commonly written Aslacton.
Where second hand is mentioned in the ensuing notes it implies that the words so
marked are above the line in paler ink, but it is believed written by the same hand as
the text.
c Progeny, as is well known, was a word at this period applied rather to ancestry than
posterity.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 239
to scole with a mervelous severe and cruell scolemaster.a Whose
tyranny towards you the was suche, that, as he thoughte, the said
scolemaster so appalled, dulled, and daunted the tender and fyne
wittes of his scolers, that thei comonlie [more b] hated and aborred
good litterature than favored or inbraced the same, w[hose]
memories were also therby so mutulated and wounded, that for his
p[arte] he loste moche of that benefitt of memorey and audacitie in
his you the that by nature was given unto hym, whiche he could
never recover, as he divers tymes reported.
And albeit his father was very desirous to have hym lernyd, yet
wolde he not that he shoulde be ignorante in civill and gentilman-
like exercises, insomoche that he used hym to showte,0 and many
tymes permitted hym to hunte and hawke and to exercise and to
ryde roughe horsses. So that nowe being archebisshopp, he feared
not to ryde the roughest horse that came into his stable. Whiche
he wolde do very comblie, as otherwise at all tymes there was none
in his house that wolde become his horse better. And when tyme
served for recreation after studie he wolde both hawke and hunte,
the game being preparid for hym beforehand. And wolde some-
tyme showte in the longe bowe, but many tymes kille his dere with
a Who this was is not known. In the former biography he is termed " a rude parish
clerk," and Foxe supposed Cranmer's master to have been the clerk, or priest, of
Aslacton. The place of Cranmer's early education was probably a country school —
indeed Morice presently speaks of his leaving a grammar-school for Cambridge. Thomas
Tusser's verses on Nicholas Udall, the school-master of Eton, have been often quoted in
illustration of the severity of the schoolmasters of that time.
From Paul's I went to Eton sent,
To learn straightways the Latin phrase,
Where fifty-three stripes given to me
At once I had;
For fault but small, or none at all,
It came to pass thus beat I was.
See, Udall, see the mercy of thee
To me poor lad.
b The margin is torn off.
c i. e. shoot with the long bow, as again mentioned a few lines lower.
240 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
the crosebow, and yet his sight was not perfayte, for he was poore-
blinde.
Item, after this his bringing upp at gramer-scole he was sent to
the universitie of Cambridge, where for the moste parte he remayned
within Jesus colledge, being firste felowe of the same house ; where
he proceded in the degrees of the scole untill he was doctor of
divinitie. But firste being mr. of arte, it chaunced hym to marye a
wif,a by meanes wherof he was constraynyd to leave his felowshipp
in the same colledge, and became the common reader at Buckingham
colledge in Cambridge. And within one yere after that he was
maried, his wif travailing with childe, both she and the childe
died, so that incontynentlie after her decease, he contynuyng in the
favor with the master and felowes of Jesus colledge, they choise hym
again felowe of the same house, where he remaynid.
And then after, when cardynall Wolsey hadd begune his colledge
at Oxforde, the said cardynall (emongs other of that universitie
of Cambridge whiche he there procured to be of his newe foundation)
wolde have hadd mr. Cranmer to be one of his felowes in his said
new colledge, but he utterlie refused the same, abyding still in Jesus
colledge where he proceded doctor of divinity, and there was ad-
mitted the reder of the divinitie lecture in the same colledge, untill
he was preferred unto the king's service, whiche was after this
sorte.
It chaunced that when .cardinal! Campagious and cardinall
Wolsey, commissioners frome the bishopp in the king's cause of
divorcemente betwene Katheren lady dowager of Spayne and his
highnes, there was that yere a plague of pestilence in Cambridge,
by meanes wherof doctor Cranmer, having ij scolers with hym at
Cambridge the sonnes of one mr. Cressey of Walteham Abbey,
a The name of Cranmer's first wife has never been recovered : but she is said to have
been a cousin of the good-wife of the Dolphin inn at Cambridge, with whom she lodged.
On this subject see archdeacon Todd's Life of Cranmer, 1831, i. 4 — 8. Morice hereafter
tells the story of a priest's slandering the archbishop as having been once " a hostler."
b " A name (remarks Dr. Thomas Fuller) utterly extinct in that town (where God hath
fixed my present habitation) long before the memory of any alive. But, consulting
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 241
whose wyfe was of kynne unto the said doctor Cranmer, came frome
Cambridge unto Walteham with the said scolers, to their father's
house, to th'intentc to remayne there during the plague tyme.
In the meane season, whiles he was thus abiding at Walteham in
the house of the said mr. Cressey, and after the cardinalls had endid
the tyme of thair commission, fynysshing no mattier according to
the king's expectation, kyng Henry for a daieor twayne removid in
great displeasure with the said cardinalles from London to Walteham
Abbey. And so than, as it chaunced, doctor Stephens a the kinges
secretarye and doctor Foxb almosyner (the great and onelie cheif
doers of the kinges said cause at that tyme,) were by the harbengers
lodged in the said mr. Cressey's house, where D. Cranmer was also
lodged before thair comyng thether. By meanes wherof all thei
three, being of olde acquayntaunce and metyng togethers, the firste
night at supper, hadd familier talke concernyng the estate of the
universitie of Cambridge, and so entering into farther communica-
tion, thei debatyd emongs themselfs that great and weightie cause of
the king's divorcement, than of late ventulated before the said
cardynalls. In whiche their communication and conference D.
Cranmer uttered his opinion after this sorte : " I have nothing atall
studied, (saied he,c) for the veritie of this cause, nor am not beaten
therm as you have byn, howebeit I do thincke that you goo not the
nexte wey to worke, as to bryng the mattier unto a perfecte conclu-
sion and ende, speciallie for the satisfaction of the troubeled (sic)
conscience of the king's highnes. For in observyng the common
Weaver's Funeral-Monuments of Waltham church (more truly then neatly by him com-
posed), I finde therein this epitaph.
Here lyeth Jon and Jone Cressy
On whose soulys Jesu hav mercy. Amen.
Fuller's Church History, fol. 1655, book v. p. (179.)
a Afterwards better known by the name of Stephen Gardyner ; appointed secretary to
the king 1529; consecrated bishop of Winchester 1531.
b Edward Foxe, almoner 1531, bishop of Hereford 1535, died 1538.
c This speech or argument of Cranmer is very much abridged by Foxe : but the sub-
sequent communication of Foxe and Gardyner with the king very considerably amplified,
CAMD. SOC. 2 I
242 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
processe and frustratory delaies of theis your courtes the mattier will
lyngar longe enoughe, and peradventure in th'ende to come unto
smalle efFecte. And this is moost certeyne, (sayed he,) that there
ys but one trueth in it, whiche no men ought or better can discusse
than the divines. Whose sentence maie be sone knowne and
brought so to passe with litle Industrie and charges, that the king's
conscience therby maie be quieted and pacified, whiche we all
cheifelie ought to consider and regarde in this question and doubt.
And than his highnes in conscience quieted maie determen with
hymself that whiche shall seme good before God, and lett theis
tumultuary processes give place unto a certeyne trueth." When he
hadd thus spoken his advice, or like wourds in efFecte, thei both
liked well his counsaile therin. And within ij. daies after, D. Fox
communyng with the king towelling the farther prosecuting of that
cause, declarid the conference thei hadd at Walteham with doctor
Cranmer, whose device so pleasid the king's highnes, that he ther-
apon commanded them to sende for D. Cranmer. And so by
and by being sent for, he came to the king's presence at Grenewiche.
And after some speciall communication with the said D. Cranmer,
the king reteynyd hym to write his mynde in that his cause of
divorcemente, and committid hym unto therle of Wilshere quene
Annys father, to be enterteynyd of [him] at Durham place, where
therle did lye, untill he hadd penny d his mynde and opinion con-
cernyng the said cause.
And when doctor Cranmer hadd accomplisshed the king's request in
this behalf, he, with the secretary and the almosyner and other lernid
men, hadd in commission to dispute that cause in question at both
the universities of Cambridge and Oxforde, whiche being firste
attempted at Cambridge, D. Cranmer by his authoritie and persua-
sions brought vj. or vij. lernyd men in one daie of the contrary
parte and opinion on his parte.a Wherapon, after the determynation
a i.e. obviated their objections, and converted them to his opinion. This remarkable
circumstance is unnoticed by Foxe, although it is asserted by the former biographer
(p. 220) as well as by Morice.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 243
of the said universities, (which both confirmyd the king's cause,)
the king's majestic appoyntid the erle of Wilteshere, D. Cranmer,
D. Stockisley, D. Bennett, and other lernid men ambassadors
unto the bisshopp of Rome, to have the mattier there disputed and
ventulatid.a And for that the king liked well D. Cranmer's
travaile and industry in this mattier, he promotid hym before he
wente forthe unto the deanery of Tanton in Devonshere,b and unto
an other benefice named (blank).
And when thei hadd accomplished thair ambassed with the
bishopp of Rome, th'erle of Wilshere and th'other lernid men re-
turnyd again into England, and D. Cranmer not being answered
with the bisshopp of Rome, was sent forwardesc ambassador to
th'emperor, than being in expedition againste the Turke at Vyenna.
And apon of (sic) th'emperor's returne homewarde thorough Ger-
many he hadd in his jorneyaswell conference with divers lernyd men
in Germany as with certeyn lernyd of th'emperor's counsaile, who,
being of the contrary opynion, was (sic) by hym alurid to favor the
kingis cause; insomoche that, being by this meanes both well ac-
quayntid and enterteynid emongs the lernyd men there, it was his
chaunce to mary a kyniswoman of one of thairs,d this his laste wif,
a This embassy left England in Dec. 1529, and repaired to Bononia, where the pope
was then resident. The names of the ambassadors are already noticed in p. 220.
b The date of his preferment is not recorded. Le Neve in his Fasti refers it to the
year 1522, but without any authority. There is no mention of it in the episcopal register
of the bishop of Bath and Wells of that period ; nor in the chapter acts of Wells, which
indeed commence not till 1533, according to information communicated by the bishop of
Bath and Wells to the rev. Henry John Todd, M.A., Life of Cranmer, 1831, i. 23.
c Morice was mistaken in his supposition that Cranmer did not return to England
between the embassy to the pope, and his being sent to the emperor. His commission as
orator at the imperial court was dated in Jan. 1530-1; but mr. Todd shows that he was
still in England in the following June. Life of Cranmer, i. 29, 30.
d She was niece to Osiander pastor of Nuremburg. Strype says, " Whom when he
returned from his embassy he brought not over with him: but in the year 1534 he
privately sent for her." This apparently is a misunderstanding of the text. Morice
plainly states that Cranmer sent his wife to England shortly before he became archbishop,
not that he sent for her in 1534, a year after his elevation. The few existing particulars
of mistress Cranmer have never hitherto been collected. In the pedigree prefixed to
244 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
whome he secretelie sente home into Englande (before his returne
altered to) within one yeer of his placing in his dignitye.
And whiles he was in this ambassage with th'emperor, th'arche-
bisshopp of Canterbury William Warram being departid this trans-
itory lif,a the said D. Cranmer was nominated and electid arche-
bisshopp of Canterbury in his rowme.b Thusmoche concernyng his
enteraunce towardes his dignitie.
No we, as towching his qualities where withall he was speciallie
enduyd5 like as some of them were very rare and notable, so oughte
they not to be put in obblivion. Wherfore emonge other thinges it
ys to be notid that he was a man of suche temperature of nature,
or rather so mortified, that no maner of prosperitie or adversitie
coulde alter or change his accustumed conditions: for, being the
stormes never so terrible or odious, nor the prosperous estate of the
tyme never so pleasante, joyous, or acceptable, to the face of [the]
worlde his counteynance, diete, or sleape comonlie never altered or
changed, so that thei whiche were mooste nerest and conversante
aboute hym never or syldome perceyvid by no signe or token of
counteynance howe th'affaires of the prince or the realme wente.
Notwithstanding privatelie with his secrete and speciall frends he
TodcTs Life of the archbishop she is named Anne, as she was by Strype, and so in the
works of the Parker Society, and most other places in which she has been mentioned ; but
her name was Margaret. Her children by Cranmer were, one son, Thomas Cranmer
esquire, and two daughters, Anne, who died before her father, and Margaret who survived
him. After the archbishop's death she had two other husbands : the first of whom was
Edward Whitchurch the printer, who had suffered imprisonment in 1540 for printing the
Bible, and again in the beginning of Mary's reign, together with his partner Richard
Grafton. His burial is supposed to be recorded in the register of Camberwell as " maister
Wychurch," Dec. 1, 1561; and at the same place was celebrated on the 29th Nov. 1564,
the third marriage of the archbishop's widow with Bartholomew Scott esquire, also of
Camberwell, and a justice of the peace for Surrey ; in whose epitaph (after he had
survived her and married two other wives,) she was described as Margaret " ye wido of ye
right reverend Prel: and Martyr Tho: Cranmer, Archbish:of Canterburie." (Collectanea
Topogr. et Genealogica, Hi. 145.)
a Warham died August 23, 1532.
b Nominated by bull dated Feb. 22, 1532-3. He was consecrated at Westminster on
the 30th March following.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 245
wolde shede forth many bitter teares, lamenting the miseries and
calamities of the worlde.
Agayne, he so behavid hymself to the whole worlde, that in no
maner of condition he wolde seme to have any enemy, although in
verie ded he hadd both many greate and secrete enemyes, whome
he alweys bare with such countenance and benivolence that thei
coulde never take good oportunitie to practize thair malice againste
hym but to thair greate displeasure and hinderaunce in th'ende.
And as concernyng his awne regarde towardes slanders and reproche
by any man to hym ymputid or ympinged, suche as entirelie knewe
hym can testifie that very litle he estemed or regarded the brute
therof, by cause he altogether traivailed evermore frome gyvyng of
juste occasion of detractione. Whereapon grewe and preceded that
notable qualitie or virtue he hadd: to be beneficiall unto his
enemyes, so that in that respecte he wolde not be acknowne to have
anye enemy atall. For whosoever he hadd byn that hadd reportid
evillofhym, or otherwaies wrought or done to hym displeasure,
were the reconciliation never so meane or symple on the behalf of his
adversarye, yf he hadd any thing attall relentid, the matter was
both pardoned and clerelie forgotten, and so voluntarilie caste into
the sachell of oblivion behinde the backe parte,a that it was more clere
nowe oute of memorie, than it was in mynde before it was either
commensid or committed : insomoche that if any suche person sholde
have hadd any sute unto hym after wardes, he might well recken
and be as suer to obteyn (yf by any meanes he might lawfullie
do it) as any other of his speciall frendes. So that on a tyme I do
remember that D. Hethe late archebisshopp of Yorke, partelie mis-
lyking this his overmoche lenitie by hym used, saied unto hym,
'' My lorde, I nowe knowe howe to wynne all thinges at your handes
welenough." "Howe so?" (quoth my lorde.) "Mary, (saied D.
Hethe,) I perceyve that Imuste firste attempte to do unto you some
notable displeasure, and than by a litle relenting obteyne of you
a Non videmus manticoe quod in tergo est. Catullus, xxii. 21.
246 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
what I can desire. a" Wherat my lord bitt his lippe, as his maner
was when he was movid, and saied: " You saie well: but yet you
maie be deceyvid. Howbeit, havyng some consideration so to do, I
may not alter my mynde and accustumed condition, as some wolde
have me to do."
Againe, one thing he comonlie used wherin many did discomende
hym, whiche was this: he alwaies bare a good face and countenance
unto the papistes, and wolde both in worde and dede do very moche
for theym,pardonyng thair offences ;b and on, th'other side, some what
over severe againste the protestants ; whiche being percey vid not to
be don but apon some purpose, on a tyme a frende of his declarid
unto hym that he therin did veraie moche harme, encoraging therby
the papistes, and also therby in discoraging the protestants. Wher-
unto he made this answer, and saied, " What will ye have a man do
to hym that ys not yet come to the knowledge of the trueth of the
gospell, nor perad venture as yet callid, and whose vocation ys to me
uncerteyne? Shall we perhapps, in his jorney comyng towards us,
by severitie and cruell behaviour overthrowe hym, and as it were in
his viage stoppe hym ? I take not this the wey to alleure men to
enbrace the doctrine-of the gospell. And if it be a true rule of our
Saviour Christe to do good for evill, than lett suche as are not yet
come to favour our religion lerne to folowe the doctrine of the gos-
a Foxe suppressed the name of doctor Heath, but gives the same sentiment as " a common
proverb," with the following introduction : " Few we shall find in whom the saying of
our Saviour Christ so much prevailed as with him, who would not only have a man to
forgive his enemies, but also to pray for them : that lesson never went out of his memory.
For it was known that he had many cruel enemies; not for his own deserts, but only for his
religion sake : and yet, whatsoever he was that sought his hinderance, either in goods,
estimation, or life, and upon conference would seem never so slenderly any thing to relent
or excuse himself, he would both forget the offence committed, and also evermore after-
wards friendly entertain him, and shew such pleasure to him, as by any means possible he
might perform or declare; insomuch that it came into a common proverb, Do unto my L.
of Canterbury displeasure, or a shrewd turn, and then you may be sure to have him your
friend whiles he liveth."
b His treatment of the quondam abbat of Tower hill, related by Underbill, (before, p.
157,) was an instance of such conduct.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF AUCHBISHOP CKANMER. 247
pell by our example in using them frendlie and cliaritablie. On
th'other side, suche as have tasted of syncere religion, and as it were
taken holde of the gospell, and seme in wourdes to maynteyne the
true doctrine therof, and than by the evill example of thair lyves
moste pernitiously become stombeling blockes unto suche as areweake,
and not attall as yet enterid into this vioage, what wolde you have
me do with them ? beare with them and wyncke at their faultes, and so
willinglie suffer the gospell (by thair outeragious doinges) to be
troden under our feete ? neglecting herwith an other notable saying
of our Saviour oute of our memorie, whiche saieth, The servante
knowing his Lorde and Master's pleasure and comandement, yf he
regardith not the same is (as a man might say, of all other) wourthie of
many plagues." And thus with theis ij. scriptures or doctrines of our
Saviour Christe he answered myn eldeste brother, who was ernest
with hym for the amendement of this his qualitie. Mr. Isaac, yett
ly vyng, ys a witnes of the mattier.
Againe, if any matier of weighte (besides his awne cause, wherin
evermore with all kinde of persones he was redie to relente and give
place, according to the qualitie of the mattier, more than became his
estate,) whiche towched Goddes cause or his prince, there was no
man more stoughte or more inexorable, so fareforthe that neither
feare of losing of promotion, nor hope of gaine or wynnyng of
favour, coulde move hym to relente or give place unto the trueth of
his conscience. As experience therof well apperid, aswell in the
defence of the true religion againste the vj. Articles in the parliamente,
as when he offered to combate with the duke of Northumberland in
king Edward's time, speaking than on the behalf of his prince for
the steying of the chauntries untyll his highnes hadd come unto law-
full age, a and that speciallie for the better maynteynance of his
estate than.
» <*Anacte whereby certaine chauntries, colleges, free chapelles, and the possessions of
the same, be given to the kinges majestie," was passed in 1 Edw. VI. cap. 14. (Statutes
of the Realm, iv. 5.) A commission for their sale was issued in the summer of 1552,
11 for the payment of my dettes," as the king states in his Journal (Literary Remains of
248 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
But if at the prince's pleasure in cause of religion at any tyme lie
was forced to give place, that was don with suche humble pro-
testation, and so knyt upp for the savegarde of his faithe and
conscience, that it hadd byn better his good will had never byn
requestid, than so to relente or give over. Which moste dangerouslie
(besides sondrie tymes else) he speciallie attemptid when the vj.
Articles by parliament passed, and when my lorde Crumwell was in
the Tower, at what tyme the booke of articles of our religion was
newlie pennyd; for even at that season, the hole rablemente,
which he toke to be his frendes, being commissioners with hym,
forsoke hym, and his opinion in doctrine, and so, leaving him post
alone,a revolted altogethers on the parte of Stephen Gaidyner
bisshopp of Winchester, as by name bisshopp Heathe, b Shaxton, c
Edward VI. p. 414.) It was probably on this occasion that Cranmer made the opposition
which Morice describes : though his modern biographers refer to the earlier date. There
is a chapter on Chantries in Fuller's Church History, book vi. § vi.
a Upon the occurrence of this phrase we may place in juxta-position with the text the
passage of Foxe which is evidently founded upon it. " At the time of setting forth the
Six Articles, mention was made before in the storie of king Henry the eighth, how ad-
venturously this archbishop Thomas Cranmer did oppose himself, standing as it were post
alone against the whole parliament, disputing and replying three days together against the
said Articles. Insomuch that the king, when neither he could mislike his reasons, and
yet would needs have those Articles to pass, required him to absent himself for the time
out of the chamber while the act should pass, and so he did, and how the king afterward
sent all the lords of the parliament to Lambeth to cheer his mind again, that he might
not be discouraged." It will be observed that in this passage Foxe speaks largely of the
stand made by Cranmer against the Six Articles, of which Morice says little; but borrows
the singular phrase employed by Morice, where the archbishop is described as standing post
alone in opposition to his fellow commissioners when revising "the book of Articles of
our religion," and transfers it to his conduct in parliament upon the former occasion.
By "the book of articles of our religion" is intended the manual entitled, "A ne-
cessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christen Man," which was provided as a
substitution for the " Institution of a Christian Man," before noticed in p. 224. It was
promulgated in 1543.
b Nicholas Heath, afterwards archbishop of York, was elected bishop of Rochester,
March 26, 1540.
c Nicholas Shaxton, consecrated bishop of Salisbury 1535, resigned that see in conse-
quence of not subscribing to the Six Articles, 1539*
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 249
Thirlby,a erased) Dayc,b and all other of the meaner sorte,by whome
theis so named were cheifelie advaunced and preservid unto thair dig-
nities.6 And yet, this sodden invertion notwithstanding, God gave
hyin suche favour with his prince, that the booke altogethers passid
by his assertion againste all thair myndes, more to be mervailed at,
the tyme considered, than by any reason to compasse howe it shold
so come to passe : for then wolde there have byn laied thousands of
powndes to hundrethes in London, that he shoulde have, before that
synode hadd byn endid, byn sett upp in the Tower beside his frende
the lorde Crumwell. Howbeit, the kynges majestic, having an
assurid and approvid affiance of his bothe deape knowledge in religion
and fidelitie both to God and hym, susspected in that tyme other men
in thair judgmentes not to walke uprightlie nor syncerlie, for that some
of them swarved frome thair former opinion in doctrine. And having
greate experience of the constancye of theL.Cranmer,it drave hym all
alone to joyne with the said lorde Cranmer in the confirmation of his
opinion and doctrine againste all the reste, to thair great admiration.
For at all tymes when the kinges majestic wolde be resolved in any
doubt or question he wolde but send wourde to my lorde overnighte,
and by the next daie the king shoulde have in writyng breve notes of
the doctors' mynds, aswell divines as lawers, both auncicnte, olde, and
new, with a conclusion of his owne mynde ; whiche he coulde never
gett in suche a redynes of none, no not of all his chapleyns and
clergy aboute hym, in so shorte a tyme. For, being throughlie seene
in all kinde of expositors, he coulde incontynentlie laye open xxxli,
a Thomas Thirleby, afterwards bishop of Norwich and Ely, was consecrated bishop of
Westminster in 1540.
b George Day, bishop of Chichester 1543.
c Foxe tells this story also, but quite in a different way. He does not mention the
names of Shaxton, Thirleby, or Day : but he states that it was with bishop Heath and
bishop Skip (John Skyppe, bishop of Hereford 1539-1552) that the archbishop had princi-
pally to contend : these two prelates (he says) had Cranmer down from the rest of the
commissioners into his garden at Lambeth, and there by all manner of persuasions they
endeavoured to alter his determination, but without success.
CAMD. SOC, 2 K
250 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
xlli, lxti or mo sum whiles of authors, and so, reduceyng the notes of
them altogethers, wolde advertise the kinge more in one daie than all
his lernyd men coulde do inamoneth. And it was no marvaile: for
it was well knowene that commonlie, yf he hadd not busynes of the
prince's, or speciall urgent causes before hym, he spente iij partes of
the daie in studie as effectuallie as he hadd byn at Cambridge, and
therfore it was that the king saied on a tyme to the bisshopp of
Winchester?] (the king and my said lorde of W. defending togethers
that the canons of the appostells were of as a good authentic as the
iiij evangelistes, contrary e to my lorde Cranmer's assertion) "My lorde
of Canterburye (saied the king,) ys to olde a Trewanteb for us
twayne."
And emonges other thinges, this ys to be noted : that the kinge,
afore hande perceyving that the said lorde Cranmer shoulde
have moche adoo in the defence of Christian religion, did alter
his armes,c changeyng the iij cranes which were percell of his
» MS. as of.
b Trojan ? See in Nares's Glossary various examples of the use of the word Trojan in
a familiar way.
c The Rev. G. C. Gorham, in his Reformation Gleanings, 1857, 8vo., has stated, at
p. 10, that the arms of Cranmer were probably first assumed when he was promoted to the
see of Canterbury in 1533 ; and in a very singular way. He found on a seal of his prede-
cessor Warham the coat of a chevron between three birds : these birds Cranmer chose to
interpret as cranes, an J. therefore retained them on the seal, which he adopted for himself,
adding on a second shield (w":ich was plugged and re-engraved) his maternal coat of
Aslacton. It is very probable that the Cranmers had previously used only the coat of the
ancient family of Aslacton, whose property they had acquired by marriage in the reign of
Henry VI. See the pedigree in Thoroton's Nottinghamshire. It was not until about the
year 1540 that the archbishop changed the cranes into pelicans, which first appear on the
title of the great bible printed in that year. (Gorham, p. 14.) The pelican in her piety
was a favourite device in religious heraldry at this period ; the arms of Richard Foxe bishop
of Winchester, were, Azure, a pelican in her piety, and are still displayed as those of his
foundation of Corpus Christi college, Oxford. " The like coat of arms, (remarks Strype,)
or much resembling it, I find several of queen Elizabeth's first bishops took, whether to
imitate Cranmer or to signify their zeal to the Gospel, and their readiness to suffer for it, I
do not determine." Memorials of Cranmer, p. 390.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 251
aunciters' armes into iij pellicanes, dcclaryng unto th'archebisshopp,
that those birdes shoulde signifiea to hym, that he oughte to be redie
as the pellicane ys to shede his bloode for his yonge ones brought upp
in the faith of Christe ; for (saied the king) you arr like to be tasted
(tested) yf you stand to your tacklyngb at lengeth; as in veraie
dede many and sondrie tymes he was sholdered att by his secret
enemys the papistes, aswell suche as were of the counsaile as gen-
tilmen and justices of the shere of Kente, and elswhere, inso-
moche that the prebendaries and certeyn gentilmen of Kente at one
tyme conspired againste hym,complaynyng of hym unto the kinges
majestic of the doctrine by hym and his chaplens tawghte in Kente.
An other tyme one sir John Gostewyke knighte of Bedfordeshere,c
a man of greate service in his tyme, but yett papisticall, accusid hym
openly in a parliament for his preaching and reading att Sandewhiche
and at Canterburye. At the lengeth the confederacy e of the
papistes in the counsaile (as king Henry the viijth hadd of both sectes
aswell papistes as protestantes,) accusid hym moste grevouslie unto
the kinge, that he with his lernyd men hadd infectid so the hoole
realme with thair unsavery doctrine, that iij partes of the realme
were become abominable heritiques. And therfore desired of the
kyng that he might come to examination and triall, and to be com.
mitted unto the Tower for that purpose. But the said L. Cranmer
a Parker has in the Manuscript underlined with his red pencil the words shoulde have
moclie adoo signifie.
b Foxe borrows this phrase, though not in the same place. He says that " many
wagers would have been laid in London, that he should have been laid up with Cromwell,
at that time in the Tower, for his stiff standing to his tackle."
c Sir John Gostwick was for many years treasurer and receiver-general of the first fruits
and tenths ; but the information of his descendant sir William Gostwick (quoted in Wotton's
English Baronetage, 1741, i. 239, and thence copied by various other writers,) that he was
afterwards master of the horse to Henry VIII. is surely erroneous. He was knight in par-
liament for Bedfordshire in 1539, and sheriff of Beds and Bucks in 1541. Leland says of
him, vrhen noticing Willington in Bedfordshire, (where the family was settled as early as
the year 1209,) " Mr. Gostewik, beyng borne at Willington, boute (bought) this lordship
of the duke of Northfolk now living, and hath made a sumptuus new building of brike and
tymbre a fundamentis in it, with a conduit of water derived in leaden pipes."
252 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
was so growne in estymation with the kinges highnes, that none of
theis complayntes colde prevaile.
For as concernyng the firste attempte of the prebendaries and
justices of Kente, the kinge on an evenyng rowing on the Thames
in his barge, a came to Lambeth bridge and there receyvid my L.
Cranmer into his barge, saying untohym merily, " Ah, my chaplen,
I have newis for you: I knowe nowe who is the gretest heretique
in Kente/' And so pulled oute of his sieve a paper, wherin was
conteynid his accusation artycled againste hym and his chaplens and
other preachers in Kente and subscribed with thandes (the hands) of
certeyn prebendaries and justices of the shere.b Wherunto my L.
Cranmer made answer, and besought his highnes to appoynte suche
commissioners as wolde effectuallie try oute the trueth of those
articles, so that frome the highest to the loweste thei might be well
punisshed in example of others, yff thei hadd don otherwise then it
became theym. " Marye, (saied the king,) so will I doo; for I
have suche affiaunce and confidence in your fidelitie, that I will
committ th'examination herof wholie unto you, and suche as you
will appoynt." Than saied my L. Cranmer, " That will not (if
it please your grace,) seme indifferent." " Well, (saied the kinge,)
it shalbe none otherwise; for suerlie I reken, that you will tell me
the trueth: yea of yourself, yf you have offendid. And therfore
make no more adoo, but lett a commission be made oute to you and
suche other as you shall name, wherby I maye understande how this
a Foxe has enlarged this into a more finished picture — " The king finding occasion to
solace himself upon the Thames, came with his barge furnished with his musicians along
by Lambeth Bridge, towards Chelsey. The noise of the musicians provoked the arch-
bishop to resort to the bridge to do his duty, and to salute his prince : whom when the
king had perceived to stand at the bridge, eftsoons he commanded the watermen to draw
towards the shore, and so came straight to the bridge. ' Ah, my chaplain,' (said the king
to the archbishop,) come into the barge to me.' The archbishop declared to his highness
that he would take his own barge, and wait upon his Majesty. ' No, (said the king,) you
must come into my barge, for I have to talke with you.' When the king and the arch-
bishop all alone in the barge were set together, said the king to the archbishop, ' I have
news out of Kent,' " &c. &c. but much amplified from the text.
b See note in the Addenda.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CBANMEB. 253
confederate came to passe." And so a commission was made oute
to my lorde Cranmer, dr. Coxe his clianceller, dr. Belhowsis,* and to
mr. Hussey b his regestcr, who came immediatelie downe to Canter-
burye, and satte there to enquire of theis matiers. By meanes
wherof every one that hadd medeled in thos detections shroncke
backe and gave over thair holde. And than his chaunceller and
register were suche fautours of the papistes, that nothing wolde be
disclosid and espied, but every thing colorablic was hidd. Inso-
moche that uppoii lettres by me written unto D. Buttes c and mr.
Deny,d D. Lee e was sent downe (after thei had satt vj wekes) by the
king. And he by the kinges advice did appoynte to the nombre of
ix or x of my lordes gentilmen, to serche both the pursses, chestes,
and houses of certeyn prebendaries and gentilmen, all in one
momente, by meanes wherof suche letters and writinges were founde,
and that a great nombre, that all the confederacy was utterlie
knowen and disclosed, to the defaceyng of a greate sorte of their
dishonesties. And so, a parliament being at hande, great labour
was made by thair frendes for a generall pardon, which wyped awaie
all punisshement and correction for the same, specially my L.
Cranmer being a man that delighted not in revengyng.
As towching mr. Gostewycke's accusation, the kinge, perceyving
that the same cam of mere malice, for that he was a stranger in
Kente and had not harde my lorde neither preache nor reade there,
knowyng therby that he was sett on and made an instrumente to serve
a Anthony Bellasis, LL.D. a master in Chancery, prebendary of Westminster 1540, of
Lincoln 1543-4, of Wells 1546, of York 1549; archdeacon of Colchester 1543; died
1553.
b See a note before in p. 216.
c Dr. William Butts, the king's favourite physician; see Athenae Cantabrigienses, i. 87.
d Sir Anthony Denny, another favourite attendant of Henry VIII. See his memoir in
the same work, i. 99.
e Foxe states that the king sent to York for doctor Lee, in order that he might proceed
into Kent for this business. This was Thomas Legh, a master in chancery, who was much
employed as one of the visitors of religious houses. He was knighted before his death,
which occurred in 1545 : see Athense Cantabrigienses, i. 87.
254 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
other mennys purposes, his highnes mervelously stormed at the
matter, calling openly Gostwyke verlett, and saied that he hadd
plied a vilonyous parte so to abuse in open parliamente the primate
of the realme, speciallie being in favour with his prince as he was ;
"what will thei (quod the king,) do with hym yf I were gon?"
Wherapon the king sent wourde unto mr. Gostewycke after this
sorter " Tell that varlett Gostwycke, that if he do nott acknowlege
his faulte unto my lorde of Canterbury, and so reconcile hymself
towardes hym that he maie become his good lorde, I will suer both
make hym a poore Gostewycke, and otherwise punishe hym, to
th'example of others." Nowe Gostewycke, hearing of this heynous
threate frome the kinges majestic, came with all possible spede unto
Lambeth, and there submittid hymself in stiche sorrowfull caase, that
my lorde oute of hande not onelie forgave all th'offence, but also
went directlie unto the king for th'obteynyng of the kinges favour
againe, which he obteynyd very hardelie apon condition that the
king might here no more of his medeling that weye.
As to the thirde accusation, wherin the counsaile required that
the L. Cranmer might be committed unto the Tower, while he were
examined, the kinge was veraie straight in graunting therof. Not-
withstanding, when thei tolde the kinge, that, the archebisshopp
being of his privie counsaile, none man durst objecte matter against
hym oneles he were firste committed unto indurance, whiche being
don, men wolde be bolde to tell the trueth and sey thair consciences :
appon this persuasion of thairs, the kinge grauntid unto them, that
they shoulde call hym the next daie before them, and as thei sawe
cause so to comrnitt hym to the Tower. At nighte about xj of the
clocke, the same night before the daie he should appere before the
counsaile, the kinge sent mr. Deny a to my lorde at Lambeth,
willing hym incontynently to come unto Westminster to speake
with hym. My lorde being abedd rose straight waie, and wente to
the king into his galery att Whitehall at Westminster ; and there the
a Sir Anthony Denny.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 255
king dcclaird unto hym what he had don in gy vyng libertic unto
the counsaile to commit to hym to prison, for that they bare hym in
hande a that he and his lernyd men hadd sowne suche doctrine in the
realme that all men almoste were infectid with heresie, and that no
man durste bring in matter against hym being at libertie and one of the
counsaile oneles he were comitted to prison, "and therfore I have
grauntid to thair requestc, (quod the king,) but whither I have don
well or noo, what sey you, my lord?" My lorde answered and
mooste humblie thancked the king that it wolde please his highnes
to give hym that warnyng aforehande, saying that he was very well
contente to be committed to the Tower, for the triall of his doctrine,
so that he mighte be indifferentlie harde (heard), as he doubted not
but that his majestic wolde see hym so to be used. u Oh Lorde God !
(quod the king,b) what fonde symplicitie have you : so to permitt
yourself to be ymprisoned, that every enemy of yours may
take vantage againste you. Doo not you thincke that yf thei have
you ones in prison, iij or iiij false knaves wilbe sone procured to
witnes againste you and to condempne you, whiche els now being at
your libertie dare not ones open thair lipps or appere before your
face. Noo, not so, my lorde, (quod the king,) I have better regarde
unto you than to permitte your enemyes so to overthrowe you.
And therfore I will that you tomorow come to the counsaile, who no
a This phrase, which was one in frequent use, was equivalent to " tried to persuade
him." I beare hym in hand, Je luyfais accroyre. Palsgrave, Lesclarcissement de la Langue
Francoyse, 1530.
b Foxe's version of this speech affords a good example of the liberties he took with
Morice's narrative, and certainly often with little or no improvement either in force or
probability of expression : — " The king perceiving the man's uprightness, joined with such
simplicity, said, « O Lord ! what maner of man be you ! what simplicity is in you ! I had
thought that you would rather have sued to us to have taken the pains to have heard you and
your accusers together for your trial, without any such indurance (i. e. imprisonment). Do
you not know what state you be in with the whole world, and how many great enemies you
have ? Do you not consider what an easy thing it is to procure three or four false knaves
to witness against you ? Think you to have better luck that way than your master Christ
had ? I see by it you will run headlong to your undoing if I would suffer you. Your ene-
mies shall not so prevail against you; for I have otherwise devised with myself to keep you
256 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
double will sende for you, and when thei breake this mattier unto yow,
require theym that, being one of theym, you maie have thusmoche
favour as thei wolde have themselves, that ys, to have your accusers
brought before you, and if thei stande with you withouten regarde
of your allegations, and will in no condition condiscende unto your
requestes, but will nedes committe you to the Tower, than appele you
frome them to our person, and give to them this rynge,a (which he
delivered unto my L. Cranmer than,) by the whiche (saied the kyng,)
thei shall well understande that I have taken your cause into my
hande frome theym, which ryng thei well knowe that I use it to none
other purpose butt to call mattiers frome the counsaile into myn
awne handes to be orderid and determy[ni]d." And with this good
advice my L. Cranmer, after mooste humble thanckes, departid from
the kinges majestie.
The nexte mornyng, according to the kynges monition and my
lorde Cranmer's expectation, the counsaile sent for hym by viij of
the clocke in the mornyng ; and when he came to the counsaile cham-
ber doore, he was not permitted to enter into the counsaile chamber,
but stode withoute the doore emonges servyng men and lackeis above
thre quarters of an hower, many counsellers and other men nowe and
than going in and oute. The matter semed strange, as I than
thoughte, and therfore I wente to doctor Buttes and tolde hym the
out of their hands. Yet notwithstanding, tomorrow, when the council shall sit, and send
for you, resort unto them, and if in charging you with this matter they do commit you to
the Tower, require of them, because you are one of them, a counsellor, that you may have
your accusers brought before them without any further indurance, and use for yourself as
good perswasions that way as you may devise, and if no entreaty or reasonable request
will serve, then deliver unto them this my ring (which then the king delivered unto the
archbishop), and say unto them, ' If there be no remedy, my lords, but I must needs go
to the Tower, then I revoke my cause from you, and appeal to the king's own person by
this his token unto you all;' for (said the king then unto the archbishop) so soon as they shall
see this my ring, they know it so well that they shall understand that I have resumed the
whole cause into mine own hands and determination, and that I have discharged them thereof."
a Of the custom of sending a ring by way of token some examples have been before
given in p. 56. The present passage is still more remarkable : " and so incontinently, (as
Foxe words it,) upon the receipt of the king's token, they all rose, and carried to the king
his ring, surrendering that matter, as the order and use was, into his own hands."
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 257
maner of the thing, who by and by came and kepe my lorde com-
pany. And yet, or that lie was called into the counsaile, D. Buttes
wente to the king, and tolde hym that he had sene a strange sighte.
" What ys that?" quod the kyng, " Mary I (saied he,) my lorde of
Canterbury ys become a lackey or a servyng man ; for well I wootte
he hath stande emonges them this hower almoste at the counsaile
chamber doore, so that I was ashamed to kepe hym company there
any lenger." " What ! (quod the king,) standeth he withoute the
counsaile chamber doore? Have thei servid me so? (saied the
king.) It is well enough, (saied he,) I shall talke with theym by
and bye."
Anon my lorde Cranmer was callid into the counsaile. * And it
was declaird unto hym, that a great complaynte was made of hym
both to the king and to them, that he and other by his permission
had infectid the hole realme with heresie, and therfore it was the
kinges pleasure that thei shoulde committ hym to the Towre, and
there for his triall to be examined. My lorde Cranmer required, as
is before declaird, with many other both reasons and persuations,
that he might have his accusares come there before hym, before thei
used any suche extremity againste hym. In fyne, there was no
entreatie colde serve, but that he muste necles departe [to] the
Tower. " I am sorye, my lordes, (quod my L. Cranmer,) that you
dryve me unto this exigente, to apple (appeal) frorne you to the
kinges majestic, who by this token hathe resumed this mattier into
his awne handes, and dischargeth you therof;" and so delivered the
kinges ryng unto them. By and by the lorde Eussell a sware a greate
othe and saied, " Did not I tell you, my lordes, what wolde come of
this matter? I knewe right well that the king wolde never per-
mitte my lorde of Canterbury to have suche a blemyshe as to be
ymprisoned, oneles it were for high treason." And as the mancr
was, when thei hadd ones receyvid that ,ryng, they lefte of thair
mattier, and wente all unto the kinges person both with his token
and the cause.
a John Russell, afterwards earl of Bedford.
CAMD. SOC. 2 L
258 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
When thei came unto his highnes the king saied unto theym,
"Ah! my lordes, I hadd thoughte that I had hadd a discrete and
wise counsaile, but no we I perceyve that I am deceyvid. Howe
have ye handeled here my L. of Canterbury? What make ye
of him a slave, shitting hym oute of the councell- chamber emonges
servyng men? Wolde ye be so handeled yourselfes?" and after
suche tanting wourdes saied, u I wold you shoulde well understande,
that I accompte my L. of Canterbury as faithfull a man towardes
me as ever was prelate in this realme, and one to whome I am many
waies beholding, by the faith I owe unto God (and so laied his hand
uppon his breste) and therfore who so loveth me (saied he,) will
regarde hym therafter." And with theis wourdes all, and specially
my lorde of Northfolke,a answered and saied, " We mente no maner
hurte unto my lorde of Canterburye in that we requested to have
hym in durance, that we only did bycause he might after his triall
be sett at libertie to his more glorye." " Well, (saied the king,) I
praie you use not my frendes so. I perceyve nowe wellenough howe
the worlde goeth amonge you. There remayneth malice emonge you
one to an other; lett yt be avoyded oute of hande, I wolde advice
you." And so the king departid, and the lordes shoke handes every
man with my lorde Cranmer, against whome nevermore after no man
durste spurne duryng the kyng Henry's life.
And for bycause the kyng wolde have amitie alwaies nurrisshed
betwene the lordes of the counsaile and hym, the king wolde sende
theym divers tymes to dyner unto my lorde of Canterbury's, as he
did after this reconciliation, and also after the parliamente endid
wherin the vj articles were grauntid.b And at that diner I harde
the lorde Crumwell saye to my lorde Cranmer, " You were borne in
a happie hower I suppose, (saied he,) fFor, do or sey what you will,
the kyng will alwaies well take it at your hande. And I must
nedes confesse that in some thinges I have complaynyd of you unto
a Thomas Howard, second duke of Norfolk, at this time the leading ma n of the king's
council : see Athenae Cantabrigienses, i. 118.
b In the year 1539.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 259
his majestic, but all in vayne, for he will never give credite againste
you, what soever is laied to your charge; but lettme or any other of
the counsaile be complayned of, his grace will moste seriously chide
and falle oute with us. And therfore you arr moste happy, yf you
can kepe you in this estate."
Againe his estymation was suche with his prince, that in matters
of greate ymportance wherin no creature durste once move the
king, for feare of displeasure or moving the kinges pacience or
otherwise for troubeling his mynde, than was my lorde Cranmer
moste violentelie by the hole counsaile obtruded and thruste oute,
to undertake that danger and perill in hande; as, besides many tymes,
I remembre twise he servid the counsailes expectation withoute all
hope.
The firste tyme was when he stayed the king's determinate mynde
and sentence, in that he fullie purposed to sende the ladye Mary his
daughter unto the Tower, and there to suffer as a subjecte, by cause
she wolde not obey unto the lawes of the realme in refusyng the
bishopp of Kome's authoritie and religion.* Whose stey in that
behalf, the kinge than saied unto the L. Cranmer, shoulde be to his
utter confusion at the lengethe.b
Th'other dangerous attemptate was in the disclosing the unlawfull
behaviour of quene Katheren Howarde towardes the king in keping
unlawfull0 company with Durrante her servante;d for the kinges
affection was so mervelously sett appon that gentilwoman as it was
never knowne that he had the like to any woman, so that no man
durste take in hande to open to hym that wounde, being in greate
a The lady Mary's overt act of disobedience to her father consisted in her refusal to
relinquish the title of Princess, with which he had previously invested her. The struggle
occurred soon after queen Anne Boleyne had given birth to the lady Elizabeth, in the
year 1533.
b to his — lengethe in second hand over an erasure. The words erased seem to have been :
one of theym shoulde see cause to repente.
c unlawfull in second hand.
d Francis Derham.
260 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
perple[x]itie howe lie wolde take yt. And than the counsaile hadd
noo other refuge but unto my lorde Cranmer, who with overmoche
ymportunitie gave the charge, which was done with suche circum-
spection, that the king gave over his affections unto reason, and
wraught mervelous colorablie for the triall of the same.
No we, as concernyng the maner and order of his hospitalitie and
house-keping. As he was a man abandoned from all kynde of
avarice, so was he contente to inaynteyne hospitalitie both liberallie
and honorablie, and yet not surmountyng the limites of his revenewes,
having more respecte and foresighte unto the iniquitie of the tyme,
than (then) being inclynyd to pull and spoile frome the clergie, than
to his owne private commoditie. For els, yf he hadd not so don,
he was right suer that his successors sholde have hadd asmoche
revenewes lefte unto theym, as were lefte unto the late abbeys;
specially considering that the landes and revenewis of the said
abbeys being nowe utterlie consumed and spredd abrode, and for
that there remaynid no more exercise to set on wourcke our newe
officers, both surveyors, auditors, and receyvors, it was high tyme
to shewe an example of liberall hospitalitie; for, although theis
said wourkemen, onelie brought upp and practized in subverting of
monasterial] possessions, hadd brought that kinde of hospitalitie
unto utter confusion, yet ceasesid not thei also to untermynde
(underminej the prince by divers persuasions, for hym also to over-
throwe the honorable estate of the clergie. And, bycause thei wolde
lay a suer foundation to buylde thair purpose apon, thei founde
meanes to putt into the kinges headde, that th'archebisshopp of
Canterbury kepte no hospitalitie or house correspondente unto his
revenewis and dignitie, but solde his wooddes, and by greate
incombes and fynes maketh money to purches landes for his wife and
his children. And to th'intente the king shoulde with more facilitie
beleve this information sir Thomas Semer, the duke of Somerset's
brother, being of the privie chambre, (took altered to) was procured
to take this mattier in hande. And before he informyd the king
therof, he blastid it abrode in the courte, insomoche that [myne
MO RICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 261
eldeste brother, being one of a] the gentilmen ussers, and he fell oute
for the same, my brother declaring that his reporte was manifesto
false, aswell for the keping of his house as for purchasyng of landes for
his wife and children. This notwithstanding, mr. Semour went
thoroughe with his said information, and declaird unto the king as
is before declaird. The kinge, heringe this tale, with the sequele
(that was that it was mete for the bisshopps nott to be troubeled ne
vexed with temporall affaires in ruling thair honours, lordeshipps,
and manours, but rather, they having an honeste pension of money
yerlie alowed unto theym for thair hospitalitie, shoulde surrender
unto the kinges majestic all thair royalties and temporal ties,) saied,
u I do mervaile that it ys saied that my lorde of Canterbury shoulde
kepe no good hospitalitie, for I have harde the contrary." And so
with a fewe wourdes moo in commendation of my L., as one that litle
regardid the sute, but yet, as it appered afterwards, something
smelling what thei wente aboute, lefte of any farther to talke of that
mattier, and convertid his communication to another purpose. Not-
withstanding, within a moneth after, whither it was of chaunce or
of purpose it ys unknowne, the king, going to dyner, callid mr.
Seymour unto hym and said, " Goo ye straight waies unto Lambeth,
and bydd my lorde of Canterbury come and speake with me, at ij of
the clocke at after noone." Incontynently mr. Seymour cam to
Lambeth, and being brought into the halle by the porter, it chaunced
the halle was sett to dyner, and when he was at the skrene, and
perceyvid the hall furnisshed with iij principall messes, besides
the reste of the tables thoroughlie sett, b having a giltie conscience
of his untrue reporte made to the king, c recoylid backe and wolde
a These words have been erased in the MS. and the words " my brother" in the next
line altered to " they," in order to suppress the name of mr. William Moriee.
b Foxe has rewritten this passage thus — " the hall, which was thoroughly furnished and
set, both with the household servants and strangers, with four principall head messes of
officers, as daily it was accustomed to be." The MS. had originally iiij, but the first i. has
been erased with a knife.
c made to the king in second hand.
262 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
have gone into my lorde by the chapell awaie. Mr. Nevill a being
stewarde,perceyving that, rose uppe and wente after hym,and declaird
unto hym that he could not goom [sic] that wey, and so brought hym
backe unto my lorde thoroute the halle ; and when he came to my
lorde, and had don his message, my lorde caused hym to sit downe
and dyne with hym. But, making a shorte dyner bycause he would
bring the kinge wourde againe of his message, he departid andb
came to the king before he was rysen frome the table. When he
came to the kinges presence, saied the kinge, " Will my lorde of
Canterbury come to us?" " He will wayte on your majestic, (saied
mr. Seimour,) at ij of the clocke." Than saied the king, " Had my
lorde dyned before ye came?c" " Noo forsothe, (saied mr. S.) for
I founde hym at dyner." " Well, (saied the king,) what chere
made he you?" With those wourdes mr. Seymour knelid downe
and besought the kingis majestie of pardon. " What is the matter?"
(saied the king.) " I do remembre (saied mr. Seymour,) that I
tolde your highnes that my lorde of Canterburye kepte no hospi-
talitie correspondent unto his dignitie; and nowe I perceyve that
I did abuse your highnes with an un troth, for, besides your grace's
house, I thincke he be not in the realme of none estate or degre
that hath suche a halle furnysshed, or that fareth more honorablie
at his awne table." " Ah! (quod the king,) have you espied your
awne faulte nowe?" "I assuer your highnes, (said mr. S.) it is
not somoche my faulte as other mennys who semed to be honeste
men that enformede me herof, but I shall hensforthe the woursse
truste theym whiles thei lyve." Than saied the king, " I knowe
your purposes well enoughe; you have hadd emonge you the
commodities of the abbeis, whiche you have consumed some with
superfluous apparell, some at dice and cardes and other ungratious
a " Richard Nevel, gentleman, the steward of the houshold." (Foxe.) He was the
son of sir Alexander Neville of Nottinghamshire, and brother to sir Anthony Neville; and
his son Thomas Neville, D. D., became dean of Canterbury in 1597. See Hasted, History
of Kent, folio edit. iv. 534, 591.
b he departid and, in second hand. c before ye came, in second hand.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 263
rule, and nowe you wolde have the bishopp landes and revenewes
to abuse likewise. a Yf my lorde of Canterbury kepe suche a halle
as you sey, neither being terme nor parliament, he ys metelie well
visited at those tymes I warrante you. And if th'other bisshopps
kepe the like for thair degre, thei had not nede to have any thing
taken frome theym, but rather to be aided and holpen. And ther-
fore sett your harte at reste ; there shall no suche alteration be made
whiles I ly ve" (quod the kinge). So that in very dede, where some
had pennyd certeyn bookes for the altering of that estate in the nexte
parliamente, thei durste never bring them forthe to be redde. "Wher-
apon also it came to passe that when the kinge understode that,
contrary unto the reporte, my lorde C. hadd purchasid no maner of
landes, his highnes was contente apon th'onelie motion of D. Buttes,
without my L. C. knowledge, that he shoulde have that abbey in
Notynghamshere whiche his wife nowe enjoy eth,b to hym and his
heires. c
Thusmoche I have declarid concernyng mr. Seymour's practise,
to th'intente men may understande that my lord C. hospitalitie wasd
a meane to steye the estate of the clergie in thair possessions.
And here I muste answer for my lorde C. againste certeyne
objections whiche arr in divers mennys heddes, that by his meanes
all the prefermentes, offices, and fermes arr so given and lett oute,
that his successours have nothing to give or bestowe appon thair
frendes and servantes, nor that suche hospitalitie can be kepte by
reason of his decay in letting goo suche thinges as shoulde have
a Parker has marked this paragraph (Than likewise] with a stroke of his red pencil
down the margin. Foxe has translated the latter clause — " and now that all is gone, you
would fain have me make another chevance with the bishops' lands, to accomplish your
greedy appetites."
b Todd thinks this was a mistake, and that Cranmer's widow enjoyed no abbey in
Nottinghamshire, but merely the rectories of Aslacton and Whatton, which had belonged
to the abbey of Welbeck. Life of Cranmer, ii. 513. There is, however, extant a petition
of Thomas Cranmer, son of the archbishop, stating that his father had purchased of Henry
VIII. and Edward VI. the monastery of Kirkstall and nunnery of Arthington (Ibid. p.
515,) which is perhaps the purchase to which Morice refers.
c This paragraph also is scored with the red pencil.
d was in second hand.
264 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
maynteynid provision of householde. But to answer this in a fewe
wourdes before I descend to any particular declaration : It is mooste
true, that yf he hadd a nott well behavid hymself towards his prince
and the worlde, his successours shold not [have] byn combered with
any pece of temporall revenewe, either in landes, wooddes, or other
revenewes. And I praie God that thei may maynteyne, in this
mylde and quiete tyme, that whiche he in a moste dangerous worlde
did upholde and lefte to his successours. Yet for better declaration
in answering those objections, it ys to be considerid that when he
enterid unto his dignitie, every man aboute the kinge made meancs
to get some reversion of ferine or of other office of hym ; insomoche,
the king hymself made meanes to hym for one or ij thinges before
he was consecratid, as for the ferme of Wyngham barton, b whiche
was grauntid unto sir Edwarde Baynton knight c for iiij^xix yeres.
When my lorde perceyvid that suche sutes as he grauntid to the
king and the quene men wolde nedes have a hundreth yere save
one, he wrote to the chapiter of Christes churche,d and willed
them in any condition nott to confirme any moo of his grauntes of
leaces which were above xxj yeres. By this meanes moche sute
was stopped, so that in very dede he gave oute his leaces but for xxj
yeres, whiche wolde not satisfie the gredie appetites of some men.
And therfore thei founde a provision for it; for, when my lorde hadd let
oute certeyne goodlie farmes at Pynner, Heyes, Harrow-on»the-hill,
Mortelake, &c., to the nombre of x or xij fermes, for xxj yere, taking
no maner of fyne for theym, all theis fermes by and by were put
into an exchange for the kinge. And the kinge hadd nott them in
his poss[ess]ion vj daies, but thei were my lorde Northes and other
a hadd in second hand*
b The manor of Wingham was one of the residences of the archbishops of Canterbury
(see Hasted, History of Kent, folio edit. iii. 695), but was one of those exchanged to the
crown in 29 Hen. VIII., as mentioned in a subsequent note.
c Sir Edward Baynton was vice-chamberlain to queen Anne Boleyne, and it is said to
two others of king Henry VIII.'s queens. See Latimer's Works, (Parker Society,) ii. 322.
He is mentioned in a letter of Hooper in 1546 as one of the chief supporters of the Gospel
in England then recently deceased. Zurich Letters, 1846, iii 36.
d i. e. Canterbury.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 265
mcnnys ;a and thei were not paste one yere in thair possessions but
that the reversion of every [of] theym was solde for more yers, some
for c11, some for cc11, and some for more and some for lesse, making
swepestake of altogethcrs.
And so was my lorde used in all thinges almoste that he did lett
oute for xxjli yeres, by meancs wherof justice Halesb and other of his
counsaile lernid in the la we ad viced him to let oute his formes for
many yores, whichc might be a meancs that thei shoulde not be so
mochc desired in exchanges as thei be, for thos formes as came to my
lorde came with yeres enough apon thair backes. And so uppon
this consideration my lorde was fayne to alter his purpose in letting
of his formes. Wherapon he did lett S. Gregorisc in Canterbury to
mr. Nevill, the Priory of Dover, Chislett Parke, and Curleswood
Parke, with other, for so many yeres as he did; of purpose to stay
them, or els he had gon withoute theym one tymc [or] other. And
as I harde sey syns your grace d was electe Curleswood Parke was in
exchange, and the rente therof paied for one halfe yere unto the
quenys use; but so sone as thei understode that thei were so many
yere to come in it, it was reversid to the archebisshopricke againe.
So that herby partelie male be perceivd in what estate my lorde
Cranmer stoode with his landcs. And as towelling the diminisshing
a Edward lord North, sometime treasurer and afterwards chancellor of the court of
augmentations, was one of the greatest traffickers in church lands.
b Sir James Hales, of the Dungeon, Canterbury, (see Hasted, iv. 440,) made one of the
judges of the common pleas and knighted 1547. He suffered persecution for his religious
principles under Mary, after having been especially signalised among the judges for his
loyalty at her accession; and, his mind becoming impaired, committed suicide in the Fleet
prison. See the treatise on this catastrophe written by bishop Hooper, printed by Strype,
Eccles. Memorials, iii. Appendix xxiv. Hooper's Works, (Parker Soc.) ii. 374; and for
the judge's biography see Foss's Judges, vol. v. p. 370.
c The archbishop became possessed of the late priory of St. Gregory's in Canterbury in
exchange for the late abbey of St. Radegund near Dover. Richard Neville of Canter-
bury esquire, (see before, p. 262,) died possessed of the lease in 5 Edw. VI., and by his will
gave it, after his wife's death, to Alexander Neville esquire his son. Hasted, iv. 634.
d i. e. archbishop Parker, to whom these anecdotes were addressed by Morice. He was
elected archbishop Aug. 1, 1559.
CAMD. SOC. 2 M
266 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
of his rentes, houses, and other comodities for the provision of his
hospitalitie, if all thinges be well pondered, he hath lefte the same
in better estate then he fonde it.
For as towching his exchanges, men ought to consider with
whome he had to do, specially with suche a prince as wolde not be
brydeled, nor be againste-said a in any of his requeste, oneles men
wolde danger altogethers.b I was by when Otteford and Knolle was
given hym.c My lorde, mynding to have reteynid Knoll unto hym-
self, saied that it was to small a house for his majestic. " Marye,
(saied the king,) I had rather have it than this house, (meanyng
Otteforde,) for it standith of a better soile. This house standith
lowe, and is rewmatike, like unto Croydon, where I colde never be
withoute sycknes. And as for Knoll standeth on a sounde, perfaite,
holsome grounde.d And if I should make myne abode here, as I do
suerlie mynde to do nowe and than, I myself will lye at Knolle, and
moste of my house shall lye at Otteforde." And so by this
meanes bothe those houses were delivered upp into the kingis
handes-; and as for Otteforde,6 it ys a notable greate and ample house,
whose reparations yerlie stode my lorde in more than men wolde
a Against-said, hence the word gainsay.
b oneles altogethers, in second hand.
c By indenture, dated 30 Nov. 29 Hen. VIII. (1537) the archbishop and the prior and
convent of Christ church in Canterbury conveyed to the king and his successors all those
his manors of Otford, Wrotham, Bexley, Northflete, Maidstone, and Knoll, with other
lands and appurtenances, as particularised by Hasted in his History of Kent, folio edition,
i. 340 See a letter of Cranmer to Cromwell on this exchange, in Jenkyns, i. 203.
d Knole was granted in the reign of Edward VI. successively to the duke of Somerset
and the duke of Northumberland. By queen Mary it was restored to the archbishop of
Canterbury, then cardinal Pole ; but, being conveyed to him personally, it returned to the
crown on his death, and when queen Elizabeth stayed there for five days in 1573 it was
called her own house. (Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, i. 333, 347.) She granted it first
to her favourite Leicester, and it afterwards became the property of the Sackvilles, under
whose care this interesting specimen of ancient magnificence has been handed down
little altered to our own times.
e The palace of Otford had been largely repaired by Cranmer's immediate predecessors
Deane and "Warham ; but soon after it came into lay hands, it was allowed to fall
into total ruin. The Duke of Northumberland was resident there towards the close of the
reign of Edward VI.; and it became the property of his son-in-law sir Henry Sidney.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 267
thincke. And so likewise did Maidestone, which had no maner of
eomoditie to belongc unto yt. And I am suer that after certeyn
exchanges past betwene the kinge and hym, there was aboute a C.
merke a ycre, or thereaboute, alowid unto hym in his latter
exchanges for recompence of his parckes and chaces. And yet those
parkes and chases, besides the provision of his venson, stode hym
yerely in moche more money, by reason of the patentes and fees
belonging unto them, than he by any meanes els gate by theym ;
for, as for Curleswoode, it stode hym in xx11 nobles a yere fee, and
yet there was no gaine in yt, but only coneys, whiche the keper had
also in his patente, so that the archebisshopp by suppressing of that,
and raising that smale rente it paieth, may spende therby viju a yere
more than it was accustumed to paie towardes [the revenue] of the
archebisshopprickc. And towelling Chislet Parcke,a it came to my
lorde in exchange for viij11 a yere, and the fe[r]mour paieth x11, so
that therby is gotten xls a yere, wherefore it cannot be indifferentlie
gathered that my lorde in preferryng his friendes unto theis thinges
hath any whitte hindered the revenewe of the bisshoppricke.
And as towching pasture and medowefor the provision of his house
both at Croydon and aboute Canterbury, Forde, and Cheslett, there
arr thrise so moche medowe, pasture, and mersshe, than was lefte
unto hym.
And as for the sale of his woodes,b like as he was dryven to
exchange theym and sell theym for to maynteyne his hospitalitie,
specially having almoste xxti yeres togethers lernyd men contynu-
allie sytting with hym in commission for the trying oute and setting
a Chislet Park, seven miles from Canterbury, had belonged to the abbat of St.
Augustine's. It was granted in 29 Hen. VIII., in exchange for other lands, to the arch-
bishop and his successors. Hasted, iii. 627.
b Aylmer bishop of London was afterwards, from necessity or choice, a great destroyer
of timber, and in consequence acquired the punning nickname of Mar-elm. Such
satirical transpositions were not unusual. Archbishop Grindal's name was converted, by
no less a person than the poet Spenser, into Al-grind ; and sir Richard Sackville, chancel-
lor of the augmentations, the careful father of the lord treasurer Dorset, was thought to be
properly characterised when his name was inverted into Fill-sack.
268 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
fortlie of the religion receyvid, and for the discussing of other mat-
tiers in controvercie, some of them dailie at diete with hym, and some
evermore lying in his house, so provided he againe like wooddes
more commodious for his houses ; as the Blene woodes a belonging to
St. Austen's, and Pyne woodde, and others, whiche be knowne well
enough.
As towelling provision for corne oute of Chislett Courte and in
other places, yt is uncredeble what a busy nes he hadd, andb ado
with sir Christopher Hales c for that ferine and corne, who c[h]alenged
it of the king by promise, and so wolde have defeatid my lorde
therof, had not the kinge very benignelic stande of his syde, and it
ys no smale revenewe to have yerlic so moche corne, bothe wheate,
malte, and ottes, of so meane a price.
And therfore lett men leave of that reporte of hym that he was
not beneficiall unto his successours. Other bisshopps some of them
loste hole manours and lordeshipps, withouten any exchaunce attall.
Thusmoche my conscience hath compcllid me to sey in defence of
my lorde and mr. his good name, whome I knewe to take as moche
care for his successours in th'archebisshoppricke as ever did arche-
bisshopp or shall do, and wolde asmoche have advaunced the same,
yf the iniquitie of the worlde wolde have permitted hym.
Xowe, finalliej concernyng his behaviour towardes his familie, I
thincke there was never suche a maister emonges men, both fearid
and entierlie belovid ; for, as he was a man of inoste gentill nature,
voide of all crabbed and churlishe conditions, so he coulde abide no
suche qualities in any of his servantes. But if any suche outeragious-
ness were in any of his men or familie, the correction of thos enor-
myties he alwaies lefte to the ordering of his officers, who wekelie kepte
a The forest of Blean was given to the church of Canterbury by Richard I. in the first
year of his reign. (Somner's Canterbury, 4to., 1640, p. 221.) It extended from the
suburbs of the city, where there is a church named St. Cosmos and Damian of the Blean,
to the neighbourhood of Feversham, where lies the parish of Boughton under the Blean.
b and in secondhand.
c Sir Christopher Hales, solicitor-general 1525, attorney-general 1529, master of the
rolls 1536, died 1541. Hasted, History of Kent, ii. 576 ; Foss, History of the Judges, v. 183.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OF ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 269
a counting-house. And if any thing universallie were to be reformed
or talked of on that daie, whiche comonlie was Friday, the same was
putt to admonition. And if it were a faulte of any particuler man, he
was callid forthe before the company, to whomc warnyng was given,
that if he so used hymself after iij monitions he should lose his
service.11
There was an infamy of hym, that he shoulde have byn an osteler,
whiche the ignorante popishe preistcs for very malice hadd published
againste hym, saying that he had no manor of lernyng attalle more
than ostelers arr wonte to have; and this rumour sprange of that,
that when he hadd maried his firste wife, being reader than of
Buckingham colledge,b he did putt his wif to borde in an inne at
Cambridge. And he resorting thether unto her in the inne, some
ignorante preiste named hym to be the osteler, and his wif the
tapster.0 This brute than began. But it mochc more was quickened
when he was archebisshopp than before. Insomoche that a preiste
farr northe, about Scarbarowe, syttyng emonges his neighbours at the
alehouse and talking of the archebisshopp Cranmer, divers men there
moche commending hym, "What! (saied the preiste,) make ye
somoche of hym ? he was but an osteler, and hath asmoche lernyng
as the gooslynges of the grene that goo yender," quod the preiste.
Appon whiche wourdes the honest d men of the parishe, whiche
a Here the remainder of the MS. page 436 is covered by a strip of paper containing
gix lines, which is all that has been preserved of the leaf which in Morice's original came
between the pages numbered (by Parker) 436 and 437. Probably Parker cut away the
the parts now wanting, as thinking them of little general interest. Some rash hand has
partially raised the patch, so that one can read a few words beneath. The text ran :
"And suerlie there [was never any?] committed to the porter's lodge oneles it were [for?]
sheding of bloodde, picking, or stealing." The same subject seems to have been continued
at the bottom of the opposite page.
b Now Magdalene college.
c It may be presumed that originally an hosteler was the master of on hostel or inn, of
which term host was an abbreviation. At the period before us the hosteler appears to
have been the principal servant or chamberlain, (see a former note in p. 100,) — whilst the
function of serving liquor was usually performed by a woman, whence we read so much
of alewives. In a third stage, the term ostler was transferred exclusively to servants in the
stable. d honest second hand.
270 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
liarde theis wourdes, gave information to my lorde Crumwell of that
his slanderous wourdes. The preiste was sent for before the coun-
saile, and caste into the Fleete. My L. Cranmer not being that
daie emong the counsaile nor hearing no maner of wourde of the
preistes accusation, it chaunced the preiste to lie in the Fleete viij
or ix weekes, and nothing saied unto hym. He than made sute
(by one named Chercey, a grocer dwelling within Ludgate, no we
yet alyve, and uncle as I suppose to the preiste,) unto my lorde
C. for his deliverance. This Charcy brought the copie of the
preist's accusation frorne my lorde Crumwell's house, wherby it
planly appered that there was nothing laied unto the preiste but those
wourdes againste my lorde Cranmer: and therfore besoughte my
L. C. to helpe hym oute of prison, for it hadd putt hym to greate
chargis lying there, and he had a benefice whiche was unservid in
his absence, and saied that he was very sory that he hadd so un-
honestlie abusid hymself towardes his grace. Wherapon my lorde
Cranmer sent to the Fleete for the preist.b Whan he became before
my lorde, saied my lorde to hym, "It is tolde me that you be
prisoner in the Fleete for calling me an osteler, and reporting that I
have no more lernyng than a goseling. Did you ever see me before
this daie?" "No, forsothe," quod the preiste. " What ment you
than to call me an osteler, and so to deface me ernonge your neigh-
bours ?" The preiste made his excuse, and saied he was overseen with
drincke. " Well, (saied my L. C.,) now ye be come, you may appose
me, to knowe what lernyng I have; begynne in gramar yf you will,
or els in philosophic and other sciences, or divinitie." " I beseche
your grace to pardon me, (quod the preist,) I have no maner of
lernyng in the Laten tongue, but altogether in Englishe." " Wei,
than, (saied my lorde,) yf you will not appose me, I will appose you.
a Foxe says that the archbishop " sent his ring to the warden of the Fleet, willing him
to send the prisoner unto him, with his keeper, at afternoon," and that the parson was
brought into the garden at Lambeth, where the archbishop received him, sitting under the
vine. This tale, like other parts of the original, is considerably worked up and amplified
by Foxe.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES OP ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. 271
Arr you not wonte to rcade the Bible ? " quod my lorde. " Yes, that
wee do dailie," saied the prieste. "I praie you tell me, (quod my
lorde than,) who was Davides father?" The preiste stode still, and
saied, " I cannot suerlie tell your grace." Than saied my lord
againe, " Yf you cannott tell me, yet declare unto me who was
Salamon's father." " Suerly, (quod the preiste,) I am nothing attall
seene in those geneolagies." " Than I perceyve (quod my L.) how-
soever you have reported of me that I hadd no lernyng, I can no we
beare you witnes that you have none attall. There arr suche a
sorte of you in this realme that knowith nothing, nor will knowe
nothing, butt sitt appon your alebenche and slander all honeste and
lernyd men. Yfyou hadd butt common reason in your headdes,
you, that have named me an osteler, you might well knowe, that the
king, having in hand one of the hardeste questions that was movid
oute of the scriptures theis many yeres, wolde not sende an osteler
unto the b. of [Rome]a and to the emperour's counsaile, and other
princes, to answer and dispute in that so harde a question, even
emonges thehoole collidge of carclynalls and the Rooteb of Rome.
By all likelyhodd the king lacked moche the helpe of lernid men,
that was thus dryven to sende an osteler on suche a vioage, or els
his majestic hath many idle preistes withoute witt or reason, that can
so judge of the prince and the counsaile and of the waightie mattiers
of the realrne. God amende ye ! (said he,) and gett ye home to your
cure, and frome hensforth lerne to be an honeste man, or at leaste a
reasonable man." The preiste, lamenting his folie, went his waie
into the countrie, and my L. C. dischargid hym c oute of the Fleet,
bycause there was no mattier against hym but that whiche onelie
concernyd my L. C. My lorde Crumwell within iiij daies after cam
to my L. C., and sware by a great othe that the popisshe knaves
sliotilde pycke oute his eies and cutt his throote before he wolde
any more rebuke theym for slanderyng of hym. " I hadd thought
a The Rota.
b Either R has been hidden by the binding, or Rome omitted altogether.
c hym second hand.
272 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
that the knave preistc whiche you have dischargid and sente home
shoulde have rccantid at Paules crosse on Sunday nexte." " Yea,
mary, (quod my L. C.,) you wolde have all the worlde knowe by
that meanes that I was an osteler in deede." " What maner of
blockeheddes wolde so thinck ? " quod my lorde Crumwell. " To(o)
many papistes, (quod my L. C.) Howbeit, (quod he,) you have
caused the poore preiste to spend all that he hath in prison, and
wolde you nowe put hym to opena shame too? He ys not the
iirste, not by vc of them, that hath callid me so, and therefore
I will nott nowe begynne to use extremitie againste this prieste.b I
perceyve he ys sory for yt." " Well, (quod my lorde Crumwell,)
yf you [do] not care for it c no more doo I; but I warrante you one
daie, yf thei may, they will make you and me both as vile as
ostelers." This I repetecl to declare his lenytie and promptnes to
remitte notable offences; howbeit, it should have byn placed before
yf I hadd rememberid it.
Thus I have hastelie penny d suche thinges as came to my memory
synce Satterdaie laste, beseching your grace to take it in good parte,
being certeynlie assuryd that I have devised nothing of myn hedde as
concernyng the very mattier.
I have lefte oute here where he was marled, and the hole ende
of his lif and doinges concernyng King Henry's divorcement, by
cause it ys at large towched in the boke of the Actes and Monu-
mentes of the Churche, speciallie from his begyninge, fo. 1470.d
And of his trouble and vexation for religion, and the maner of his
death, &c.
tt open in second hand. b this preiste in second hand. c for it in second hand.
d This refers to the first edition of Foxe's great work, printed in 1563,
X.
CRANMER AND CANTERBURY SCHOOL.
BY RALPH MORICK.
This is another of the communications made by Ralph Morice to Foxe, in
addition to those already enumerated. It was not published by the martyro-
logist : but is introduced (in a modernised form) into Strype's Memorials of
Cranmer, p. 88. Strype was not aware of its authorship.
[MS. Harl. 419, fol. 115.]
At what tyme the cathedral churche of Canterbury e, newlie erected,
altered and changed frome monckes to seculer men of the clergie, in
the time of kinge Henry the viijth, as to prebendaries, canons, peti-
canons, queresters, and scholers, there were present at that erection
Thomas Cranmer archebisshopp of Canterbury, the L. Richechaun-
celler of the courte of the Augmentacion of the revenewes of the
crown, sir Christopher Hallis knight the kynges attorney, sir
Anthony Sencteleger knight, with dyvers other commissioners;
and taking upon them to nominate and electe suche conveniente
and apte persons as sholde serve for the furnyture of the said cathe-
drall churche according to the newe foundacion, it came to passe
that when thei sholde electe the children of the grammer scole,
there were of the commissioners mo than one or twoo whiche wolde
have none admitted but younger brethren and gentilmenys sonnes;
as for other husbende mennys children, thei were more mete (thei
saied) for the plough and to be artificers than to occupie the place
of the lernyd sorte. So that thei wisshed none els to be putt to scole
but onelie gentilmennys children. Whereunto that moste reverend
father Thomas Cranmer archebisshopp of Canterbury, being of a con-
CAMD. SOC. 2 N
274 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
trary mynde, saied that u he thought it not indifferent11 so to order
the mattier, for (saied he) pore mennys children arr many tymes
enduyd with more synguler giftes of nature, which are also the
giftcs of God, as with eloquence, memorie, apte pronunciacion,
sobrietie, with suche like, and also commonly more gyven to applie
thair studie, than ys the gentilmannys sonne delicatelie educated.''
Whereunto it was on the other parte replied, that it was mete for
the plowe mannys sonne to go to plowe, and the artificer's sonne to
applie the trade of his parentes vocation, and the gentilmenys chil-
dren arr mete to have the knowledge of govermente and rule in the
common welth ; for we have as moche nede of plowe men as on any
other state, and all sortes of men maie not goo to scole. " I graunte
(quod th'archebisshopp,) moche of your meanyng herin, as nedefull
in a common wealth; but yet utterlie to exclude the plowe mannys
sonne and the poore manys sonne from the benefite of lernyng, as
though thei were unworthie to have the gyftes of the holie Goste
bestowed apon them as well as apon others, ys asmoche to sey as
that almightie God sholde not be at libertie to bestowe his greate
giftes of grace apon any person, nor no where els but as we and other
men shall appoynte them to be enployed according to our fansey,
and not according to his most godlie will and pleasure; who gyveth
his giftes both of lernyng and other perfections in all sciences, unto
all kinde and states of people indifferentelie ; even so doeth he many
tymes withdrawe frome theym and thair posteritie againe those bene-
ciall giftes, yf thei be not thanckefull. Yf we sholde shitt up into a
straite corner the bountifull grace of the holie Goste, and therapon
attempte to buylde our fanseis, we shold make as perfaite a worke
therof as those that toke apon them to buylde the Tower of Babelon ;
for God wolde so provide that the ospring of our best borne children
sholde perad venture become moste unapte to lerne, and very doltes,
as I myself have scene no smalle nombre of them verie dull and
withoute almaner of capacitie; and, to saie the trueth, I take it that
none of us all here being gentilmen borne (as I thincke) but hadd
a i. e. fair or equitable.
CRANMER AND CANTERBURY SCHOOL. 275
our begynnyng that wey from a lowe and base parentage; and
thorough the benefite of'lernyng and other civile knowledge for the
moste parte all gentil ascende to thair estate." Than it was againe
answered, that the moste parte of the nobilitie came up by feate
of armes and martiall actes. "As though (quod the archebis-
shopp,) that the noble captayne was always unfurnisshed of good
lernyng and knowledge to persuade and dissuade his army rethori-
cally, whiche rather that wey is broughte unto authorise than els
his manly lokes. To conclude, the a pore mannys sonne by payncs-
taking for the moste parte wilbe lernyd, when the gentilman's
sonne will not take the payne to gett yt; and we arr taught by the
scriptures, that almightie God raiseth upp from the dongehill and
setteth hym in high authoritie; and, when so it pleaseth hym of his
divine providence, deposeth princes unto a right humble and poore
estate. Whcrfore yf the gentilman's sonne be apte to lernyng, lett
hym be admitted; yf not apte, lett the poore mannys childe apte
enter his rovvme — " with such like wordes in efFecte.
MS. to.
XL
THE ANSWERS OF MR. THOMAS LAWNEY.
THESE anecdotes are written by Ralph Morice upon the same sheet with his
account of the conversion of Latimer, as already stated in p. 237.
Little is known of the witty master Lawney : but that little is to the effect
that he was one of the party of students of New college at Oxford, who were
among the earliest welcomers of the Protestant doctrines. Foxe mentions him
as " Thomas Lawney, chaplain of the house, prisoner with John Frith." He is
said to have afterwards enjoyed preferment in Kent.
[MS. Harl. 422, f. 87.]
Concerning the vj. Articles. The answer of mr. Thomas Lawney
unto my olde lord of Northfolke, concernyng prelates' wy ves.
At what tyme the vj. articles were paste by acte of parliament,
more by the authoritie of a parliament than by the authoritie of the
worrde of God, it chaunced that my lord of Northfolke mett with
mr. Lawe(ney), a preacher at that tyme in Kent, whose chapleyn he
was in tymes paste. '* Ah ! mr.a Lawney, (quod the duke, knowing
hym of olde moche to favour priestes' matrymoneys,) whither may
preistes nowe have wyfes or noo?" quod the duke. " Yf it please
your grace, (quod Lawney,) I cannott well tell whither preistes maie
have wyfes or noo ; but well I woott, and I am suer of it, for all your
acte, that wifes will have preestes." " Harken, maisters, (quod the
ducke.) howe this knave scorneth our acte, and makethit not wort-he
a flie ! Well, I see by yt that thou wilt never forgett thyne olde
tryckes." And so the duke, and such gentilmen as were with him,
went awaie merelie lawghing at mr. Lawny's sodden and apte
answer.
" Misprinted my in Strype*s Memorials of Cranmer,p. 35.
THE ANSWERS OF MB. THOMAS LAWNEY. 277
Concerning Bishop Stokisley, bisshop of London,*
The lyke fyne answer he made of the busshopp Stokisley's answer
made to my lorde of Canterbury his lettres requiryng his parte of
the translation of the New Testament.
My lorde Cranmer, mynding to have the New Testament thoroughlie
corrected, devided the same into ix or x partes,b and caused it to be
written at large in paper bokes and sent unto the best lernyd
bishopps, and other lernyd men, to th' intent they sholde make a
perfect correction therof, and when thei hadd done to sende them
unto hym at Lambeth by a day lymyted for that purpose. It
chanced that the Actes of the Apostelles were sent to bisshopp
Stokisley to oversee and correcte, than bisshopp of London. When the
day came every man hadd sentt to Lambeth thair partes correcte,0 onlie
Stokisley's portion wanted .d My lorde of Canterbury wrote to the
bisshopp lettres for his parte, requiring to dely ver them unto the
bringer therof his secretary.6 Bisshopp Stokisley being at Fulham
receyved the lettres, unto the whiche he made this answer, u I
marvaile what my lorde of Canterbury meaneth, that thus abuseth
the people in gyvyng them libertie to reade the scriptures, which
doith nothing else but infecte them with heryses. I have bestowed
a John Stokisley, bishop of London from 1530 until his death in 1539, a great perse-
cutor of heretics. See memoirs of him in Wood's Athenae Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) ii. 747.
There is a speaking portrait of him by Holbein in the possession of Her Majesty at Windsor
castle : see Waagen, Treasures of Art in Great Britain, 1854, ii. 431. It has not been
engraved.
b *' Cranmer took an existing translation — Tyndale's, of course, for as yet there was no
other." The Annals of the English Bible, by Christopher Anderson, 1845, i. 453.
c i. e, (in mjdern grammar) corrected.
d " With regard to the portions actually returned to Cranmer, they must have formed a
singular medley, and, had they remained in existence, must have forcibly illustrated the
character of Cranmer's associates. But not one fragment remains, and it is well. They
have been consigned to oblivion, with the vain efforts, in ancient times, of many who had
taken in hand that for which they were not competent, and that of which God did not
approve. Luke, i. 1." (Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, i. 454.) Bishop
Gardyner, by his own account, on the 10th of June 1535, had finished the translation of
Saint Luke and Saint John, " wherein I have spent a great labour." (Ibid. p. 446.)
e Namely, to Morice, the writer of this story.
278 NARRATIVES OP THE REFORMATION.
never an hower apon my portion, nor never will; and therfore my
lorde shall have his boke againe, for I will never be gyltie to bring
the symple people into errour." My lord of Canterbury's servante
toke the boke, and brought the same to Lambeth unto my lord,
declaring my lord of London's answer. When my lord had perceyved
that the bisshop hadd done nothing therm, " I marvaile (quod my
lorde of Canterbury,) that my lorde of London ys so frowarde, that
he will not do as other men do." Mr. Lawney stode by, and hear-
yng my lorde speake so moche of the bisshopp's untowardnes, saied,
"I can tell your grace whie my lorde of London will not bestowe
any labour or payne this wey. Your grace knoweth well (quod
Lawney,) that his portion ys a pece of Newe Testament ; and than he,
being persuaded Christe had bequeth hym nothing in his testament,
thought it mere madnes to bestowe any labour or payne where no
gayne was to be gotten. And besides this, it is the Actes of the
Apostells, whiche were symple poore felowes; and therfore my lord
of London disdayned to have to do witli any of thair actes." My
lord of Canterbury and other that stode by coulde not forbere frome
lawghter, to here mr. Lawney's accute invensyon, in answeryng to
the bisshopp of London's frowarde answer to my lorde of Canter-
bury's lettres.
XII.
CHRONICLE OF THE YEARS 1532—1537, WRITTEN BY A MONK
OF ST. AUGUSTINE'S, CANTERBURY.
The following brief Chronicle is that which Strype has mentioned in the
Preface to his Memorials of Cranmer, as " Annals writ by an Augustine Monk
of Canterbury," and cited in his Chapter V. and elsewhere in that work, as
" an old Journal made by a monk of St. Augustine's, Canterbury ;" also in his
Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. i. p. 206.
It gives a summary view of the leading events of our ecclesiastical history
during the years above specified, combining with occurrences of which we have
much fuller accounts the particulars of several transactions in the city of
Canterbury, particularly the dissolution and dispersion of its religious com-
munities, which are not elsewhere recorded. It may be noticed that Hasted in
his " Remarkable Occurrences " in the history of Canterbury, Hist, of Kent,
folio edit. iv. 433, has recorded none between the years 1520 and 1573.
[MS. Harl. 419, f. 112.]
. y well scene. (Jllie, MS. is torn.)
[The] year of our Lord 1532 Henry viij came to Canterb[ur]y
the ix day [of October], who [the] xjth day of the same month
say led towardes Calice with [thenjobles of his kingdom*; and from
thence went to Boloyne, wher of the king of Fraunce,b the king of
Navaryc and of the cardinalle of Kotomag£d and the dolphin, and
other famous men of France, with great reverence he was receaved ;
wher when he had remayned 2 dayes e he went againe to Calice,
being accompanyed with the kinges of Fraunce and Navayre and
other noble men of Fraunce, wher with kingly pompe they remayned.
a See the company enumerated particularly in The Chronicle of Calais, p. 41.
b Francis I. c Henry d'Albret II.
d The cardinal of Lorraine, archbishop of Rouen.
c According to The Chronicle of Calais, p. 43, the King was nine days at Boulogne,
from the 21st to 30th of October.
280 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
In this jorney peace and tranquilyty was concluded betwene these
kings by a perpetualle league.
In the year of our Lorde 1533 the daughter of the earle of
Wilshier, An Boleine, was proclaymed queene and crowned at.
Westminster the seconde day of Penti coast in the presence of the
nobles of the kingdome, whear (as it was mete) a great feast was
made, with great joy and gladnes.
The same yeare mr. Thomas Cranmer was made archbishop of
Canterbury, who did forbyd that the worde of God shold be preached
in the churches throwghout his dioces, and warned the rest of the
bishops throwghout England to do the same.
The same year the 3 day of December Thomas Cranmer arch
bishop of Canterbury] receaved the pontificalle seata in the
monasterye of St. Trinety.
The same year a certayn nonne, called Elisabeth Barten,b by
marveylows hipocrysy moked alle Kent and almost alle England,
for which cause she was put into prison in London, wher she
confessed many horrible thinges agaynst the king and the queue-
This forenamed Elisabeth had many adherentes, but specialli doctor
Booking monke of Christes church in Canterbyry, which was her
chiefe author in her dissimulation: which allec at the last were
accused of treason, heresye, and conspiracy, and so before the open
crosse of St. Poule in London, and here also in the churchyard of
the monastery [of] the Holy Trinitye, at the sermon time, they
stode over the high seate, wher of the preacher they were grevosly
rebuked for theyr horrible fact.
a i. e. was inthroned in the cathedral church, according to ancient usage.
b A summary of this well-known matter will be found in the volume of " Letters
relating to the Suppression of the Monasteries," edited for the Camden Society by Mr.
Thomas Wright, at p. 13, followed by several original papers relating to it.
c The culprits were altogether six in number : Elizabeth Barton, a nun of the house
of St. Sepulchre at Canterbury ; doctor Edward Rocking and Richard Dei-ing, monks of
the house of the Holy Trinity, or Christ church, Canterbury ; Henry Gold, rector of St.
Mary Aldermary in London ; Hugh Rich, warden of the friars observants at Canterbury;
and Richard Rigby, one of his brethren. See another account of their penance in the
Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 37.
CHRONICLE OF ST. AUGUSTINE'S, CANTERBURY. 281
The same year Thomas Cranmer, archbishop, the ix day of
Decembre began to go on visitation throughout alle his diocese.
In the year of our Lorde 1534 a certay.a .....
the xx day of Aprill the fifth dayb call ......
prison of London through all the streates . . . Bocking
and his brother Jhon [Richard] Bering monkes of the Holy Trinitye
at the place of execution called Tiburne, wher she and these monkes
and also two brothers of the Minors suffered with the rest uppon the
gallhouse for treason and heresye.
The same year of our [Lord] 1534, the brethren friers0 wear
expulsed from their conservance, from their seates and from their
places throughout all England, for their disobedience towardes the
kinges majestye.
The same year also, as well religiows as laymen bound themselves
by an othe concernyng the succession of [issue born] betwene the
queene Anne and our king (altered to K. Henry).
The same year thear were many heretiques in sundry places of
England which did blaspheme the saintes and the worshipping of
them, barking agaynst tithes, which neyther wold have fastinges
nor pilgramagies.
The same year abowt Christmas it was graunted to the king in the
parly ament, that the clergy showld paye to him yerely 30 thowsand
markes for ever.
In the year of our Lord 1535 it was ordaynedd and confirmed
that the king showlde be the Supreme Head of the whole Church
of Englande.
The same year, the clergy of England was admonished by the
a The paper is here torn.
b The execution of the holy maid and her followers was on the 5th of May, according
to the Chronicle of the Grey Friars, p. 37. Mr. Wright (uli supra) places it on the 20th
of April, probably in consequence of Strype (Memorials of Cranmer, p. 22) having
misapprehended the purport of this imperfect paragraph.
c The words " friers " is written above " brethren." It is probable that these notes
were at first written in Latin, and translated.
d By act 26 Hen. VIII. cap. 1; Statutes of the Realm, iii. 492.
CAMD. SOC. 2 O
282 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
kinges commaundementa for to put forth altogether the name of Pope
out of the canon and other places wher that name was written, and
yet no man durst once name this word Pope, i. neyther to geve
place to his authority, but with all theyr power in all thinges to
rcsiste him, and also in sermons to bark agaynst his power, whiche
hath been used many yeares before this time in this our kingdom.b
And also the same yeare Jhon Fisher, bishop of Rochester, and
master Thomas More, being excellent well learned men, suffered death.
The same year also many Cartulienses suffered deth for disobe-
dience towardes the kinges majesty e.
[The sa]me yere, being 1534 (1535), the king sent many doctours
[of divini]tie and others throughout all England to visite all the
[houses] of saynct Benedictes order, and all the monasteries
[and nunneries] of every order, hospitalls, colledges, and chanteries,
&c. ; amongst whome, doctour Layghton,c being a professour in the
lawes, and the chiefest,d did visite this our house, mr. Bartlete being
hys scribe and of counsayll wyth hym, the 20 day of October.
In thys visitation, all men utterly renownced the name of the
Pope, hys privilegies and exempt places, &c.
The same tyme the newe house of the prior of the church of saynct
Saviour's f was set on fier and burnt, doctor Lay gh ton the visitour,
and mr. Bartlet the scribe, with others, being present, the xvj day of
October at mydnight.
a By proclamation dated the 9th of June, which is printed in Foxe's Actes and Monu-
ments.
b Some of the brethren of the writer's house, countenanced by the prior (Goldwell),
were specially charged with resisting this change : " the sayde pryour hadde takyne a
collette ffor the bysshoppe of Rome by name of Pope, contrarye to his othe and a lawe
made in that behalfe." Christopher Levyns to Crumwell, in Wright's collection, p. 90.
c Dr. Richard Laytbn, the writer of many of the " Letters relative to the Suppression
of the Monasteries," edited by Mr. Wright.
d The principal visitors, under the direction of Crumwell the King's vicegerent or vicar-
general, were doctors Layton, Legh, Petre, and London. See Strype, Eccles. Me-
morials, i. 206 : and Mr. Wright's volume, passim.
e Richard Bartelot, who occurs in Mr. Wright's volume at pp. 59, 75.
f Or the Holy Trinity, Canterbury.
CHRONICLE OF ST. AUGUSTINE'S, CANTERBURY. 283
In the yere of our Lorde 1536, all the monasteries and religious
howses through all England, that were not above the yerly revenew
of 300 li. (all chardges deducted) were by acte of parliament given to
the King's majestic to the amplifieng of hys crowne, and to hys
successours for ever.
The same yeere was quene Anne Bulleine, the lorde Rochford hyr
brother, mr. Norrice, mr. Weston, mr. Bruton,a and Marcas b com-
mitted to prison; and the xvij. daye of Maye, fyve of them were for
treason put to execution.
The same yeere, Jane Semer, the daughter of the lorde Semer,c
was maried to kynge Henry and crowned queene.
The same yere the fyrst and second mariages of the kynge, by the
assent of all the parliament howse, were annichilate and made unlaw-
fulle. But thys the thurde mariage was confirmed by them all to be
good and lawfulle.
The same yere, the xxj. daye of July, kyng Henry came to
Canterburie with the lady Jane the qweene, who in the monastery
of Say net Augustine was very honorably reseaved, the reverend
father Thomas Gold well d prior of Christes churche being present.
Who from thence went to Dover to se the peere, to hys great charge
and coste begonne.e
a Randle Brereton. b Mark Smeaton. c Sir John Seymour, a knight only.
d Thomas Gold well, prior of Christ church, Canterbury, from 1515 until its dissolution
in 1539, when a yearly pension of SOL was assigned to him, together " with the office of
one of the prebendaries there." He was the prior who received Erasmus on his visit
to Canterbury, and is thus mentioned in the Colloquy on Pilgrimage for Religion's sake.
" He appeared to me to be a man equally pious and judicious, nor unskilled in the
Scotian theology (i. e. of the school of Duns Scotus.)"
A letter written by him to Crumwell relative to Elizabeth Barton is printed in Mr.
Wright's collection, at p. 19. In another letter in the same volume (p. 90) addressed to
Crumwell by Christopher Levyns, there are many grave charges against Goldwell, among
the rest that he had murdered divers monks of his house.
e William Lambarde in his Perambulation of Kent, written in 1570, speaking of
Dover, says that "now in our memorie, what by decay of the haven, which king
Henrie the eight with the cost of 63,000 pounds upon a piere, but all in vaine, sought
to restore, and what by the overthrowe of the religious houses, and losse of Calaice, it
284 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
The same yere, the 20 and 21 daye of September, doctour Peter,a
being sent of the lorde Cromwell to visite all the clergie throughout
all Kent, dyd visite this abbey of Saynt Agustine ; making
inquierie of the observinge of the Injunctions which we in the fyrst
visitation receved by doctour Leyghton.
The same yeare in the moneth of September was there a con-
spira[cy in the county] of Lincolne and in the North partes :b [to
subdue which] were sent the duke of Norfolke, the [duke of
Suf]folke, the earle of Derby, and the noble earle [of] Shrewsbury
[with] an armie : who after that they had commoned of the matter,
lyking the condicions of peace offered, were reconsiled to the kynges
favour wythout any battayle stroken.
In the yere of our Lorde 1537 the xxiij day of February, the
monasterie of Seynct Gregories c was suppressed and the chanons
were expulsed : mr. Spilman and mr. Candish d being the kynges
commissioners herunto appointed.
The same day, the church of Saynct Sepulchre,6 by the autoritie
of the same commission, and by the same commissioners, was
was brought in manner to miserable nakednesse and decay." (Edit. 1596, p. 147.)
In the History of Dover, by the Rev. John Lyon, 4to. 1813, vol. i. p. 153, will be found
an account of the works carried on in the reign of Henry VIII. for erecting a pier at
Dover, which were commenced on St. Anne's day (July 26) 1533. See also a dis-
course written by Thomas Digges, esq. about 1582, in the Archseologia, vol. xi. ; and
" A Discourse of Sea Ports, principally of the Port and Haven of Dover, by Sir Walter
Raleigh, published by Sir Henry Shears, 1700." 4to.
a William Petre, " who was then, if I mistake not, master of the faculties to the vice-
gerent, lord Crumwell, and afterwards secretary of state," Strype's Cranmer, p. 55. See
Wright's Letters relating to the Suppression of the Monasteries.
b See Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 39.
c A priory of Black canons in Canterbury; see the Monasticon Anglic, new edit. vi. 614.
-1 Misprinted by Strype (Eccles. Memorials, i. 472) " mr. Spitman and mr. Candel."
Thomas Spilman, of Canterbury, gentleman, was the grantee of the house of Grey Friars
in that city, and of other church lands. The latter was William Cavendish, afterwards
treasurer of the chamber, and a knight ; see Collins's Peerage, tit. Devonshire.
e A house of Benedictine nuns in Canterbury : see Monasticon Anglicanum, new
edition, iv. 413 ; Hasted's Kent, folio edit. iv. 449. Elizabeth Barton had been a
member of this house.
CHRONICLE OF ST. AUGUSTINE'S, CANTERBURY. 285
suppressed. The moinalls a notwithstandyng at that tyme were not
removed, for they obtayned lycence to abyde there untill Easter,
which notwithstanding scarlsly (scarcely) remayned one moneth
afterwardes : so at the last the weeke before Easter they were expulsed.
The same yere, divers persons of Lincolneshire, which made the
forenamed insurrection, and allso many persons of Yorkshiere, were
put to death both there and allso at London about the tyme of Lent
and Whitsontyde.b The captaynes of that conspiracie were the
lorde Husscy, the lorde Darcie sonne of the lorde Tommas,c with
other gentelmen of those parteis. The chiefcst notwithstanding in
that conspiracie was a certen lawyer whose name was Aske ; a man
of base parentage, yet of mervelous stomack and boldnes.
The same yere was it forbidden by the parlament and by the
bishops, that the feast of S. Thomas the martyr should not be
celebrated, nor of S. Lawrence, nor of divers others, the feastes of
the xij Apostells excepted and of our Ladye, S. Michaell, and Mary
Magdalen. Allso the feast of the Holy Crosse was forbydden to be
celebrated, and that none should presume to kepe any of thease
feastes holy, that is, they should rynge no bells, nor adorne theyr
churches, [nor go in] procession, nor other such thinges as belong
to festivals.]
The same yere dyed the noble lady Ka[therine.d]
The same yere the archbishop of Canterbury did not fast [on
S. Thomas] even, but dyd eate fleshe, and dyd suppe in his [parlour
with e] hys famulye, whiche was never scene before in all the coo..
The same yere f died the most noble qweene Jane, and was buried
at Windsor.
a i. e. the nuns : misprinted " monks " by Strype, uli supra.
b See the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, pp. 40, 41.
c The words " sonne of the lorde Tommas " must be a mistranscript. Lord Darcy's
own name was Thomas. Strype printed these words as " son of the Lord L."
d Katharine of Arragon, then styled "princess dowager."
e These words are supplied from Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 61.
f On the 24th of October, twelve days after the birth of Edward VI.
286 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
The yere of our Lorde 1538, the archbishop of Canterbury dyd
reade the epistell of S. Paull to the Hebrues halfe the Lent in the
chapter howse of the monasterie of the Holy Trinitie.
The same yere the monasterie of Abindon, by the consent of the
abbot,a was given unto the kynges majestic, the moonkes therof
being expulsed because of theyr slowthfulnes.
The same yere was the monasterie of Boxley suppressed,b and the
fygure of the crosse called B-oodrooffe (blank in MS.C) before all
the people for certen slayghtes and false inventions] that were
fownde in the same, was at Paul's crosse broken and cut in peaces,
the bishop of Rochester d at the tyme making the sermon.
a The abbat of Abingdon, Thomas Pentecost alias Rowland, who had been one of the
first to acknowledge the King's supremacy in 1534, surrendered his monastery on the 9th
Feb. 1537-8, and for his ready compliance was allowed to retain for life his manor of
Cumnor, where he died in the reign of Edward VI.
b Surrendered on the 29th June, 29 Hen. VIII. 1537-8.
c This shows the MS. to be a transcript, a word here not having been understood by
the transcriber. The original no doubt read " the rood of grace," which was the name
by which this celebrated idol was known. It is described at some length in Lambarde's
Perambulation of Kent: see also references to several contemporary letters upon its
destruction in Gorham's Reformation Gleanings, 1857, p. 17.
d John Hilsey.
XIII.
SUMMARY OF ECCLESIASTICAL EVENTS IN 1554.
THIS is another MS. among John Foxe's papers. It is valuable, because
evidently contemporary; and it contains some facts and circumstances which
are not noticed elsewhere, except as Strype may have retailed them from this
source. The document therefore deserves to be printed in its entirety.
It appears most probable that all the events it contains belong to the year
1554, though 1555 is prefixed to most of the latter paragraphs. Such of them,
however, as are elsewhere recorded, will be found to belong to 1554.
[MS. Harl. 419, f. 131.]
1554. This yeare was comaundement gyven, that in all churchis
in London, the sepulcre should be had upp agayn, and that every
man should beare palmes, and goo to shrifte.a
On Ashe weddinsday that "JVyat was at Charinge crosse,b did
docter Weston singe masse before the quene in harnesse, under his
vestmentes : c this Weston reportid himself unto one mr. Robardes.
1555. On Hallowe thursdaied the quene went [in] procession about
the courte at Seinct James by London. And Burne busshopp of
Bath dyd ther were a myter in procession, and a paier of slyppers of
sylver and gilte, and a paier of riche gloves, with great owches of
sylver uppon them, being very riche.
a i. e. the holy sepulchre to be made for Good Friday,palms to be carried on Palm Sunday,
and confession made on Shrove Tuesday. Of these ancient usages, with that of distributing
ashes on Ash Wednesday, ample particulars will be found in Brand's Popular Antiquities.
They had been abandoned in the 1st of Edw. VI. and were now revived in the diocese of
London by bishop Bonner's injunctions, upon which John Bale published a "Declara-
tion " and commentary. There also appeared " A Dialogue, or familiar Talke between two
neighbours concernyng the chyefest ceremonyes that were, by the mightie power of God's
most holie pure word, suppressed in England, and nowe for our unworthines set up
agayne by the bishoppes the impes of Antichrist, &c. From Roane the 20. of February,
A.D. 1554." 12mo.
b February 7, 1553-4. c See a note before in p. 166.
d Probably May 3, 1554, shortly after Gilbert Bourne (already noticed in p. 142) had
been consecrated bishop of Bath and Wells.
288 NARRATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
1555.a This yeare, the xix dale of Maye, came my lady Elizabeth
out of the Tower by water, and so went westward unto Woodstock.
At her comyng out of the Tower there were uppon the Teames a
nomber of botes, full of people, which greatly rejoysed to se her,
and heavy also for her trouble, that she went under safe-keping.
1555 (read 1554). The second daie of Aprill this yeare beganne
the postle masse againe at Poules.b
1555. This yeare the xxiiij daie of June a preist was put into
Newgate for synging the Englishe letany in his parishe church at
Charing crosse.
1555.c This yeare the ix worthies at Graces churche was paynted,
a Certainly 1554. See the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 76, and
Machyn's Diary, p. 63.
b The apostles' mass was one of the three masses which were daily performed by the
minor canons of St. Paul's cathedral — Missa Beatse Marise, Missa Apostolorum, Missa
Capitularum. (Consuetudines Eccl. S. Pauli Lond., printed in Dugdale's History of St.
Paul's, edit. Ellis, p. 353.) It appears to have derived its name from having been per-
formed at the apostles' altar, (Ibid. edit. Ellis, p. 333,) and had been stopped in 1549.
By a letter addressed to bishop Bonner dated the 24th June in that year, the council,
" having very credible notice that within your cathedral church there be as yet the
Apostles masse and our Ladies masse and other masses of such peculiar name, under the
defence and nomination of our Ladies communion and the Apostles communion, used in
private chappels and other remote places of the same and not in the chauncell, contrary to
the King's majesties proceedings," &c. direct the immediate discontinuance of the same.
This letter is printed by Foxe, together with Bonner's letter written on the 26th, forward-
ing the same to the dean and chapter. This prohibition will be found noticed in the
Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, at p. 59, and at p. 88 its revival, under the
misnomer of " the epestylle masse," at the same date as in the text, " the ij day of Aprille,"
1554, not 1555. Machyn, in his Diary, under the same year, says "The xxx. day of Aprell
begun the postyll mass at Powles at the v. of the cloke in the mornyng evere day :" which
means, perhaps, that during the summer months the mass was at an earlier hour than in
the winter. Again, after the accession of Elizabeth, Machyn says, "The xxx day of
September (1559) begane the mornyng [prayer] at Poulles at that owr (i.e. at the same
hour) as the postylles masse." The Rev. Dr. Rock (who obligingly answered an inquiry
of mine on this subject, in Notes and Queries, 2nd series, vol. v. p. 297,) suggests that
the ritual used for this mass was probably that to be found both in the Roman and
Salisbury missals for June 29 ; on which day of the month, though not in the same year,
St. Peter and St. Paul suffered martyrdom at Rome.
c This date, again, should be 1554.
ECCLESIASTICAL EVENTS IN 1554. 289
and king Henry the eight emongest them with a bible in his hand,
written uppon it VERBUM DEI, but commaundement was geven ymme-
diatlye that it should be put out, and so it was, and a paier of gloves
put in the place.*
1555 [4?J. This yeare the xj or xij daie of September in Ypswich,
beinge a xj parishe churches, there was but ij preistes to serve them,
and in all Suffolk very fewe in comparison to the towens.
This yeare, the Sondaie b after All-hallowe dale, did certene prestes
ther penaunce at Poules, and went before the procession, ech of them
in a whit shirt, with a tapere in one hand, and a whit rode in the
other. In the procession, thebusshopp came and displed them, and
then kyssed them. Then they stode before the preacher at Poules
Crosse till the praiers were made ; then dyd the preacher disple them,
and so they put of ther whit vesture, and stode all the reast of the
sermond in ther clothes.
1555.c This yeare, the xxvij daie of November, did the parliament
sit at the courte at Whit-hall in the chamber of presence, where the
quene sat highest, rychlye aparelid, and her belly laid out, that all
men might see that she was with child. At this parliament they said
laboure was made to have the kinge crowned, and some thought
that the quene for that cause dyd lay out her belly the more.d On
the right hand of the quene sat the king ; and on the other hand
of him the cardinal!,6 with his capp on his head: who made an
a See other versions of this story in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 78.
b Nov. 4, 1554. See another account of this ceremony in the Chronicle of the Grey
Friars of London, p. 92 : and a third in Machyn's Diary, p. 73. The priests were some of
those who were now compelled to relinquish their wives. Strype, Memorials of Cranmer,
p. 326, has given a list of those priests in the diocese of London who were called to
account on this head, and specifies those who performed the required penance.
c Also 1554 : see Machyn's Diary, p. 76.
d The tenure in an earldom or barony possessed by the husband of an heiress was con-
sidered to be confirmed by the birth of a child, before which it was incomplete. The
passage in the text is suggested by the application of this doctrine to the crown. Had king
Philip been crowned he would have continued king of England after queen Mary's death.
e Cardinal Pole. His oration is given at full in John Elder's letter, reprinted in the
Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 154.
CAMD. SOC. 2 P
290 NARKATIVES OF THE REFORMATION.
oracion, that pope Julius the thirde had sent them his benediction
and blessing, uppon their reconsileacion againe; willing them to
knele all dowen uppon their knees, to receyve the pope's blessing
and benediction,a for ther falling from the pope and his lawes and
statutes, and in hope that they will turne to ther ould use and
custome againe, the pope by him offerith them his blessing: and so
they all kneled dowen and receyved it, all save oneb sir Eaulf
Bagnall,c who said he was sworne the contrary to king Henry the
a Read absolution.
b The circumstance that there was one member of the lower house of parliament that
ventured to open his mouth at this crisis, is mentioned, but without naming him, by
bishop Gardyner, in the course of his examination of the martyr John Rogers, on the 22nd
Jan. 1554-5. On that occasion Gardyner (then lord chancellor) said to Rogers: " Ye
have heard of my lord cardinal's (Pole) commyng, and that the parliament hath
receyved his blessing, not one resisting unto it, but one man which did speake against it.
Such a unitie, and such a myracle, hath not been seen. And all they, of which there are
eyght score in one house, save (1) one that was by, whose name I know not, have with one
assent receyved pardon of their offences, for the schism that we have had in England, in
refusing the holy father of Rome to be head of the Catholicise Church." (Foxe.)
(1) This word has been misprinted " said " in all the editions of Foxe before the last;
but it was pointed out to be an error for " save " in the errata to the first edition of 1563.
c Sir Ralph Bagenal was evidently an extraordinary personage in his day. The editor
of the last edition of Foxe, (1846, vi. 776,) has termed him " this noble-minded individual "
in reference to the passage in Strype (Memorials, iii. 204,) derived from the statement in
the text: but, from what we elsewhere find of him, he was more probably a reckless dis-
solute courtier, who chose to adopt the Protestant party, and, having but little to lose, did
not stop short, from any scruples of sobriety or caution, in doing or saying whatever the
impulse of the moment dictated. Underbill in a passage already printed (p. 158) has
classed him with the gamblers and '* ruffling roysters" of the reign of Henry VIII.
His name occurs as one of the defenders in the justs holden on the morrow of king Edward's
coronation Feb. 21, 1546-7. In 6 Edw. VI. he obtained a grant of Dieulacres abbey in
Staffordshire, with various dependent manors, as thus related by Sampson Erdeswick :
" The said house, with the most things belonging to it, was given, in king Edward the
Sixth's time, to sir Raufe Bagenholt, for his advancement. But sir Raufe (good-fellow
like) dispersed it el deditpavperibus, for he sold it to the tenants, for the most part to every
man his own, at so reasonable a rate, that they were well able to perform the purchase
thereof, and [he] spent the money he received, gentleman-like, leaving his son sir Samuel
Bagenhall (now lately knighted at Gales, anno 1596) to advance himself by his valour, as
he had done before." (Survey of Staffordshire, edit. 1844, p. 493.) The same author,
when treating of the village of Bagenhall, had previously (p. 15) thus noticed the family,
ECCLESIASTICAL EVENTS IN 1554. 291
eight, "which was a worthy prince, and labourid xxvli ycres before
he could abolish him, and to say that I will no we agree to it, I
will not."
after stating that they occurred in records of the time of Henry III. : "but since then all
the names of them have been brought down, I know not how, unto the plebeian estate,
until this our present age, that two brethren of that surname, sons of John Bagenhall,
born at Barleston [other copies say Newcastle], the one Ralfe, the other Nicholas, were
for their valour, Raufe at Musselborough [1551] and Nicholas in Ireland [1565] both of
them adorned with the honour of knighthood ; the son of which sir Nicholas, Henry by
name, tracing his father's steps, is also advanced to the same dignity [1578], as was also
Samuel the son of Ralph, knighted for his military services [as in the preceding para-
graph] ." It does not appear for what place sir Ralph was sitting at the time of hig
memorable speech in parliament ; but in 1 Eliz. he represented the county of Stafford, hig
brother sir Nicholas then sitting for Newcastle-under-Lyme. In 5 Eliz. sir Ralph sat for
Newcastle, in 13 Eliz. sir John [qu. sir Ralph again ?] Sir Ralph was sheriff of
Staffordshire in 2 Eliz. His name occurs so late as 1572 as being one of the com-
missioners for concealed lands, whose conduct (according to Strype) had become " so
odious, so unjust, and so oppressive, that, by the lord treasurer's means, the queen by
proclamation revoked her commission, and forced them to restore the things they had
wrongfully taken. But they stood upon their justification, and laboured again to get
their commission renewed : and particularly one sir Richard [read Ralph] Bagnal did so,
who was very severe, especially upon the clergy, being also in commission (either with
George Delves and Lancelot Bostock esquires, or concurrently with them,) to compound
for offences against the statute of non-residence, and other offences of the clergy, and
to take the whole commodity thence arising." (See Strype's Annals, ii. 313, and his
Life of Archbishop Parker, book iv. chapters 21 and 42 ; also Archbishop Parker's Corre-
spondence, printed for the Parker Society, pp. 413, 424.) Sir Ralph Bagenal's arms were
Sable, within an orle of martlets argent an inescocheon ermine charged with a leopard's
face gules ; and his crest, On a wreath or and sable a dragon's head erased gules charged
with two bars or. (MS. Cotton. Claudius, C. m.) Sir Nicholas Bagenal above men-
tioned occurs as marshal of Ireland, 28 Jan. 1550-1. (Privy-council register.)
In Ward's History of Stoke-upon- Trent, 1843, 8vo., p. 346, there is a pedigree of this
family, extending from William Bagenhall of Newcastle-under-Lyme, 1 Edw. IV. (the
great-grandfather of sir Ralph) to Anna-Maria and Frances the daughters and coheirs of
John Bagnall esq. of Early Court, Berks, who were married respectively to William Scott,
Lord Stowell, and the Hon. Thomas Windsor.
APPENDIX
OF
ADDITIONAL NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE.
Page 1. Inquisition on the death of Lionel Louthe esquire.— By inquisition
taken at Stilton on the 10th May, 13 Edw. IV. it was found that Lionel
Louthe esquire held no lands in the county of Huntingdon of the King in
chief or in service ; but that Thomas Wesynham esquire, Thomas Thorpe
esquire, and William Horwode, being seised in fee of the manor of Bealmes
in Sawtre, and the advowson of the church of saint Andrew, had by charter
dated 20th Sept. 23 Hen. VI. demised the same to Lionel Louthe and
Katharine his wife, and the survivor of them, with remainder to the right
heirs of Lionel: and that, on his dying so seised, his widow was left in
possession. Lionel died on the feast of saint Andrew (30 Nov.) 11 Edw. IV.
(1471), and Thomas his son and heir was of the age of twenty-four and more
at the date of the inquisition. The manor, &c. were held by Henry duke of
Buckingham, as of his manor of Southo, and were worth per annum twenty
marks. (Inq. p. mort. 12 Edw. IV. No. 31.)
Page 4. The inquisition on the death of Thomas Louthe is preserved, but in
an injured and obliterated state. It was taken at St. Ive's on the 28th May,
26 Hen. VIII. He had settled the manor, &c. of Sawtrey, so that on his
death Thomasine his widow became seised thereof. It was valued at xx li.
and held of Henry Nores, esquire of the King's body, as of his manor of
Sowthoo, as the fourth part of a knight's fee. Thomas Louthe died on the
26th Oct. 1533, leaving his great-granddaughter Margaret his heir, she being
the daughter of Lionel, son of Edmund, son of the said Thomas, and at the
death of the deceased four years old and more.
Page 14. It is worthy of remark that doctor Robert Lowth, bishop of
London 1777-1787, bore the same arms as our archdeacon (without the
crescent), and was probably descended from the same family. He was not
REMINISCEN' BS OI .follN LOUTHE. 293
only, like John Louthe, a scholar of Winchester college, but a native of that
city, where his father was a prebendary. lie published the Life of William
of Wykeham in 1758. His great-grandfather Simon Lowth was rector of
Tilehurst, in Berkshire. There was another Simon Lowth, rector of Dingley
in Northamptonshire, in 1633, who was father of Simon Lowth, D.D. a non-
juror, nominated dean of Rochester by James the Second (a memoir of whom
is given in Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary).
Page 22. The first Protestants at Oxford. — The following members of the
university of Oxford are named in the narrative of Anthony Dalaber (given
by Foxe), among those who, besides himself, then a scholar of St. Alban hall,
were in 1528 suspected to be infected of heresy, from having purchased such
books of God's truth as were brought to Oxford by Thomas Garret, fellow of
Magdalen college, and curate of Honey-lane in London : —
1. Maister John Clarke, which died in his chambre, and could not be
suffered to receyve the communion, being in prison, and saying [in substi-
tution for the elements] these woordes, Crede et manducasti.
2. Maister Somner, and
3. Maister Bettes, fellows and canons of Friswith's college.
4. Richard Taverner, then organist at Friswith's. He was charged with
concealing some of the books under the boards of his school, but Wolsey
excused him, by saying that he was but a musician (see Athenae Can-
tabrigienses, i. 338).
5. Radley. These five all of Friswith's or Cardinal college.
6. Nicholas Udall, of Corpus Christi college, afterwards master of Eton
school,
7. Sir Diet or Dyott, also of Corpus Christi college.
8. Maister Edon, fellow of Magdalen college.
9. A black monk of S. Austines of Canterbury, named Langporte.
10. Another black monk of S. Edmondes Bury, named John Salisbury,
afterwards suffragan bishop of Thetford, dean of Norwich, and bishop of
Sodor and Man (see Athenae Cantab, i. 318).
11. 12. Two white monks of Barnard college.
13, 14. Two canons of S. Maries college, one of them named Robert Ferrar,
afterwards bishop of S. Davies, and burned in quene Maries time.
« — with divers other. In a letter of John (Longland), bishop of Lincoln,
to cardinal Wolsey, "wryten in Holborn the thyrd day of March," 1527-8, it
it stated that " The chefe that were famylyarly acquainted in this rnater with
master Garrott was master Clarke, master Freer, sir Fryth, sir Dyott, Anthony
Delabere." And in another letter of the same writer to the cardinal, written
two days later, " Master Freer was taken yesterday at the Blakke freers,
294 APPENDIX.
London, upon the commaundement, immediately after your departure. This
Garrott, Clerke, and Freer are thre perylous men, and have bene occasion of
corruption of the yougthe. They have doon moche mischeve; and for the love
of God latt them [be] handeled therafter, for I feare me score they have
infecte many other partes of England, which will appere if they be strately
handeled and examyned." See the letters in Appendix VI to the vth volume
of Foxe's Actes and Monuments, edit. Townsend and Cattley.
In 1532 Thomas Garret and Anthony Dalaber did penance at Oxford, "car-
rying a fagot in open procession from saint Maries church to Friswides, Garret
having his red hoode onhis shoulders like a maistre of arte."
Bearing a fagot was part of the penance performed by heretics in the public
ceremony of their recantation. Among the articles laid to Richard (or Robert)
Bayfield in 1531, is this:
*' 8. Item, after your abjuration it was enjoyned to you for penance, that you
should go before the cross in procession, in the parish church of S. Buttolf at
Billinges gate, and to beare a fagot of wood upon your shoulders." (Foxe, 1st
edit. 1563, p. 481.)
The ceremony is circumstantially described by Foxe in his story of doctor
Robert Barnes, when prosecuted in 1540: —
" Then they (bishops Gardiner and Foxe — the former then secretary to
cardinal Wolsey and the latter master of the wards) — commaunded the warden
of the Fleete to carye hym with his fellowes to the place from whence he came,
and to be kept in close pryson ; and in the morning to provide 5 fagots for
doctour Barnes and the 4. Stilliard men. The 5. Stilliard man was commanded
to have a taper of 5 pound weight to be provided for him, to offer to the roode
of Northen a in Paules, and all these things to be ready by 8. of the clocke in
the morning ; and that hee with all that he could make, with bils and gleaves,
and the knight marshall with his tipstaves that he could make, should bring
them to Paules and conduct them home again. In the morning they were all
readye by theyr houre appoynted in Paules church, the church being so full
that no man coulde get in. The cardinal [Wolsey] had a scaffold made on the
top of the staires for himselfe, with 36 abbots, mitred priors and byshops, and
he in his whole pompe mitred (which Barnes spake against) sate there in-
thronized, his chapleins and spirituall doctors in gownes of damaske and satine,
and he hymselfe in purple, even like a bloudye Antichriste. And there was a
new pulpit erected on the top of the staires also, for the bishop of Rochester
a This was a favourite object of devotion at the North door of St. Paul's church. It is
mentioned as a place of great resort by archbishop Arundel in his examination of Thomas
Thorpe in 1457. It was taken down in the year 1537.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 295
[Heath] to preache against Lutber and doctor Barnes: and great baskets
full of bookes standing before them within the railes, which was commaunded
after the great fire was made afore the roode of Northen there to be burned,
and these heretikes after the sermon to goe thryse about the fire, and to cast in
theyr fagots."
Latimer writes, in a letter to sir Edward Baynton, — " Good saint Paul must
have borne a fagot, my lord of London [Bonner] being his judge. Oh, it had
beene a goodly sight to have scene saint Paul with a fagot on his backe, even
at Paul's crosse, my lord of London, bishop of the same, sitting under the
crosse ! "
In the reign of Edward VI. the same course was still pursued towards the
anabaptists. On low Sunday (1549) one of them named Champenes bare a
fagot at Paul's cross, where Miles Coverdale preached the rehearsal sermon ;
and on the following sunday a farmer of Colchester named Putto, who had
recanted, bare a fagot at Paul's cross, and after that at Colchester. (Stowe's
Chronicle, and the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 58.)
Sometimes the memory of the penance was perpetuated by a badge repre-
senting a fagot being sown upon the offender's dress. In 1505, we read of one
William Brewster, who, " after other penaunce done at Colchester, was enjoyned
to weare a fagot upon his upper garment during his life : whiche badge he did
beare upon his left shoulder neare the space of two yeares, till the controller of
the earle of Oxforde pluckt it way, because he was labouring in the workes of
the earle."
In 1530 Thomas Cornwell or Austy, who had been injoyned by bishop
Fitzjames for his penance to wear a fagot brodered upon his sleeve, under pain
of relapse, having failed to keep the same, was condemned to perpetual custody
in the house of S. Bartholemew.
Page 25. John Petit. — Since the note in this page was written, a persevering
research has recovered some memorials of John Petit. The records of the
Grocers' company are ancient, but not at present accessible. In those of the
city of London at Guildhall, which are in an admirable state of preservation,
Petit's election to parliament is recorded ; but it does not appear that he occu-
pied that position more than once, instead of for " twenty years," as stated by
archdeacon Louthe. The ancient mode of election for the city was that two
out of the four representative citizens should be returned by the aldermen, and
two by the commoners ; and the result in 1529, when Petit was chosen, was as
follows :
Et postea ad hustingas tentas die martis viz. quinto die Octobris anno regni
regis Henrici octavi xxj°, in magna aula, immensa communitate tune presente,
Thomas Seynier miles et alderrnaimus,
296 APPENDIX.
Johannes Baker recordator,
— per majorein et aldermannos nominati in interior! camera Guyhalde, et
postea per dictam conimunitatem in aula confirmati et ratificati,
Johannes Petyte grocerus,
Paul us Wythypolle mercator scissor,
elves civitatis praedictae, cominarii electi per dictam conimunitatem. (Journal
Rudston, f. 149.)
The probate of Petit's will, which is recorded in the prerogative court of
Canterbury (22 Thower), shows he was dead in little more than three years
after his election to parliament. It was proved on the 24th Jan. 1532-3, before
dr. Richard Gwent, then commissary of the vacant see, and is as follows :
" In the name of God, amen. The xxij1 day of August, in the xxiij* yere of
king Henry the viij1, I, John Petyt, of London, grocer, beinge hole of rnynde,
make this my last wille and testament, in maner and forme followinge : First, I
bequeth my soule to Almighty God and my bodye to the erth in cristen buriall ;
also I bequeth my yeres and termes of my house and kaye to Luce nowe my
wife. Item, I bequeth and wille that my detts be paide to every persone that
I owe money unto. Item, I wille and geve all the residue of my goodes move-
able and unmoveable to my wife and children indifferently to be devided, that
is to say, the oon halfe thereof to my wife and th'other halfe to my children
equally to be devided anionge them whan they come of lawfull age or mariage,
accordinge to the custume of the citie of London thereof longe tyme used, and
I make and ordeyne my sole executrice of this my last wille Luce my wife. In
wittnesse whereof I have written this present wille with myne owne hand the
daye and yere abovesaide."
The name of "John Petit alias Petye" occurs in a list given by Foxe (first
edit. 1563, p. 418) of those forced to abjure in king Henry's days, but in
uncertain years.
John Petit was not the only representative of the city of London in parlia-
ment who at this period fell a victim to his patriotism and honesty. Robert
Packington, mercer, was in the year 1536 a murdered inCheapside; and his
death, according to the report of Hall, Grafton, Bale, and Foxe, was generally
attributed to the malice of the clergy. Hall's narrative of the story is as
follows : " In this yere one Robert Packyngton mercer of London, a man of
good substaunce, and yet not so riche as honest and wise, this man dwelled in
Chepeside at the signe of the Legg, and used daily at foure of the clock winter
and sommer to rise and go to masse at a churche — then called saint Thomas of
Acres, but now named the Mercers' chapel, and one rnornyng emong all other,
* Foxe says 1538, but Hall places the murder in 28 Hen. VIII. i. e. 1536 or 7.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 297
beyng a great mistie mornyng such as hath scldome hescene, even as he
was crossing the strete from his house to the churche, he was sodenly mur-
dered with a gonne, whiche of the neighbors was playnly hard ; and by a great
nombre of laborers at the same tyme standyng at Soper lane end he was both
sene go furth of his house, and also the clap of the gonne was hard, but the
dede-doer was never espied nor knowen. Many were suspected, but none
could be found fauty : howbeit it is true that, forasmuch as he was knowen to
be a man of a great courage, and one that could both speake, and also would
be harde : and that the same tyme he was one of the burgesses of the parlia-
ment for the citie of London, and had talked somewhat against the covetousnes
and crueltie of the clergie, he was had in contempte with theim, and therefore
mooste lykely by one of theim thus shamefully murdered, as you perceive that
master Honne was in the sixte yere of the reigne of this kyng." (Hall's
Chronicle, edit. 1548, fol. CCxxxi, v.)
To this account Holinshed adds, " At length the murtherer in deed was
condemned at Banburie in Oxfordshire, to die for a fellonie which he after-
wards committed ; and when he came to the gallowes on which he suffered, he
confessed that he did this murther, and till that time he was never had in anie
suspicion therefore." (Chronicle, folio, 1586, p. 944.)
This passage, it may be hoped, is an answer to the assertion of John Foxe,
who in his Actes and Monuments (edit. 1563, p. 525) told the story, in the
same words as above, but with this addition : — " although many in the meane
time were suspected [one of whom, Foxe elsewhere tells us, was Singleton,
chaplain some time to queen Anne Boleyne, and who suffered death as a
traitor in 1544,] yet none could be found faultie therin, the murtherer so
covertly was concealed, tyll at length by the confession of doctour Incent deane
of Paules in his deathbed it was knowne, and by him confessed that he was the
author therof, by hiring an Italian for Ix. crownes, or thereabout, to do the
feate. For the testimonie whereof, and also of the repentaunt wordes of the
said Incent, the names both of them which heard him confesse it, and of them
which heard the witnesses report it, remayne yet in memorie to be produced,
if neede required." This serious accusation against dean Incent has continued
uncontradicted in the pages of Foxe until this day.
Foxe adds that Robert Packington was brother to Austen or Augustine
Packington, mercer, mentioned in a former place of his book, as having been
employed by Tunstall when bishop of London, about the year 1529, to buy up
at Antwerp all the unsold copies of Tyndale's New Testament, with the object
of burning them at Paul's cross : but the result of which transaction was
that the translator was thereby provided with the funds to print a new and
more accurate edition.
CAMD. SOC. 2 Q
398 APPENDIX.
There was still another alderman of London, who suffered imprisonment in
the Tower, for the favour he had shown to the Reformers, — Humphrey Mummuth,
or Monmauthi some account of whose troubles will be found in the Actes and
Monuments. Among the charges brought against him by bishop Stokesley
were these, — for having and reading heretical books and treatises ; for giving
exhibition to William Tindal, Roy, and such others, for helping them over the
sea to Luther ; for ministering privy help to translate as well the Testament
as other books into English, &c. &c. Monmouth served sheriff' in 1535-6, but
but he did not live to be lord mayor. Foxe erroneously states that he was
knighted. He was buried in the churchyard of Allhallows Barking, where by
his will, made in 1537, he directed thirty sermons to be preached by bishop
Latimer, dr. Barnes, dr. Croine, and mr. Taylor, in lieu of the trental of masses
which had been customary: see Strype's edition of Stowe's Survey.
Subsequently, in the reign of Mary, there were several aldermen who were
supposed to favour the Protestant doctrines, and suffered some persecution in
consequence. Foxe enumerates their names, " as master Lodge, master Hawes,
master Machel, master Chester, &c." The first of these was afterwards sir
Thomas Lodge, sheriff in 1559-60, lord mayor in 1563-4 (of whom see further
in the notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 375). The second, John Hals, or Hawes,
was sheriff in 1558-9, but did not arrive at the mayoralty. The third, John
Machell, was sheriff' in 1555-6, but also died below the mayoralty, on the 12th
Aug. 1558 (see Machyn's Diary, p. 170). The last, sir William Chester, sheriff
in 1554-5, lord mayor in 1560-1, is noticed in Machyn's Diary, p. 381, and there
is a memoir of him in the Athena? Cantabrigienses, i. 311.
Page 27. The martyrdom of Thomas Bilney took place on the 19th of
August, 1531 (see Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, vol. i. p. 300). It
is remarkable that Petit's will (already given) is dated only three days later :
and it may therefore have been made whilst he was still in the Tower, where
we are told he was Bilney's fellow-prisoner. There is some inconsistency in
what Louth afterwards relates of Petit being secretly visited by Frith, whilst
the latter was a prisoner in the Tower; for that was not until the year 1533,
after Petit's death. Frith's visits must have been at an earlier period.
Page 28. In his debte booke these desperatte debtes he entered thus, — Lent unto
Chryste. This mode of remitting debts is paralleled in the instance of another
citizen of London, John Petit's contemporary. Sir William Fitz William, in his
will made in 1534, " remits and forgives all such poor as be in his debt, whose
names appeareth in his seventh book of debts, under whose names he had written
these words, Amore Dei remitto" (Collins's Peerage.) It was customary for
executors and others to class the debts of an estate under the heads Sperate
and Desperate.
UKMINISCKNCKS <>F JOHN LOUTIIK.
Page 28. William Bolles, the second "hmibuwl of Lucy Petit. — He was the
son of William Bolles esquire, of Wortham in Suffolk, descended from the
family living at I laugh in Lincolnshire. He received the royal license to pur-
chase the manor of Osberton, in the parish of Worksop, in 32 Hen. VIII., and
thus brought his wife Lucy, the widow of John Petit, into the sphere of arch-
deacon Louth's acquaintance. He died March 2, 1582, and his will was proved
on the 30th May, 1583, "giving his soul to God almighty, hoping through
J"sus Christ to be saved, and his body to be buried in the south side of the
quere or chancel of the parish church of Wyrksop, and to have a fair and large
marble, with his arms and cognizance of his wife Lucye Bolles graven in
mettle called lattin, and set forth in their right colours. As also, on the same
to be graven or written the day and year of both their deaths, whose wife's
death was 28th November, 1558, whose bones he will have taken up where
they lye, in the body of the said church of Wirksop, and laid by his and his
last wife Agnes Bolles, who departed this life 2d Nov. 1569." No remembrance
of the proposed fair marble and its commemorative engravings is preserved :
and we are consequently not acquainted with " the cognizance of his wife
Lueye." His posterity, descended from her, continued at Osberton until the
middle of the seventeenth century, when their heiress was married into the
family of Leeke. (History of Worksop, by John Holland, 1826, 4to. pp. 184,
185.)
Page 31, note, Lady Parry. — Anne, daughter of sir William Read, of Bore-
stall in Buckinghamshire, was married successively to sir Giles Greville, sir
Adrian Fortescue, and sir Thomas Parry, comptroller of the household to
quene Elizabeth, who died Dec. 15, 1604, and was buried in Westminster
abbey. See a biographical note on sir Thomas Parry in Lodge's Illustrations of
British History, vol. i. p. 302. Lady Parry died Jan. 5, 1585 : see her
epitaph at Welford, in Ashmole's Berkshire.
Page 39. Family history of Anne Askew. — The parentage of Anne Askew is
undisputed. She was the second daughter of sir William Askew, or Ayscough,
of South Kelsey, county Lincoln, by his first wife Elizabeth, daughter of
Thomas Wrottesley.
But the identity of her husband has not been ascertained. Mr. Pishey
Thompson, in his History of Boston, folio edition, 1856, at p. 388, remarks,
" Everything relating to this martyr for conscience sake appears to be involved
in impenetrable mystery ;" but at p. 385, Mr. Thompson conjectures that
her husband was of the Stickford branch of the Kyrae family, upon the evidence
of an armorial coat (a chevron between three trefoils), supposed to be that of
Kyme of Stickford, impaled with Ayscough in the Ayscough chapel at Kelsey.
But as the same bearings were those of Robert Williamson of Nottinghamshire,
300 APPENDIX.
who married Faith, daughter of sir Edward Ayscough,» this conjecture is not
improbably based upon unsubstantial evidence.
In the History of Sleaford, 1825, 8vo. p. 289, Anne Askew is said to have
resided at Austhorpe, or Ewerby Thorpe, till her imprisonment; but no
authority is alleged for that statement.5
Even her husband's Christian name is uncertain, for whilst Speed calls him
John Kyine, he appears by the name of Thomas in the register of the privy
council.
In the hope of solving this difficulty I have had recourse to the inquisitions
post mortem ; but the result is still ambiguous and unsatisfactory. Thomas
Kyme esquire, who died 9th August, 1 Edw. VI. seized of Ililstall and other
lands in Fryskney, Waynflet, Wrangle, and Thorp, left a son and heir named
Thomas, aged thirty years and more, who may have been Anne Askew's hus-
band. There was also a John. Kyme, who had a small estate of 31. 1C*, yearly
value in Fryskney and Waynflete, and died 17th Oct. 1 and 2 Phil, and Mary,
leaving Thomas his cousin and heir, aged forty years and more. This Thomas
is stated to have been buried at Friskney in 1591, in Oldfield's History of
Wainfleet and Candleshoe, p. 170.
The circumstances of Anne Askew's unhappy marriage are thus described
by Bale : u Concerning master Kyme [her husband] this should seem to be the
matter. Her father sir William Askewe, knight, and his father old master
Kyme, were sometime of familiarity and neighbours within the county of
Lincolnshire. Whereupon the said sir William covenanted with him for lucre
to have his eldest daughter [Martha] married with his son and heir — as, in an
ungodly manner, it is in England much used among noble men, and it was her
chance to die afore the time of marriage. To save the money he constrained
this [daughter Anne] to supply her room, so that, in the end, she was com-
pelled against her will or free consent to marry with him. Notwithstanding,
the marriage once passed, she demeaned herself like a Christian wife, and had
by him (as I am informed) two children. In process of time, by oft reading
the sacred Bible, she fell clearly from all old superstitions of papistry to a
perfect belief in Jesus Christ ; whereby she so offended the priests, that he, at
at their suggestion, violently drove her out of his house. * * * * Upon this
occasion (I hear say) she sought of the law a divorcement from him. * * * *
Of this matter was she first examined (I think) at his labour and suit."
That is to say, when brought before the council at Greenwich, she was (as
a I am favoured with this suggestion by the Right Hon. Lord Monson.
b The Rev. Dr. Yerburgh, Vicar of Sleaford, a gentleman attached to genealogy, is
upposed to have been the chief contributor to this work.
REMINISCENCES or JOHN LOUTI1K. 301
she herself relates) first " asked of master Kyme. I answered that my lord
chancellor knew already my mind on that matter. They with that answer
were not contented, but said it was the King's pleasure that I should open the
matter to them. I answered them plainly that I would not so do ; but if it
were the King's pleasure to hear me, I would shew him the truth. Then they
said it was not meet for the King with me to be troubled. I answered, that
Solomon was reckoned the wisest king that ever lived, yet misliked he not to
hear two poor common women ; much more his grace a simple woman and a
faithful subject. So in conclusion I made them none other answer in that
matter."
Thus in this as subsequently in her religious examinations this self-possessed
and intrepid woman had ever an answer ready for her persecutors ; and the
result of her examination before the council was, that they deemed her very
heady, self-willed, and obstinate, and consequently determined that she should
be left to the cruel provisions of the act of the Six Articles.
The entry in the register of the privy council is as follows : —
"At Greenwiche, June 19th, 1546.— Thomas Keyme, of Lincolnshire, who
had married one Anne Ascue, called hether, and likewise his wiffe, who refused
him to be her hosbande without any honeste allegacion, was appointed to
returne to his countrey tyll he shoulde be eftesoones sente for ; and for that
shee was very obstynate and headdy in reasonyng of matters of relygcone,
wherein she shewed herselfeto be of a naughty oppinyon, seeinge no perswasione
of good reason could take place, she was sent to Newegate, to remaine there
to answere to the lawe; like as also one [Christopher] White,* who attempted
to make an erronyous booke, was sente to Newgate, after debatyng with him
of the matter, who shewed himself of a wrong oppinyon concernynge the
blessed Sacrament."
There are many incidents in this sad history that on examination invest it
with additional interest. Anne Askew was an orphan ; her own mother had
long been dead; her father died between August 1540 and May 1541, five
years before the catastrophe. Her bitterest persecutors were of her own family ;
and, from the omission of her name in genealogical records, it seems that after
her death they ignored all memory of her.
Page 40. Mr. Disney, who married Anne Askew's sister, was probably a
strong favourer of the doctrines of the Reformation, if we may judge from the
Old-Testament names which he bestowed on his children. They are thus
stated in his epitaph at Norton-Disney: " Ric'us Disney et Nele uxor ejus
a Styled Christopher White, of the Inner Temple, in the Chronicle of the Grey Friars
of London, p. 51.
302 APPENDIX.
filia Will'i Hussey militis, ex qua procreavit Will'um, Humfridum, Joh'em,
Danielem, Ciriacum, Zachariarn et Isaac filios, et Saram, Esther, Judith,
Judeh, et Susannam filias. Jana uxor altera, filia Gulielmi Aiscough militis,
per quam nulla soboles." (MS. Harl. 6829, f. 341.) It was, however, pro-
bably long after her sister Anne Askew's death that Jane (by her first marriage
lady St. Paul) became mrs. Disney. Mr. Disney died in 1578.
Lionel Throckmorton was nephew of archdeacon Louthe, being the son of
Simon Throckmorton (son of John of South Elmham, Norf. younger brother
to sir Robert of Coughton, co. Warw.), by Anne, daughter of Edmund Louthe
of Sautrey ; which Anne was remarried to John Duke of Bungay, gentleman,
who died s. p. s. in 1559, leaving her surviving. Lionel Throckmorton was
under twenty-one in 1540. He died in 1599, having married first Elizabeth,
daughter of Bartholomew Kempe of Gissing, Norfolk, and secondly Elizabeth,
daughter of John Blenerhasset of Barsham, by the latter of whom he left
issue. (Davy's Suffolk Collections, MS. Addit. 19,151.)
Page 42. Sir George Blaage was not knighted until the expedition in
Scotland in 1547, in which he served as joint commissioner of the musters with
sir John Holcroft. (Patten's Narrative of that Expedicion, p. xxvi.) He was
then one of the knights made by the duke of Somerset in the camp at
Roxburgh on the 28th of September. He represented the city of Westmin-
ster in the parliament which began Nov. 8, 1547. His death in 1551 is
mentioned in one of Roger Ascham's letters as the loss of one of the brightest
ornaments of the court.
Ibid, note c. Kenelm Throckmorton is mentioned in 1563 as having the
custody of a French hostage or prisoner detained in England. (Strype's
Annals, i. 433.)
Page 43. John Lascellcs. He is mentioned with others in the following
entry of the Register of the Privy Council : —
" At St. James's, the vij day of June, 1546. Weston the luteplayer, for his
sedityous conference at sondrie tymes with one Barber and one Latham (sic)
and Lascelles, with others, upon profFecyes and other thinges styrringe to com-
motion against the Kinges matie, after his briefe examination, wherein he
(i. e. Weston) would confesse small matter in respect of that he had spoken,
was comitted to the porter's lodge to be further examined." (MS. Harl. 256,
fol. 217.)
(Same day.) " Lanam (sic) a prophesier was comitted this day to the Tower
for prof[esy]inge, according to Weston's and Barber's depositions, and a letter
was addressed to the lieftenante for his saufe kepinge theire accordingly."
(Ibid. f. 217 b.)
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 303
Page 43. The Racking of Anne Askew. — The application of torture in the
case of Anne Askew was so irregular and so illegal, that some eminent writers
have pronounced it to have been impossible. Because such a barbarity ought
not to have been perpetrated, they have argued that it could not have been
attempted. This conclusion has not hitherto materially affected the general
stream of our historical and biographical literature, but the following passage
is an instance of its doing so : —
" The popular story that she was tortured previously to her death, and that
the chancellor with his own hands stretched her on the rack, seems unworthy
of credit. See Jardine's Reading on the use of Torture." (Women of Chris-
tianity exemplary for acts of Piety and Charity. By Julia Kavanagh. 1852.)
Dr. Lingard also has published the following note: —
" In the narrative transmitted to us by Foxe as the composition of this un-
fortunate woman, she is made to say: My lord chancellor and master Rich
[why the name of bishop Gardiner has since been substituted for master
Rich in several editions, I know not,] took pains to rack me with their
own hands, till I was nigh dead. (Foxe, ii. 578.) Foxe himself adds that when
Knivet the lieutenant, in compassion to the sufferer, refused to order addi-
tional torture, the chancellor and Rich worked the rack themselves. To me
neither story appears worthy of credit. For, 1. Torture was contrary to law,
and therefore was never inflicted without a written order subscribed by the lords
of the council. 2. The person who attended on such occasions to receive the
confession of the sufferer was always some inferior officer appointed by the
council, and not the lord chancellor or other members of that body. 3. There is
no instance of a female being stretched on the rack, or subjected to any of
those inflictions which come under the denomination of torture. See Mr. Jar-
dine's Reading on the use of Torture." (History of England, fifth edition, 1849,
vol. v. p. 201.)
We now turn to Mr. Jardine's essay, where, in lieu of any detailed examina-
tion of Anne Askew's case, we find it summarily dismissed in the following pas-
sage. After stating that he had not discovered a single instance of the appli-
cation of torture to any persons of noble blood, Mr. Jardine adds, " Nor are
there during the five reigns to which I have referred (Edward VI. to
Charles I.) any instances of women being exposed to regular torture; but
bishop Burnet, in the History of the Reformation (vol. i. p. 342) mentions that
Anne Askew, the celebrated Protestant martyr, was tortured in the Tower in 1546,
and states that the ' lord chancellor, finding the rack-keeper falter in his opera-
tions, threw off his gown and drew the rack himself so severely that he almost
tore her body asunder.' Burnet says there is no doubt that she was tortured, as
he had seen a relation of the fact in an original journal of the transactions in
304 APPENDIX.
the Tower. What the authority of this journal might be is uncertain, and
there is no authentic record of the fact. The story of the chancellor's bar-
barity is treated by Burnet himself as one of the fables of Foxe's Martyrology,
and entitled to no credit whatever."
Thus Dr. Lingard's incredulity rests on the dictum of Mr. Jardine, and
Mr. Jardine's on that of bishop Burnet, the " original journal " which bishop
Burnet cited as his authority being set aside. But, on further investigation,
it appears that Mr. Jardine has materially misrepresented the sentiments of
Burnet, whose phrase is " no entire credit," instead of " no credit whatever."
His words are : " Foxe does not vouch any warrant for this ; so that, though
I have set it down, yet I give no entire credit to it. If it was true, it shows
the strange influence of that religion, and that it corrupts the noblest natures."
We further find, that after the publication of the first part of the History of
the Reformation, the rev. William Fulman pointed out to its author, that the
statement did not rest simply on the authority of Foxe, but that Anne Askew
(whose narrative was originally edited by Bale,) had herself* related this cir-
cumstance of the lord chancellor and master Rich racking her with their own
hands ; " so (continues Burnet) there is no reason to question the truth of
a As quoted in p. 43. The fact is also alluded to in her letter to John Lascelles, (writ-
ten whilst under sentence of death,) in which she remarks : —
" I understand the council is not a little displeased that it should be reported abroad that
I was racked in the Tower. They say now, that they did there was but to fear me ; whereby
I perceive they are ashamed of their own uncomely doings, and fear much lest the king's
majesty should have information thereof : wherefore they would no man to noise it. Well !
their cruelty God forgive them ! " Foxe relates that sir Anthony Kny vett, the lieutenant of
the Tower, actually went to inform the king, the councillors having threatened him for his
repugnance to the torturing: " Which when the king had understood, he seemed not very
well to like their extreme handling of the woman, and also granted to the lieutenant his
pardon, willing him to return and see to his charge." The MS. original of this passage
is still preserved, in Foxe's own handwriting, in the MS. Harl. 419, f. 2, and, to place
before the reader all the known evidence upon this matter, it is here appended : —
" Anne Askew.
" Syr Anth. Knevyt, lieuetenant of the Tower and of the privy chamber in kynge Henry's
tyme, because at the commandement of Wrysley and syr John Baker he would not racke
so extremely as they required, they put of their gownes, and racked her themselves, and
fell out with mr. Knevet. He mystrustyng their thretes, went fyrst to the kyng, and
shewed hym the whole matter, and obteined so much favour of hym, that [he] came a glad
man home."
[This note is followed by some on the loss of Calais, written in the same way and pro-
bably at the same time : consequently the preceding would not be written before the
reign of Elizabeth.]
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE- 305
it ; and Parsons, who detracts as much from Foxe's credit as he can, does not
question this particular.'' a
So that, instead of giving the story "no credit whatever," Burnet's conclusion
was that "there is no reason to question the truth of it;" which very materially
invalidates Mr. Jardine's arguments, upon which Dr. Lingard has relied.
It is evident that the fact can only be disputed on the supposition that "the
narrative transmitted to us by Foxe as the composition of this unfortunate
woman" is a forgery, as Dr. Lingard appears to insinuate; in which case not
Foxe, but bishop Bale, its first editor, must be responsible for its contents.
How far such a suspicion can be fairly entertained, every reader of the nar-
rative must judge for himself; but the general verdict may be anticipated to
be, that it is too simple, natural, circumstantial, and consistent, to be a fabrica-
tion. And Dr. Lingard's suggestion appears the less probable, when we re-
member that it was published whilst the incidents were still recent, and their
actors still surviving. Anne Askew suffered in 1546, and her narrative was
edited by Bale in the very next year.b
Nor is there a total absence of collateral evidence. The journal cited by
bishop Burnet and ignored by Mr. Jardine has a claim to consideration as the
production of a contemporary of known station and respectability. The writer
Anthony Anthony was a man whose name continually occurs in the council
register and elsewhere as that of an officer of the ordnance in the Tower of
London, and who would have good opportunities of information.0
Besides that, a contemporary letter written by Ottiwell Johnson, a merchant
in London, to his brother John Johnson in Calais, testifies to the report
a Parsons, in fact, directly asserts that king Henry himself " caused her to be appre-
hended, and putt to the racke," in order to ascertain how far she had conversed with the
queen and " corrupted " his nieces of Suffolk. Parsons's version of the story is so remarkable,
and has been so entirely ignored by recent writers, even of his own communion, in-
cluding Dr. Lingard, that I have thought it desirable to extract it in the subsequent
pages. It will be seen that he connects Anne Askew with queen Katharine Parr much
more decidedly than Foxe had done ; and positively asserts that " the said Anne Askue
was putt to the racke, for the discovery of the truthe."
b It is noticed as a new book in a letter of bishop Gardyner to the protector Somerset
dated May 21, 1547, printed by Foxe, in the Actes and Monuments.
c Anthony's journal is again quoted by Burnet as giving some important particulars
towards the history of Anna Boleyne. It is to be regretted that Burnet did not print it
among his Records, or at least state where it was preserved. In the MSS. at the Ashmo-
lean museum, Nos. 861 and 863, are " Divers things excerpted out of a book of collections
made by mr. Anthony Anthony, surveyour of the ordinance to Hen. 8, Edw. 6, and queen
Mary," which may possibly, when examined, afford the desired particulars.
CAMD. SOC. 2 R
306 APPENDIX.
current in London immediately after Anne Askew's visit to the Tower. This
gentleman, after describing dr. Crome's sermon, which was delivered on
Trinity Sunday the 27th of June, (and which was the occasion of sir George
Blagge's trouble : see p. 42,) proceeds to state that on the next day, that is,
" On Monday following, quondam bishopp Saxon (Shaxton), maistres Askewe,
Christopher White, one of maister Fayres sons, and a tailiour that come from
Colchester or therabout, wer arraigned at the Guyldhall and received theyar
judgement of the lord chauncelor and the counseil to be burned, and sower
committed to Newegate again. But sins that time th'aforsaid Saxon and
White have renounced thayr opinions, and the talle goeth that they shall
chaunce to escape the fyer for this viage : but the gentilwoman and th'other
men remayne in stedfast mynd, and yet she hath ben rakkedsins her condempnacion,
(as men say,) which is a straunge thing, in my understanding. The Lord be
mercifull to us all!" Letter dated "At London the ijde in July, 1546,"
printed in Ellis's Original Letters, second series, ii. 177.
Lastly, we have the description of Anne Askew's enfeebled condition at her
execution, in consequence of her frame having been racked. Foxe relates
that " she was brought into Smithfield in a chair, because she could not go on
her feet, by means of her great torments from the extremity she suffered on
the rack." Louthe, who was present, states that she sat in a chair, supported
by two Serjeants. The racking had been done in secret; but its effects were
made known in the great public market-place.
The object of torture, as practised in this country, was not to punish, but to
elicit information from unwilling witnesses. We may therefore admit that,
when Anne Askew was placed upon the rack, it was not to vent a malicious
spite, or to gratify any sentiments of revenge or gratuitous cruelty, but we
find that, as she herself has related, it was to force her to betray her friends.*
In burning the king's servant John Lascelles, in endeavouring to subject the
courtier Blagge to the like doom, and in exacting from Anne Askew the
penalty of her sincerity and enthusiasm, notwithstanding the favour and
countenance she had received from many ladies of high rank and station, the
object was evidently to intimidate persons in the highest position; and
Wriothesley and the Romanist party were so anxious to push their advantage
that they would gladly at this period have struck at " the head game," and
found some pretence for attacking ladies that might have afforded a still more
terrible example.5 The queen herself, who had been raised to the throne
a Who some of these friends were, or were suspected to be, will be shown in a
subsequent note (p. 311).
b The proclamation for the discovery of heretical books, which is dated on the 8th
KEMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 307
from a comparatively low condition, was not above their mark — unless we are
also to disbelieve some other very remarkable passages both of Foxe's history
and of Parsons's commentary upon it ; and from recent successful experience
the statesmen of that day assailed as confidently an obnoxious queen as they
would a rival minister. Under the provocation of such motives Wriothesley and
Rich may have ventured to exceed the bounds of constitutional law in examin-
ing Anne Askew upon the rack, and they were such influential members of the
council that they can scarcely be supposed to have wanted its authority.
There is therefore no necessity to suppose that the narrative left by the victim
of this act of inquisitional cruelty was either fabricated or interpolated.
Extract from Robert Parsons's "Examen of I. Fox his Calendar- Saints. The
moneth of June." Published in " The Third Part of a Treatise intituled :
of Three Conversions of England. By N. D. 1604." 8vo. p. 491.
" After this, upon the second day of the same [moneth of June] there ensue
foure other burned togeather at one fyre in Smithfield, upon the last yeare of
the raigne of king Henry the eyght, for Zuinglianisme, Calvinisme, and denying
the reall presence in the Sacrament of the Altar. Three were men ; to witt,
Nicolas Belenian, priest, of Salopshire, John Lacells, gentleman of the house
of king Henry the eyght, [and] John Adams, taylor, of London. But the
captayne of all was a yong woman of some 24 or 25 yeres old, named Anne
Askue ; who, havinge left the company of her husband John Kime, a
gentleman of Lincolneshire, did follow the liberty of the new ghospell, goinge
up and downe at her pleasure, to make new ghospellers and proselits of her
religion, untill king Henry restrayned her by imprisonment. This yonge
woman's story is so pittifully related by John Fox, as he would moove
compassion on her side, and hatred against the king and his councell, that
particularly handled this matter, and sought to save her, yf yt had byn
possible. And twise she recanted publikely, once upon the 20. of March 1545,
which Fox himselfe doth relate out of the register, subscribed with her owne
hand, and testified by two bishopps, three doctors of divinity, and seaven
other credible witnesses. Wherin she protesteth and sweareth amongst other
words : — ' I Anne Askue, otherwise called Anne Kime, do truly and per-
fectly beleve, that after the words of consecration be spoken by the priest,
July 1546, and therefore only five days before the racking of Anne Askew, was evidently
aimed to involve the same parties whom she was urged to betray. It required that " from
henceforth no man, woman, or other person, of what estate, condition, or degree he or they
may be, shall, after the last day of August next ensuing, receive, have, take, or keep in
his or their possession the text of the New Testament of Tyndale's or Coverdale's," &c. &c.
See Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, ii. 202.
308 APPENDIX.
accordinge to the common usage of the Church of England, there is present
really the body and bloud of our Saviour Jesus Christ, &c.'
"Another recantation also she made, or at least an abnegation, upon the 13.
of June next followinge in the very same yeare in the Guyld Hall of London.
Where Holinshed declareth, 'that she was arraigned before the king's justices
for speakinge words against the Sacrament of the Altar, contrary to the statute
of Sixe Articles,' togeather with one Robert Luken, and Joane Sawtry.
And that she was quitt and dismissed thence, for that there was no witnesse
to prove the accusation against her. Which in such matters of heresy is not
likely would have happened, except there also shee had made profession of her
faith to the contrary. But yet the next yeare followinge, king Henry being
informed that, contrary to her oathes and protestations, she did in secrett
seeke to corrupt divers people, but especially weomen, with whome she had
conversed ; and that she had found meanes to enter with the principall of the
land, namely with queene Catherine Parre herselfe, and with his neeces the
daughters of the duke of Suffolke, and others : he caused her to be apprehended
and putt to the rache, to know the truth therof. And findinge her guilty, he
commanded her also to be burned. And by her confession he learned so much
of queene Catherine Parre, as he had purposed to have burned her also, yf he
had lyved. As may appeare by that which Fox relateth himselfe of her
daunger, presently after the burninge of Anne Askue, in the same yeare 1546,
which was the last of king Henry : prefixinge this title before his treatise
thereof, ' The Story of Queene Catherine Parre, late Queene and wife to
K. Henry the Eyght, wherin appeareth in what daunger she was for the
ghospell, &c.' In which narration, though Fox, according to his fraudulent
fashion, doth disguise many things, and lay the cause of all her trouble upon
bishop Gardener and others, and that the king did kindly and lovingly perdon
her, yet the truth is, that the king's sicknesse and death shortly ensuynge
was the cheefe cause of her escape. And the error of the lord chauncelour
Wriothesley, (afterward earle of Southampton,) who lett fall out of his bosome
the king's hand and comission for carryinge her to the Tower, gave her
occasion (the paper being found and brought to her,) to go and humble her
selfe to the king. At what tyme Fox confesseth, that the king said unto her,
1 Yow are become a doctor, Kate,' &c. And the truth is, that the principall
occasion against her was for hereticall books found in her closett, brought or
sent her in by Anne Askue. Wherof the witnesses were, the lady Herbert,
lady Lane, lady Tyrwitt, and others. And by that occasion was the said
Anne Askue putt to the racke, for the discovery of the truth.
*' And this is the story of Anne Askue, whorne John Bale describeth in these
wanton words, ' Anna Ascua, praeclari generis juvencula, eleganti forma atque
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 309
ingenio pracdita, &c. — Anne Askue, a yong wench of a worshippfull house,
and of elegant bewty and rare witt,' &c. And then he placeth her among the
famous wryters of her age, for that perhapps she wrote some 4 or 5 sheets of
paper in private letters, which yow may see sett downe in Fox. As also by
the like reasons he maketh the lord Seamer duke of Somersett a renowned
wryter, for settinge his hand perhaps to some proclamations, whilst he was
Protector : and namely to a treatise of peace, printed and sent to Scotland
from Mustleborow field. Wheras otherwise he is knowne to have bin scarse
able to write or read. And for that Bale calleth Anne Askue juvenada, a
yong heaffer or steere that abideth no yoke, he seemeth not to be farre amisse.
For that she was a coy dame, and of very evill fame for wantonnesse : in that
she left the company of her husband, maister Kyme, to gad up and downe the
countrey a ghospelling and ghossipinge where she might, and ought not. And
this for divers yeares before her imprisonment ; but especially she delighted to
be in London neere the court. And for so much as Jo. Bale so highly com-
mendeth her bewty and youth, affirminge besides that she was but 25 years
of age when she was putt to death, yt is easily scene what may be suspected
of her lyfe, and that the mysticall speaches and demaunds, which herselfe
relateth in Fox to have byn used to her by the king's councell, aboute the
leavinge of her husband, were grounded in somwhat. Especially, seing that
she seemed in a sort to disdayne the bearing of his name, calling herselfe Anne
Askue alias Kime. And Bale in his description of her never so much as
nameth her husband, or the name Kime : but only calleth her Askue, after
her fathername.
" By all which, and by the publike opinion and fame that was of her lightnesse
and liberty in that behalfe, every man may ghesse what &juvencula she was, and
how fitt for Bale his pen, and for Fox his Calendar. And the proud and presump-
tuous answers, quips, and nips, which she gave both in matter of religion, and
otherwise, to the king's councell and bishops, when they examined her, and dealt
with her seriously for her amendment, do well shew her intolerable arrogancy.
And yf she had lived but few yeares longer, yt is very likely she would have
come to the point that her dear sister, disciple, and handmayd, Joane of Kent,
(alias Knell, alias Butcher,) did. Whome she used most confidently in
sendinge hereticall books hither and thither, but especially into the court.
Who denyed openly within foure years after that our Savior tooke flesh of
the blessed Virgin. And being condemned to the fire by Cranmer and other
bishops and councelors in king Edward's dayes for the same, (as in some other
places also I have related, havinge receaved yt from him that was present,
and heard her speake the words,) she said scornfully unto them, 'Yt is not
long agoe since yow condemned and burned that notable holy woman Anne
310 APPENDIX.
Askue for a peece of bread. And now yow will burne me for a peece of flesh.
But as yow are now come to beleeve that your selfes which yow condemned
in her, and are sory for her burning, so will the time come quicklie that yow
will beleeve that which now yow condemne in me, and be sory also for this
wronge done unto me,' &c. And this was a nipp given by her to bishopp
Cranmer especially, who had given sentence against Anne Askue and others
of the Zuinglian sect : and yet now would seeme to be of yt himselfe. And so
he is affirmed heere by John Fox, and put for a saint in the same Calendar
with Anne Askue, whorne he burned. And so much of her, I meane both of
Anne Askue, of whome we have wryten also largely in the Certamen, as also of
Joane of Kent, of whose notable resolute spiritt, in standinge against both
Cranmer, Ridley, and other preachers after her condemnation, in my lord Rich
his house for a whole weeke togeather, you may read a testimony of the said
lord Rich afterward, in the story of John Philpott, December 3.
" As for the other three, her companions, burnt in Smithfield at the same fyre
(to witt, Nicholas Belenian, the priest of Saloppshire, John Addams, the taylor
of London, and John Lacells, the king's servant,) all schollers and disciples of
this yong mistresse, nothinge is recorded of their acts and gests by Fox, but
only the copy of a letter sett downe of Lacells, treating against the reall pre-
sence in the blessed Sacrament of the Altar. Wherin he discovereth himselfe
to agree neyther with Luther, Zuinglius, nor Calvyn therin, nor in the expo-
sition of those words, Hoc est corpus meum, but rather followeth the fancy and
devise of Carolstadius, treated by us before in the third chapter of this part.
Who, desiring to be singular, affirmed that Christ when he said, * This is my
body,' pointed not to the bread in his hand, but to his body sitting at the table.
Of which opinion also Lacells heere sheweth himself to be, in the discourse of
his said letter. Where, amonge other things, he writeth thus, ' These words,
Hoc est corpus meum, this is my body, were spoken (by Christ) of his naturall
presence. Which no man is able to deny, because the act was finished on the
crosse, as the story doth plainly manifest yt to them that have eyes,' &c.
" So as Lacells will not have the words, ' This is my body,' to be applied to
the bread, nor meant by Christ of the bread :a but of his naturall body there
present at the table, which was a peculiar devise of Carolstadius, as before we
a Though the letter of Lacells is well known, and of easy reference, it would be unjust to
him to print Parsons's misrepresentation without at least one extract : " Furthermore, I doe
stedfastly beleeve that where the bread is broken according to the ordinance of Christ, the
blessed and immaculate Lambe is present to the eyes of our fayth, and so we eate his flesh
and drinke hys bloude, which is to dwell with God, and God with us." This seems to
comprehend the full meaning of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, as established in the
Articles of the Church of England.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTHE. 311
have signified, and mayntayned afterward by Anne Askue and this man ; ac-
cordinge to whose interpretation the sense is, that when Christ is said by the
Evangelists to have taken bread in his hand, blessed and broken the same, and
given it to his disciples, saying, ' This is my body,' he pointed not to the bread,
but to his body ; as yf he had said, this is bread, (holdinge yt out in his right
hand,) and this is my body, poyntinge to his brest with his left hand ; which
how well it hangeth togeather every man may see. And yet was he so confident
in this devise as he would needs dy for yt, assuringe himselfe that he should
presently (as a martyr) go to heaven, for so he concludeth his forsaid letter in
these words, ' I doubt not but to enter into the holy tabernacle which is above,
yea, and there to be with God for ever.' And thus much of Lacells.
" But of the other two,Belenian and Addams,Foxe wryteth nothing at all, but
only in generall of all three he saith thus, 'It happened well for them that they
died togeather with Anne Askue, for, albeit that of themselves they were strong
and stout men, yet through the example and exhortation of her they were more
boldened and styrryed upp through her persuasions to sett apart all kind of
fear,' &c. Lo, what the persuasion and example of a woman could do, to
draw them to this vayne glory of dyinge for defence of their own particular
opinions !"
Protestant Ladies of the Court of Henry VIII.
The ladies of rank who were suspected to be favourable to the Protestant
doctrines are named in the following passage of Anne Askew's narrative : —
" Then came Rich and one of the council (from Foxe's account this appears
to have been sir John Baker), charging me upon my obedience to show unto
them if I knew man or woman of my sect. My answer was, that I knew
none. Then they asked me of my lady of Suffolk, my lady of Sussex, my
lady of Hertford, my lady Denny, and my lady Fitzwilliams. I said if I
should pronounce anything against them I should not be able to prove it.
Then said they unto me, that the King was informed that I could name if I
would a great number of my sect. I answered that the King was as well
deceived in that behalf as dissembled with in other matters." Being further
pressed to state from whom she had received relief whilst in prison, on their
saying that there were divers ladies who had sent her money, she admitted
" that there was a man in a blue coat which delivered me ten shillings, and
said that my lady of Hertford sent it me ; and another in a violet coat gave
me eight shillings, and said my lady Denny sent it me. Whether it were true
or no I cannot tell ; for I am not sure who sent it me, but as the men did say."
The five ladies, whose names are thus disclosed as persons of high rank that
favoured the Protestant doctrines, were —
312 APPENDIX.
1. Katharine (baroness Willoughby tfEresby) duchess of Suffolk, the last wife
of Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk. She is well known from the history of
her subsequent exile with her husband Mr. Bertie, related by Holinshed and
Foxe, and in a ballad version, which is reprinted in Evans's collection, vol. iii.
and as a broadside, 1806. See also Lady Georgina Bertie's "Five Generations
of a Loyal House, 1845," pp. 21 et seq., and references to various incidents
connected with her religious sentiments in the Index to the Parker Society's
Works, voce Brandon.
2. The countess of Sussex was Anne, daughter of Sir Philip Calthrop, and
second wife of Henry Ratcliffe, second earl of Sussex, K.G. Like Anne Askew,
she was unfortunate in her marriage ; for, whilst the earl of Southampton was
chancellor, i.e. between May 1547 and June 1549, she had separated from
her husband, and was charged with wishing to marry sir Edmond Knyvett (see a
long letter of her writing in Miss Wood's Letters of Royal and Illustrious
Ladies, iii. 236). In 1552 she was imprisoned in the Tower, on a charge of
sorcery (some particulars of which are appended in p. 314). After the
triumph of the Roman faith she was barred from jointure and dower by act
of parliament 2 and 3 Phil, and Mar. (Journal of the House of Lords, i. 499.)
3. Anne (Stanhope) countess of Hertford, afterwards duchess of Somerset :
a lady whose history is well known. It was said of her in 1550 that her
chiefest study was the holy Bible : see Ames's History of Printing (edit.
Herbert), p. 754. (The author of the Index to the Parker Society's Works,
p. 699, has questioned whether the lady who relieved Anne Askew was not
Katharine Fillol, the earl of Hertford's first wife : but she was dead before sir
Edward Seymour became a peer, for in 1536 he was created viscount Beau-
champ, with remainder to the children of his then wife, Anne Stanhope.)
4. Joan lady Denny was the daughter of sir Philip Champernoun, of Modbury,
co. Devon, and wife of sir Anthony Denny, a privy councillor, and groom of
the stole to Henry VIII. He died on the 10th Sept. 1549 ; and she on the
15th May, 1553. (Topographer and Genealogist, vol. iii. p. 210.)
5. Lady Fitzwilliam. The Rev. Christopher Anderson (Annals of the
English Bible, ii. 195) has altered the designation of this lady to countess of
Southampton,* evidently on the mistaken presumption that she was the wife of
sir William Fitz William, who was created earl of Southampton in 1537, and
died in 1543. This is clearly wrong, as that lady was always called the countess
of Hampton or Southampton. On the other hand, the compiler of the Index
to the Parker Society's Works identifies the Protestant " lady Fitzwilliams "
with Anne, sister to sir Henry Sidney, K.G. and wife of sir William Fitz-
a The error previously appears in the General Index to Strype's Works.
REMINISCENCES OF JOHN LOUTIII.. 313
William, of Milton, co. Northampton, marshal of the King's bench.* It
appears more probable that she was the widow of that sir William's grand-
father, sir William Fitz William, the first of Milton, and an alderman of
London, who died in 1534. This was his third wife Jane, daughter and
coheir of John Ormond or Urmond : and it must have been to the same person
that Anne Cooke, afterwards lady Bacon, dedicated her translation of the
Sermons of Barnardine Ochyne (printed about 1550), — "To the right wor-
shipful and worthily beloved mother the Lady F. — for that I have well known
your chief delight to rest in the destroying of man's glory and exalting wholly
the glory of God." Anne Cooke the translator, who is described in the editor's
preface as " a well occupied gentlewoman and virtuous maiden, that never
gadded further than her father's house to learn the (Italian) language," was
one of the accomplished daughters of the learned sir Anthony Cooke by his
wife Anne Fitz William ; who was a daughter of sir William Fitz William, the
alderman, by his first wife : thus " the Lady F." addressed as " mother," was
really the widow of the grandfather of the young authoress.1* Sir William
Fitz William left as his executors John Baker esquire, recorder of London
(afterwards sir John Baker, and a privy councillor), Anthony Cooke the
younger esquire (his son-in-law), and his cousins Richard Waddington and
Richard Ogle the younger. (Collins's Peerage.)
Anne Hartipole and the Countess of Sussex (see p. 312).
The name of Anne Hartipole has been hitherto known from a letter written
to her by John Philpot, which is printed among " The Letters of the Martyrs,"
expostulating with her on having " fallen from the sincerity of the Gospel,
which she had before long known and professed." Philpot acknowledges that
he had himself received strength from her good and godly example, " at such
time as that blessed woman Ann Askew (now a glorious martyr in the fight of
Jesus Christ) was harboured in your house."
It appears from the following entries in the register of the privy council that
she was subsequently involved in the troubles of the countess of Sussex.
a It is true that this gentleman and his wife are in the list which Strype has given
(Eccles. Memorials, iii. 142) of those who were charitable towards the religious sufferers
in the reign of Mary; a list formed from the Letters of the Martyrs.
b Such a form of relationship was something beyond the apprehension of Mr. George
Ballard, who, in his " Learned Ladies," 8vo. 1752, imagined that Anne Cooke was thus
addressing her own "mother" by her maiden name, — a very untenable supposition, as
in her maidenhood Anne FitzWilliam could have had no claim to the title of " lady."
The terms of relationship, it will be remembered, were in those days much more widely
applied than now; and, besides their natural mother, persons might have several others in
the degrees of stepmother, mother-in-law, and grandmother, or wife's grandmother, &c.
CAMD. SOC. 2 S
314 APPENDIX.
" iv. April, 1552. A letter to the lord chamberlaine to gyve ordre to suche as
his lordshipp shall think good to goo to the howse of Hartlepoole, and there to
make serche of wrytings, and suche other things as his lordeship shall thinke
good to gyve them instructions for.
" 5 April, 1552. This day one Clerke, sometimes servaunt and secretarie to
the duke of Norfolke, being accused to be a reporter abroade of certein lewde
prophecies, and other slaunderous mattiers concerning the King's Matie, and
dyvers noblemen of his counsell, was brought before the lordes, and burdened
with the same, and allso with certaine carracts (characters ?) and books of ni-
gromancie and conjuracion found in his lodging, which were brought before
them, whereunto being unable to make any other aunswer but styff denyall of
the hole, he was by their lordshipps committed to the Tower tyll the mattier
might be better examyned, and ordre taken for the woorthy punishment thereof
accordingly.
" One Hartlepoole was allso this day committed to the Fleete for being privie
and a doer with the sayd Clerk in his lewd demeanour.
"A letter to the lieutenaunt of the Tower to receyve the body of Clerke, and
to se hym salfly and severally kept, so as none be suffered to have conference
wyth hym but by ordre from hence.
"13 April, 1552. A letter to the lieutenaunt of the Tower to receyve the
bodyes of the countes of Sussex and mistres Hartlepoole, and to se them salfly
and severally kept, so as neither they have conference together nor any other
with them.
"A letter to mr. Hobby and the lieutenant of the Tower, that they with Armi-
gill Waade shall examyne the countesse of Sussex uppon articles delyvered
unto them by the sayde Armigill Wade.
" To the sayd lieutenaunt to lodge the sayd lady in his lodging, and to suffer
her wooman t' attend uppon her.
" 10 July, 1552. A letter to the lieutenant of the Tower to suffer Kichard
Hartlepole to have accesse to his wyef, prisoner in the Tower, at convenyent
tymes.
"27 Sept. 1552. To the master of the rolls, and the lieuetenant of the Tower,
to set the lady of Sussex and Hartlepoole's wyfe at lybertye, gyving them a
lesson to beware of sorceries, &c." (MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 14,026.)
Extract from a letter of the duke of Northumberland to the lord chamber-
lain (Darcy), from Oxford, May 30, 1552 :—
" And as touching the settinge at lybertye of the countesse of Sussex and
Hartypooles wyffe, me thinketh by your lordship's better advyse that matter
wolde be some whate better tryed and searchyd, the rather for that she ys
chardged to have spoken and sayde that oone of kinge Edwardes sonnes [i. e.
NARRATIVES OF DAVIS AND HANCOCK. 315
a son of Edward IV.] sholde be yet lyvinge." (State-paper Office, Domestic
Edw. VI. vol. xiv. art. 33.)
IMPRISONMENT or JOHN DAVIS, OF WORCESTER.
Page 65, note. Richard Dabitote. — " There is yet one of the Abetots, a man
of 201i. land in Worcester toune." Leland's Itinerary, vol. viii. f. 112b.
Page 67. Henry Joliffe, B.D.— See a memoir of him in Athena? Cantabri-
gienses, i. 320.
Ibid. Richard Euer, B.D. — Instead of M. (i.e. mr.) Yewer, Foxe printed
N. Yewer, and so it appears in the last edition by Townsend and Cattley, viii.
554, and its index, whereby the real name of Richard Ewer, or Eure, is quite
concealed. Foxe, in the same article of John Davis, misprinted the name of
Yowle as " Yowld," and that of Howbrough as " Hawborough."
BIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVE OF THOMAS HANCOCK.
Page 71. Hancock's description of the obstinate resistance made by the
inhabitants of Hampshire, in the diocese of bishop Gardyner, to the progress
of the Reformation, is confirmed by one of the rarest productions of bishop
Bale, entitled "An Expostulacion or complaynte agaynste the blasphemyes of
a franticke papyst of Hamshyre. Copiled by Johan Bale." It is without date,
but was certainly published in 1552, a being dedicated to " Johan Duke of
Northumberlande, Lorde greate Maister of the Kinges most honourable
housholde, and Lorde presydent of his Maiestyes most honourable prevye
Counsell."
Early in the book Bale asserts that " the rage at thys present is horryble and
fearce, whych the stought sturdy satellytes of Antichrist in dyverse partes of
the realme, chefety within Hamshire, do bluster abroade in their mad furyes to
blemyshe the Evangelycal veryte of the Lorde now revelated."
The report of the speeches made by the Hampshire papist against the King's
proceedings in religious matters is as follows : —
" And nowe, last of all, by unlearned loyterers and desperate ruffyanes, as Braban.
a The incident which occasioned it occurred " on the xxix daye of Decembre last past "
(see p. 316). Before that date, in the year 1552, Bale had already left Hampshire to take
possession of the bishopric of Ossory ; and, as Dudley was not advanced to the dukedom
of Northumberland before October, 1551, it is clear the offence given by the "franticke
papyst " was during the Christmas of that year, and the publication no doubt very shortly
after.
316
APPENDIX.
Actes xiii.
i. Timo. i.
ii. Timo. ii.
ii. Tim. iii.
Styngers.
he of whom I have written this treatise followynge is one.* Of thys latter
sort are some become farmers of benefyces, some blynde brokers in the lawe,
some scribes, some pharysees, some flatterers for faver, some lyngerers for
lucre, some cloynars for advauntage, menpleasers, and make-shyftes. These
gyve the preachers most uncomly reportes to deface their godly preachynges,
and most odyble names, to brynge them in contempte of the people. Their
croked counsels, persuasyons, illusyons, provocacyons, and promyses of ayde in
wythstandynge the mynysters, are such, for a welthie lyvynge in ydelnesse,
that the truth of the Lord can take no place. These are, as were Elymas the
sorcerer, Hymeneus, Philetus, and Alexander the copper smythe, enemyes of
all truthe, withstanders of all ryghtousnesse, and chyldren of the devyl. Men
of corrupt myndes, resysters of the veryte, and lewde as concernynge faythe
(2 Tim. iii.) ; and all these are set a wurke by the pope's late masmongers, by
olde pylgrymage goers, by crafty cathedralystes, mynster men, and collygeners,b
lokinge yet for a daye of mayntenaunce in theire olde sorceryes."
Bale prays the duke of Northumberland —
" Lete them be restrayned from doynge suche vyolence, ravyne, and excesse,
as they have done now of late to Christes mynysters in Hamshire. Lete them
be inhybyted of dagger- drawynge and of fyste-lyftynge in the open strete,
when no man hath ones offended them. Lete them leave their pullynges by
the bearde and bosom in the presence of people, starynge like wylde oxen,
whan no evyl at all is meant to them. Lete them no longer bragge afore the
justyces in the open sessyons of castynge their glove and of wagynge battayle
unconnected, whan no thynge is eyther done, sayde, or yet thought agaynst
them. Lete them be well stayed from ragynge and raylynge, oblocutynge and
slaunderynge, withoute cause reasonable, for upholdyng the wicked tradycyons
of Antichrist. Permyt them no longer to counsell in corners, to have wycked
persuasyons, and to drawe people after them. Lete them from hensfourth be
charged, under payne of sore punyshment, not lycencyously to do all their
lewde lykynges, as they have done hertofore, lyke men that are lawles. We
desyre not the evyll of thys frowarde sort, but their good. We covete not
their losse, but their winning ; not their utter destruccion, as they do ours,
but their spedye amendement, if such angels of reprobacyon as they are
may amende, which I scarsely beleve. Chiefly our request is to lyve in
peace," &c.
"Now to thys frantyck papyst than, whych on the xxix. daye ofDecembre
a In the margin is the word Braban. Whether this was the name of " the desperate
papist " is not apparent.
b The term " Styngers," added in the margin, is one I am unable to explain.
NARRATIVE OF THOMAS HANCOCK. 317
last past [1551] in the house* of a gentylraan of hys affynyte within Hamshire Conventicles,
beynge in the full heate of hys frenesye, brast out into thys unreverent, blas-
phemouse, and contcmptuouse talke of the Kinges Maiestie, and of hys mooste Blasphemy.
godly procedynges. Alas poore chyld ! (sayd he) unknowne is it to hyra what
actes arc made now a dayes. But whan he cometh ones of age, he wyll se an
other rule, and hange up a hondred of such heretyke knaves, meanynge the
preachers of our tyme, and their maynteyners, by lyke. For at the same season
he had most spyghtfully rayled of one of them, beynge absent [here Bale
probably means himself], whych never in hys lyfe did hym dyspleasure, nether A rayler.
in dede nor in wurd, that he was able to burden hym wyth. The fyrst part of
this blasphemouse clause toucheth the Kynges hyghnes, the second hys honour-
able counsell, and the thyrd the true ministers of God's wurde."
Bale then proceeds to discuss each of these divisions at length ; and in the
course of his arguments, in reply to the papist's speech concerning the King»
he thus speaks of the excellence of Edward's education : —
" Hys wurthie educacion in liberall letters and godly vertues, and hys naturall
aptenesse in retaynyng the same, plenteously declareth him to be no pore child,
but a manifest Salomon in princely wisdom. Hys sober admonicions and open
examples of godlines at this day sheweth him mindfully to prefer the welthe of
his commens, as well gostly as bodyly, above all foren matters. Marke what
his majestic hath done already in religion, in abolishing the most shameful Relygyon.
idolatries of Antichrist, besides his other actes for publyque affayres, and ye
shal find at this day no christen prynce lyke to hym."
Returning to the papist, Bale declares —
" The propyrtie which he hath of that father and mother [the Pope and
Babylon] is to blaspheme God, and in that he hath shewed hymselfe plenteouse.
First, by a chaplayne, whych popyshly mynystred in hys hyred benefyce ;
secondly, by conveyaunce of certen ymages in hope of a change ; and thirdly, Thre knaveryes.
in judgyng it a fowle heresy e to write any thynge in reproche of the Byshopp
of Rome.
" Concernynge the first. Upon the .xx. day of September last past I was (as
he well knoweth) at service there,b to beholde the workemanly conveyaunce of A prieste.
hym and that popyshe chaplayne of his, and to know what wholesome frutes I
shulde fynde after that tyme of their .ii. plantinges. Such an other ape of
Antichriste as that prest was never sawe I afore in my lyfe, for he coulde
not reade a psalme, nether yet speake Englyshe, beynge an allyen, an
8 I have not discovered any allusion that might identify the parties, but they were
doubtless in the vicinity of Bale's own residence, which was at the rectory of Bishop's
Stoke, five miles from Southampton.
b The place is not mentioned.
318
APPENDIX.
Feates.
Wyl Sommer.
Convaiauncer. Armoricall or Frenche Britayne *; and to excuse his beastly ignoraunce,
his own selfe was compelled, I being there present, to slaver out the .ii. lessons
of the Byble with no small stutting and stamberyng, turnyng his arse
to the people after the old popysh maner, to helpe forward the Kynges
most godly procedynges. More apysh toyes and gawdysh feates could never a
dysard in England have plaied (I think) then that apysh prest showed there
at the communyon. He turned and tossed, lurked and lowted, snored and
snurted, gaped and gasped, kneled and knocked, loked and lycked, with both
hys thombes at hys eares, and other try ekes more, that he made me .xx. tymes
to remember Wylle Somer.b Yet of them both that prest semed the more
foole a great deale ; and, to amende the matter, he had than a new shaven
crowne, which I rebuked him for. By thys I prove hys maistre a mocker of God,
a deceyver of the people, and a contempner of the Kynges just procedynges."
The third offence of the papist was that —
" In the weke afore Christmas last past, as he chaunced to be in the house
of the forseyd gentylman of his owne affinyte, where he might alwayes be bolde
to do hys lewde feates, hys accustomed frenesie came sodenly upon him. In
the heat wherof he most shamefuly revyled a servant of that house, calling
hym heretyke and knave, because he had begonne to studie a parte c in suche a
comedie as myghtely rebuked the abomynacyons and fowle fylthie occupienges
of the bishopp of Rome. Moreover, he requyred hym in hys own stought
maner to do a lewd massage, whych was to call the compiler of that comedie
[Bale himself] both heretike and knave, concludynge that it was a boke of
most perniciouse heresie. That boke was imprynted about .vj. years ago, and
hath bene abroad ever sens, to be both seane and judged of men what it
contayneth. And thys is the name therof, 'A Comedie concerning iii. lawes,
of Nature, Moyses, and Christ, etc.' "
Page 73. The Proclamation concerning irreverent talkers of the Sacrament,
dated 27th Dec. 1 Edw. VI. is inserted by Strype in the Repository of original
documents at the end of vol. ii. of his Ecclesiastical Memorials, under letter M.
It declared that whosoever should " revile, contempne, or despise the said
sacrament by calling it an Idol, (as Hancock did,) or other vile names, shal incur
the Kyng's high indignation, and suffre imprisonment, or be otherwise
grievously punished at his Majesties wil and pleasure."
a It seems not improbable that this was the very " sir Brysse," mentioned by Thomas
Hancock (p. 81).
b The favourite fool of the King's court.
c This passage is remarkable, as showing that Bale's comedies 'vas he chose to term
them) were really enacted, as well in Hampshire, as he states in his " Vocacyon " they
were at Kilkenny.
Abroade.
319
THE DEFENCE or THOMAS THACKHAM.
Page 95. Clement Burdet. — In a list of recusant clergy in 1561 we read:
" Clement Burdet, late of Bath : to remain at Crondal in Hampshire, or else at
Sonning in Barkshire. (Contemporary side-note,) An unlearned priest."
Strype, Annals of the Reformation, i. 277, from a document in the State- paper
office.
Page 129. The following were the letters patent for the mastership of
Reading School, granted in 1541 to Leonard Coxe and his deputies or assigns
during his life, and which were successively transferred to Thackham, Palmer,
and other parties, as stated in p. 108. With this copy I have been favoured
by the Rev. Robert T. Appleton, M.A., the present master of Reading School,
through the kind assistance of William Hobbs, esq. F.S.A.
De concessione ad vitam pro Coxe. — Rex omnibus ad quos, etc. salutem.
Sciatis quod nos de gratia nostra speciali ac ex certa scientia et mero motu
nostris, et ob specialem amorem et zelum quos pro erudicione et educacione
puerorum hujus regni nostri Angliae in arte et sciencia grammaticali et honestis
literis diu ante haec tempora habuimus et adhuc gerimus, volentes pro
hujusmodi educacione et erudicione puerorum aliqualiter providere et aug-
mentari ; et pro eo quod dilectus subditus noster Leonardus Coxe, qui in arte
et sciencia grammaticali satis peritus et eruditus existit, ut certam habemus
noticiam, nullum officium neque stipendium a nobis pro hujusmodi educacione
puerorum adhuc habet neque percepit, ut certam habemus scienciam, dedimus
et concessimus ac per presentes damus et concedimus eidem Leonardo officium
Magistri sive Praeceptoris Scholae Grammaticalis sive Ludi Literarii villae
nostrae de Reading, in coinitatu nostro Berkshire, ac ipsum Leonardum Ma-
gi strum et prseceptorem scholse sive ludi praedicti facimus constituimus et
ordinamus per praesentes; et ulterius de uberiori gratia nostra etpro considera-
cionibus praedictis dedimus et concessimus ac per praesentes damus et concedi-
mus praefato Leonardo totum illud mesuagium in Reading prasdicta cum suis
pertinenciis in quo prsedictus Leonardus modo inhabitat, una cum quadam parva
venella sive pecia terrae jacente ex parte australi ejusdem mesuagii, ac etiam
quoddain aliud mesuagium sive domum in Reading praedicta modo in tenura
et occupacione prasdicti Leonardi vocatum a Schole House in quo pueri modo
erudiuntur et docentur in arte et sciencia praedictis ; habendum et tenendum
gaudenduin et exercendum tarn officium praedictum praefato Leonardo per se
vel per sufficientem deputaturn suum sive sufficientes deputatos suos, quam
proedictum mesuagium domum venellam et cetera praemissa cum eorum perti-
nentiis eidern Leonardo et assignatis suis durante vita ejusdem Leonardi
320 APPENDIX.
absque compoto seu aliquo alio proinde nobis heredibus et successoribus
nostris reddendo solvendo seu faciendo. Et ulterius sciatis quod nos de am-
pliori gratia nostra ac ex certa sciencia et inero motu nostris prsedictis et pro
consideracionibus prajdictis dedimus et concessimus ac per prassentes damus et
concedimus prasfato Leonardo Coxe de et pro exercicio et occupacione officii
praedicti ac pro diligencia laboribus et expensis suis circa idem officium habendis
et sustinendis quandam annuitatem sive annualem redditum decem librarum,
habendum gaudendum et recipiendum praedictain annuitatem sive annualem
redditum decem librarum sterlingorum praefato Leonardo Coxe durante vita
sua de exitibus proficuis firmis et revencionibus rnanerii nostri de Cholsey in
dicto comitatu nostro Berkshme, tarn per manus receptoris et ballivorum
ejusdem manerii quam per manus generalis receptoris terrarum nuper monasterii
pertinentium pro tempore existentium ad festa Paschse et Sancti Michaelis
archangeli equis porcionibus solvendis. Et insuper de uberiori gratia nostra prse-
dicta dedimus et concessimus ac per prsesentes damus et concedimus praafato
Leonardo Coxe tot et tantas denariorum summas ad quot et quantas praedicta
annuitas sive annualis redditus decem librarum a festo Sancti Michaelis arch-
angeli quod erat in anno regni nostri tricesimo primo se attingit, habendum
percipiendum et gaudendum eidem Leonardo Coxe ex dono et regardo nostris
de exitibus firmis revencionibus et proficuis praedicti manerii nostri de Cholsey
per manus generalis receptoris terrarum dicti nuper monasterii pertinentium
absque compoto seu aliquo alio proinde nobis heredibus et successoribus nostris
reddendo solvendo seu faciendo. Eo quod expressa mencio, &c. In cujus rei,
etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium decimo die February.
Per breve de Private Sigillo, etc.
(Rot. Pat. 32 Hen. VIII. pars 5.)
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY or EDWARD UNDERBILL.
Page 132. The land of Gentlemen Pensioners. — Although sir Humphrey
Ratcliffe (in page 168) roundly asserted that Underbill had served from the
beginning of the band, it is probable that such was not literally the case, but
that he received his appointment on returning from the French campaign
in 1544, where he had been one of the King's body-guard, as described in
page 148. The band of Gentlemen Pensioners was formed in December, 1539,
as is distinctly recorded by the chronicler Hall. He states that Henry VIII.
had first instituted this force at the commencement of his reign; but, being
formed on too sumptuous a scale, it fell into disuse, until revived thirty years
after, shortly before the reception of the lady Anna of Cleves. Mr. Pegge, who
read a memoir upon this honourable Band before the Society of Antiquaries in
1782, and afterwards published it as the Second Part of his Curialia, 4to. 1784,
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERHILL. 321
imagined that he had discovered that the band was existing in 1526, and that
consequently Hall's account was fallacious; but Mr. Pegge was misled by the
circumstance that the documents upon which lie relied, being themselves un-
dated, followed in the same MS. the household statutes made at Eltham in
1526 (as they do in the volume of Household Ordinances, printed for the
Society of Antiquaries, 4to. 1790). But the names which occur in those docu-
ments prove them to be of the latter years of Henry's reign, whilst Katharine
Parr was queen and Wriothesley was chancellor ; and consequently Mr. Pegge
was led into a material error, which affects several passages of his memoir.
The date mentioned by Hall would derive confirmation, were it requisite,
from a letter of archbishop Cranmer, who on the 28th Dec. 1539, thus addressed
the lord privy seal (Cromwell) on behalf of one of his servants, a brother of
the martyr Anne Askew:
" Whereas I am informed that this bearer Edward Askew my servant, son
unto sir William Askew knight, is by some nobleman preferred unto the room
of one of these new speres in the court, which because it is done without my
knowledge and his, I shall beseech you, my Lord, inasmuch as I have no friend
to sue unto for me and mine but only unto your lordship, that you will at this
my request bear unto him your lawful favour and furtherance in the same ;
assuring your lordship that he, the young man, is of a very gentil nature, right
forward, and of good activity, so that I think he shall be meet to furnish such
a room, and to do to the King's majestie diligent and faithful service. At
Forde, 28th Decembre, 1539." Works of Cranmer (Parker Soc.) ii. 399.
In the original ordinances for the constitution of the band (which Mr. Pegge
has introduced into his memoir) the members are not termed Pensioners, but
" Speres, called Men of Armes," and they were to be chosen from gentlemen of
noble blood. They were, in fact, upon the same footing as the force which
composed tlie garrison of Calais, who were also called indifferently Spears, or
Men of Arms, and were usually of good families : see the list of those who held
office in 1539 (not 1533) in the Chronicle of Calais, p. 136. At the coronation
of Edward the Sixth they are called " the pencioners," and king Edward men-
tions them as "the gentlemen pensioners" in his Journal, Oct. 31, 1551. The
annual pension received by each man was seventy marks (461. 13s. 4e?.), — in
1509, according to Hall, it had been fixed at fifty pounds. The captain received
two hundred marks, the lieutenant and standard-bearer each one hundred.
These officers were also reckoned of " the ordinary of the King's chamber,
which have bouche of court, and also theire dietts within the court." (House-
hold Ordinances, p. 165.)
In the list printed in Mr. Pegge's memoir sir Anthony Browne is captain,
sir Ralph Fane lieutenant, ^and Edward Bellingham standard-bearer. After
CAMD. SOC. 2 T
322 APPENDIX.
sir Anthony Browne's death in 1548 the marquess of Northampton became
captain ; and in king Edward's reign sir Humphrey Radciiffc was lieutenant
and sir William Stafford standard-bearer.
It is evident that this band of Spears was suggested by the French Garde du
Corps, which was instituted by Louis XI. in 1474: and which was a band of
one hundred Lances, each attended by a man of arms and two archers. The
English Spears, in like manner, were to be attended each by a page, and a
coustrella or servant armed with a javelin or demi-lance, and by two archers
well horsed and harnessed. When on foot the Spears adopted the battle-axe
as their weapon, which was also in imitation of the French band, who were
sometimes called the Gentilhommes du Bee de Corbin : " Us avoient, outre la
lance, la hache d'armes, dont ils se servoient lorsqu'ils etoient de guet ou de
garde aupres de la personne du roy." (Pere Daniel )
When Edward VI. proceeded through London to his coronation "the pen-
sioners and men at armes, with their pole-axes, went on either side the way on
foote;" and on the King's landing on the day of the coronation at the privy
stairs, they awaited him there, " apparelled all in red damaske, with their pole-
axes in their hands." b
The band of Pensioners maintained its credit and estimation through the
reign of. Elizabeth, and at her death their Captain, lord Hunsdon, recom-
mended them to the notice of her successor in the following terms : " They are
in all fifty gentlemen, — besides myself, the Lieutenant, Standard-bearer, Clerk
of the Cheque, and Gentleman Harbinger, — chosen out of the best and an-
tientest families of England, and some of them sons to earls, barons, knights,
and esquires, men thereunto specially recommended for their worthyness and
sufficiency, without any stain or taint of dishonour, or disparagement in blood.
Her Majesty and other princes her predecessors have found great use of their
service, as well in the guard and defence of their royall persons, as also in
a Mr. Pegge (p. 5) makes a note that this word is " uniformly miswritten throughout
these ordinances ; for it should evidently be coustill, an abbreviate of the French word
coiistillier.'"'' He quotes lord Herbert and Lloyd (the author of the Worthies) in favour of
this view; and says that Pere Daniel derived the term from coutille, a cutlass, in Latin
cultellus. I am rather inclined to derive the term from coste, and to understand it for one
who kept close by the side of his master, in which sense it would answer to the English
henchman or haunchman. The term in use in English was certainly costerelL (See Machyn's
Diary, p. 13.) The name of Cotterell is probably derived from this source.
b So, Underbill says (p. 161), " we came up into the chambre of presence with our
poll-axes in our hands." It was only when the gentleman pensioner was on special duty
that he carried his pole-axe in person. At other times it was "borne after him with a suf-
ficient man, the axe being cleane and bright," as required in the ordinances.
mi-; AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF i;i>\\ AKD r.\m;i;niLL. 323
sundry other employments, as well civil as military, at home and abroad, inso-
much as it hath served them always as a nursery to breed up deputies of
Ireland, ambassadors into foreign parts, counsellors of state, captains of the
guard, governors of places, and commanders in the wars, both by land and sea."
This was high boasting ; but the captain might have added that, in the person
of sir Christopher Hatton, the band had bred not only a captain of the guard,
but a lord chancellor.
For fuller and subsequent particulars in the history of the Band the reader will
turn to Mr. Pegge's memoir. In the Collectanea Topogr. et Geneal. vol. vi. p.
192, will be found a roll of the band in the year 1618 (erroneously headed
1608).
Page 134. The anecdote of king Edward the Sixth's inquiries respecting
Saint George, communicated by Underhill to Foxe, is as follows, — "being
notified to me by one mr. Edward Underhill, who, waiting the same time with
the rest of his fellowes, pensioners and men at arms, as sir Henry Gates, mr.
Robert Hall, mr. Henry Harston, and mr. StafTorton, heard these wordes
betwene the Kinge and his counsaile. The 4. yeare of his raigne, being then
but 13 yeares old and upward, at Greenwich upon S. George's day, when he
was come from the sermon into the presence-chamber, there being his uncle
the duke of Somerset, the duke of Northumberland, with other lords and
knights of that order, called the order of the Garter, he said unto them, * My
Lords, I pray you what saint is S. George that we heere so honour him ? * At
which question the other lords being all astonied, the lord treasurer that then
was (the marques of Winchester), perceiving this, gave answer and said, ' If it
please your Majestic, I did never reade in any historic of S. George* but
a In the King's scheme for remodelling the order of the Garter, made shortly after,
(and printed in his Literary Remains, 4to. 1859,) the very name of Saint George was to
be suppressed, and the order called merely " The Order of the Garter, or Defence of the
Truth as contained in holy scripture." The annual feast was to be removed from St. George's
day, and kept early in December. In 1630 the fair fame of our national saint was vindi-
cated by Dr. Peter Heylyn in his " History of the famous Saint and Soldier of Christ
Jesus, St. George of Cappadocia," a book respecting which some curious particulars will
be found in Dr. Heylyn's Life, prefixed to the edition of his History of the Reformation,
by ,T. C. Robertson, M.A. 1849, pp. Ixx. — Ixxiv. Heylyn remarks that " the memory of
this saint shines in our calendar prefixed before the public liturgy of the church of Eng-
land, where he is specially honoured with the name of Saint, as is no other not being an
apostle or evangelist but Saint Martin only." (History of St. George, edit. 2, p. 208.)
But at the last review of the Prayer-book that designation was prefixed to some other
names. In the Archceologia, vol. v. the history of Saint George was investigated at some
length by the Rev. Samuel Peggc, LL.D., F.S.A.
324 APPENDIX.
onely in Legcnda Aurea, where it is thus set downe, that S. George out with
his sword, and ran the dragon through with his speare.' The King, when he
could not a great while speake for laughing, at length said, ' I pray you, my
lord, and what did he with his sword the while ? ' i That I cannot tell your
Majestic,' said he. And so an end of that question of good S. George."
Page 150. High price of wood in London. — In William Baldwin's poem, enti-
tled, " The Funeralles of King Edward the syxt," (reprinted for the Koxburghe
club in 1817, and also as an appendix to Trollope's History of Christ's Hos-
pital,) is the following passage, — the personification being " crasy Cold :"
He passed Yorke, and came to London strayt,
And there alight to geve his horse a bayt,
Where, ere he had three days in stable stood,
He eat so much, the poore could get no wood,
Except they would pay after double price
For billet treble under common cise.
Page 152. UnderhiWs committal to Newgate is not noticed in the register oi"
the privy council : but his discharge is thus recorded : —
"At Richmount, the 21st August, 1553. A letter to the keeper of Newgate
for the deliverie of Edwarde Underbill, in consideracion of his extreame
sickenes, out of prison, to mr. Thomas White and John Throgmorton esquires,
maisters of the quenes highnes' requests, whome the lords have ordred to
take bands of the said Underhill for his appearaunce herafter before them,
beinge called therunto." (Council Register, as printed in the Cecill Papers,
by Haines, p. 172.) Underhill is wrong in stating that his release passed the
council when his enemies were absent : the board was very fully attended on
this day, by no less than twenty-seven members.
Page 158 note. Sir Thomas Palmer would probably be called long Palmer,
in distinction to another of the name, whom we find mentioned as little Palmer
in a list of the defenders at the Justes held on the morrow of the Coronation
of Edward the Sixth.
Page 159. Hot gospellers — this appears to have been a cant term in common
use. Attached to one of Latiiner's sermons we find this side-note, " Hot
gospellers are no sufferers of persecution." It is placed against this following
passage : " Others, that began so hot at first, are quite gone. And truely I fear
ine that a great many of those are as the seed sown upon stones, which speak
now fair, and make a goodly shew of the gospel ; but if there come persecution
or affliction, then they are gone." Latimer's Works, (Parker Soc.) ii. 213.
Page 163. When we came to Ludegate, the gate was fast locked, and a greate
>vacke within the gate off Londonars, but noone withoivte. Page 165. So to New-
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWAUD UNDEIMIILL. 325
gate we wentt, where was a greate wache withowte the gate. — This was the course
taken on occasions of extraordinary alarm. In the previous year, upon the
accession of queen Mary, we read : " Item the xxij day of the same rnonyth
(July, 1553) began the wache at every gatte in London in harnes, viij be syde
the viij comoners." Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 81.
Page 172. The doctor Luke of Underbill's narrative, author of John Bon
and mast Person, is certainly to be identified with an author mentioned by
Holinshed, among the learned men who flourished in the reign of Mary, as
" Lucas Shepherd, born in Colchester in Essex, an English poet;" and of whom
the fuller account given by Bale is as follows : —
" Lucas Opilio, Colcestria? ut ferunt in Essexia natus, poeta valde facetus
erat, qui in poematibus ac rhythmis Skeltono non inferior, in patrio sermone
elegantcr edidit, honestis jocis ac salibus plenos,
Adversus oeritatis osores libellos aliquot. — Quosdam etiarn Psalmos in rhythmos
Anglicos vertit, tractatulosque fecit plures. Claruit anno Christi 1554."
Warton, in his History of English Poetry, remarks —
"Luke Shepherd, mentioned by Holinshed, iii. 1168, appears to have been
nothing more than a petty pamphleteer in the cause of Calvinism, and to have
acquired the character of a poet from a metrical translation of some of David's
Psalms about the year 1554. I believe one or two of Shepherd's pieces in
prose are among bishop Tanner's books at Oxford."
Strype, in his notice of doctor Luke (Ecclesiastical Memorials, ii. 116),
states that he had been imprisoned in the Fleet for former pamphlets written
in king Henry's time : but Underbill (see p. 172) does not say that his impri-
sonment was in Henry's reign, and from the context it may rather be concluded
that it occurred in the reign of Mary.
Doctor Luke Shepherd's productions having been all published anony-
mously, they have still to be ascertained, with the exception of John Bon and
Mast Person, to which Underbill's story has helped us. This was a quarto
pamphlet of four leaves, imprinted at London by John Daye and William
Seres. It was reprinted (250 copies) in 1807, by G. Smeaton, accompanied
only by a few lines of not very accurate remarks, which had been written in it
by Richard Forster,- esq. to whom the original had belonged — no second copy
being known. It is reviewed in Censura Literaria, v. 277-280, by Mr. Joseph
Haslewood, who ridicules the name of " Interlude," given to it by Mr. Forster.
It is, however, a conversation (in 164 rhyming lines) more resembling the
religious play.s of John Bale than the poetry of Skelton. John Bon, a plough-
man, and Mast Person, a parson or priest, meet upon the eve of the feast of
Corpus Christi, and discuss the observances then celebrated, and the doctrine
of transubstantiation, upon which many coarse jests are passed. The term
326 APPENDIX.
Mast, as an abbreviation of Master, occurs again in some doggrel verses of
Stephen Staple to Mast Camell, mentioned in Ames's History of Printing,
(edit. Dibdin,) vol. iii. p. 582. In 1852 "John Bon and Mast Person " was
re-edited for the Percy Society, by Mr. W. H. Black, who remarks : " John
Bon is the Piers Ploughman of the sixteenth century. So characteristic and
spirited is his part of the dialogue, — so popular and forcible is his argument, —
so justly severe are the rebukes administered to the Parson, that John Bon
may be read more than once without disrelish."
Page 174. Allen the prophesy er. — In the records of the Tower prisoners -the
name of this person twice occurs. In a return made on the llth Feb. 1551-2,
is mentioned "Robert Allen, who hath been there xij monethes and more,
for matters of astronomic and suspicion of calculation." (MS. Harl. 419.)
Again (also in 1551-2), "Robert Alen, rated by the weke, for all charges,
viij s. vj d." (Bayley, Hist, of the Tower, Appx. XLVI.)
The following are the papers which were found upon Allen's person, and
preserved by mr. Underbill.
[MS. Harl. 424, f. 1.]
No. 1. On parchment.
lu a man haue stolen any thyng1 of thyne.
Take & wryte in pchement. ^ Agios Kp Agios ^ Agios ^
Crux Crux Crux Spiritus scus Spiritus scus spiritus be wl the
su"~nt of God. & putt yt ouer thy hed, & in the same nyght thow
shalt knowe who yt ys.
No. 2. On another piece of parchment.
If any man9 of woman haue don the thefte.
Take & wryte thes names in vyrgefi waxe. ^ Agios ^ Agios
K[H Agios hf<. & holde yt in thy lefte hand vnder thy rygnt eyre,
& lay the to slepe, and thow shalt haue a vysyon & knowlege who
hathe thy thyng.
No. 3. On paper folded and soiled from carriage in the pocket.
When thowe wylte goe fourthe to playe att the Card(> & Dyse
lett the Ascendent be in a sygne moveable as fy/os/sCb/i^ /. And
lett the lord of the Ascendent be weft dysposed in a good place.
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 327
And lett the 7 house be feble and impedyte. And yf ytt maye
be lett the lord of the 8 house be in the second or in the
fyrste house recevyd of the lord of the second or the fyrste house,
nor lett nott hym receve the lord of the second. And lett the ]) be
fre sepate from a fortune & j°ynjng to an other fortune for-
tunate & strong, & lett riott her be upon the Earthe. And the
breste of the player toward the D & hys face. And yf aft these
thyngf cannott be done, Att the leaste see ytt be a moveable
sygne. Whan thow goest owt for to playe, and the 5 uppon thy
breste when thow playest, or att the leste see that thy breste and thy .
face be toward the D .
No. 4. On paper.
And yff thow weylt wette whether a man teft ye a false tafte or a
trewe, take the letters of hes name & of lies surname & of that
daye, & putto all the nowmbere xxx* & than depart afte that holte
nowmbere be xxv", & yf ther leve euen nowmbere at the laste
encle, yt ys falss that he tellett, and yff yt be oode yt ys trwe.
And yf thow welt wette a gowynge a pelgremage, whethe[r] they
shall well go & com harmelles or nott, take the nowmbere of the
letters of her names, & of the daye & of the age of the mowne,
£ the name of the place that they goo to, and putto aft thes xxx
& than depart all the hofte nowmbere be xxvli as long as ye maye,
& yf ther leve even nowmber they shall goo and come withoute
hort or harme, & yff the nowmbere be oode they shaft nott spede
weft.
And of theS manere ye maye wette aft manere of thyngf that ye
dessyre.
Also yf ye well wette of a man that purpowsyth hem to have a
benefyce, or to go to Relygyon, take the letters of lies name and of
the beneffece, & of the daye, and depart them be xxx. and yf ther
leue even nownber he shaft spede, & yf ther leue oode he shaft nott
specie, & yf ther leve ix he shaft be Relygyous.
APPENDIX.
Whythir it is better to remove or to contynew wher the qwerat
do dwell styll, and whether they be past dawngar of burnyng of tlier
hows or godws, or nat.
No. 6. On paper.
Yf thow wylt take yei iornay to do any thyng.
The D being in ^r go in the owr of a*
The D in « go in ye owr of $
The D be in n go in ye owr $
The D in 2? go in the owr ])
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDERBILL. 329
The !> in SI go in ye owr of yc 0
The D in up go in the owr of $
The ]) in =ct go in ye owr of $
The 3) in HI go in ye owr of Q»
The ]) in / go in the owr of if.
The D in Vj> go in the owr of %
The D in zz go in the owr of T?
The 3) in K go in the owr of V?
Nota. — When the D is in =^ go nat in ye owr 0
When the D is in x go not in ye owr 5
When the J) is in trp. go not in the owr of $
When the D is in az go nat in ye owr $
and so ferthe of all other.
Examination of Allen.
(MS. Harl. 424, Art. 7.)
Memorandum. — That Alleyn requireth to talke with one of the counselle,
sayinge yf he were unburdened of that he wold then saye, he cared not what
came of hym.
Also he saithe afore the commissioners that he can make the grett alyxor.
Also he stode earnestly before the saide commissioners that he cowld saye
more concerning astrglogie and astronomy than all the lerned men within the
universities of Oxford or Cambridge, and yet understandeth no parte of the
Lattyn tonge.
Item, sir John Godsalve* required the commissioners to demaund whether
that Alleyn did not saye unto ij men yet lyvinge, that x daies before the ap-
prehension of the lord Cromwell, that the said lord Cromwell should be in the
towre within xiiij daies followinge.
• Sir John Godsalve was of a Norfolk family. He was clerk of the signet in the reign
of Henry VIII. ; was knighted at Edward's coronation, Feb. 22, 1547-8, and soon after
appointed a commissioner of visitation (see the Return, 1 Edw. VI. printed in Appendix
to Dugdale's St. Paul's, (edit. Ellis,) No. 4). He held the office of comptroller of the
mint ; and died Nov. 20, 1557. There is a portrait of him by Holbein engraved in
Chamberlain's series ; where also will be found further notices of sir John and his
family, by Mr. Lodge. Another portrait and memoir will be found in Harding's Bio-
graphical Mirrour, p. 37. See also a note to the Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess
Mary, p. 234.
CAMD. SOC. 2 U
330 APPENDIX.
Item, the question bcinge demaunded of him, he denied not that he said so,
but said that he spake it not of his owne knowelege, but of otheres.
Item, sir John Godsalve saythe that he was borne in Northefolke, and that he
hathe ben a gret doer in judgemeutes of dyvers matters there.
Note in UnderhiWs hand. — This Alen was called the god of Northcfolke
beffore they reaceaved the liglit of the gospelle.
The statute against conjurations, upon the repeal of which Allen is said
to have relied (p. 173), is as follows : —
(MS. Lansdowne 2, art. 15.)
" The bill against conjuracions, and wiehecraftes. and sorcery, and enchant-
ments.
" Whereas dyvers and sundrie persons unlawfully have devised and practised
invocations and conjuracions of sprites, pretending by suche meanes to under-
stande and get knovvlege, for their own lucre, in what place treasure of golde
and silver shoulde or mought be founde or had in the earthe or other secrete
places, and also have used and occupied wichecraftes, inchantments, and
sorceries, to the clistruccion of their neighboures personnes and goodes. And
for execucion of their saide falce devises and practises have made or caused to
be made diverse images and pictures of men, women, children, angelles, and
develles, beastes, or fowlles ; and also have made crownes, septures, swordes,
rynges, glasses, and other things, and, gyving faithe and credit to suche fan-
tasticall practises, have dygged up and pulled down an infinite nombre of
crosses within this realme, and taken upon them to declare and tell where
thinges lost or stollen should become ; wych thinges cannot be used and exer-
cised but to the greate offence of God's lawe, hurte and damage of the Kinges
subjectes, and losse of the sowles of such offenders, to the greate dishonor of God,
infamy and disquietnes of the realme. For reformacion whereof be it enacted
by the Kynge oure Sovereigne Lord, with th'assent of the lordes spirituall and
temporal!, and the commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by auc-
toritie of the same, that if any persone or persones, after the firste day of Maye
next comyng, use, devise, practise, or exercise any invocacions or conjuracions
of sprites, wichecraftes, enchantments, or sorceries, to th'intent to get or fynde
money or treasure, or to waste, consume, or destroy any person in his bodie,
membres, or goodes, to provoke any persone to unlavvfull love, or for any other
unlawful! intente or purpose, or by occasion or colour of such thinges or any
of them, or for dispite of Christe, or for lucre of money, dygge up or pull downe
any crosse, or crosses, or by suche invocacions, or conjuracions of sprites, wich-
craftes, enchantments, or sorcerie, or any of them, take upon them to tell or
declare where goodes stolen or lost shall become, that then all and every
suche oflfence and offences, from the saide first day of Mayo next comynge, shall
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF KDWAHD UM^KKllILL. 331
be demyd accepted and adjuged felony ; and that all and every persone and per-
sones offendyng as is above said, their councellors, abettors and procurers, and
every of them, from the saide first day of Maye shall be demyde, accepted, and
adjuged a felon and felones, and the offender or offenders contrarie to this
Acte, being thereof lawfullie convicted before suche as shall have power and
auctoritie to here and determyne felonyes, shall have and suffer suche paynes of
deathe, losse and forfaytures of their landes, tenements, goodes, and catalles, as
in cases of felonye, by the course of the common lawes of this realme, and also
shall lose privilege of clergie and sayntuarie."
Indorsed, Bill against conjuraciori, wichecraftes, &c. an0 33 II. 8, No. 8.
Repealed 1° Edw. 6.
From the number of prophesy ers, conjurers, and pretenders to supernatural
powers, whose names occur about the same time as that of Robert Allen, we
may conclude that the profession was not unprofitable, though great efforts
were made to check it by severe punishments. One is thus noticed by Stowe :
" Also in the month of September (1550) Grig, a poulter of Surrey, taken
among the people for a prophet, in curing of divers diseases by words and
prayers, and saying he would take no money, &c. was, by commandement of
the earle of Warwick and other of the councill, set on a scaffold in the towne
of Croydon, in Surrey, with a paper on his breast, wherein was written his
deceiptfull and hypocriticall dealings. And after that, on the 8 of Septembre,
set on the pillorie in Southwarke, being then our Ladies faire there kept, and,
the maior of London with his brethren the aldermen riding thorow the faire,
the said Grig asked them and all the citizens forgivenesse. Thus much for
Grig." (Stowe's Chronicle.)
The following particulars respecting some other conjurers, in the reign of
Edward the Sixth, are very curious, and hitherto unpublished. Among other
extraordinary assertions here made are these, that the conjurer's art had been
employed to recover the protector Somerset's stolen plate, as well as the money
of a servant of secretary Paget, with the consent of both those statesmen ; and
another, that there were supposed to be five hundred conjurers practising in
England. The confessions of Wycherley's ill-success are so ludicrous and
absurd that it is difficult to realise the fact that they were gravely extracted
by a privy councillor. Every page is signed by the hand of the deponent : —
(MS. Lansdowne 2, art. 26.)
[Modern title, An examination taken by Sir Thomas Smith of Win. Wicherly,
conjurer, and his complice, a° 1549.]
William Wicherley, of Saint Sepulchre's parishe, in Charterhouse-lane,
taylor, where he hath dwelt for the space of twoo yores and more, being
examyned upon certain articles, he stiith as followeth : —
332 APPENDIX.
To the first he saith that he hath been theis three monethes acquaynted
with John Clerke, of Westminster.
To the seconde he saith that about Easter last one of the gromes of the
King's slaughter-house wife, whose name he knoweth not, had her purse picked
of tenne shillinges, and the forsaid Clerck brought the said slaughterman's
wife to this deponent, to lerne who had picked her purse. At which tyme she
delivered to this deponent the names in writing of suche persons as she had in
suspicion. Which names he put severally into the pipe of a kay, and laying
the kay apon the verse a of the spalter (psalter) in the spalter book, viz. Si
videbis furem, Sfc. did say, Si videbis furem, correbas cum eo, et cum adulterem
portionem tuam ponebas. And whan this verse was said over one of the names,
which was a woman, the book and key tourned rounde, and therapon this
deponent said to the abovesaid Clerke, and the slaughterman's wife, that the
same woman had the money whose name was on the kay, as farr as this depo-
nent could judge, because the kay and boke did tourne at her name and at
none others. And he saith that he hath used this practise b so often that he
(dothe not remembre altered to) cannot expresse how many the tymes ; for
people ar so importune upon hym dayly for this purpose, that he is not able to
avoyde them, but kepeth hymself within his doores.
Per me, WYLLAA WYCHERLE.
Item, to the third and iiijth articles he saith that John Clerke was with hym
apon Saturday last in this deponent's house, and moved hym to use his forsaid
practise for a kercher, a placard, and a double rayle0 which a woman of West-
minster, as the said Clarke said, was stolne (sz'c), and then named to this depo-
nent vj wymmen and a man which was then in the house when it was stolne ;
and this deponent aunswered and said that he wolde not meddle withall, except
he had the counsail's lettre or commaundement. And he saith that mr. Paget
servant about hallantide last came to this respondent with his maister's lettre,
desiring and willing hym to help his man the best he could to mony that he
had lost ; yet notwithstanding he saith that he wolde not, nor did not medle
anything in the mater. And otherwise he denyeth the articles.
Per me, WY:LLAA- WYCHERLEY.
xxiij0 August!.
Item, he saith that about ten years past he used a circule called Circuits
Salamonis, at a place called Pembsamd in Sussex, to calle up Baro, whom
a Psalm 1. v. 18. It is printed above as written in the MS.
b The same mode of divination is described in the Athenian Oracle about 1704; see
Brand's Popular Antiquities, (edit. Ellis,) ii. 641.
c i.e. a kerchief, a placket or under-petticoat, and a rail or over-petticoat.
d Perhaps Pepplesham, between Hastings and Bexhill.
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD UNDE1U11LL. 333
he taketh an orientalle or septentrialle spirit. Where was also one Robert
Bayly the scryer of the cristalle stone," syr John Anderson the magister
operator, syr John Hickley, and Thomas Goslyng, in the which their practise
they had sworde, ring, and hallywater. Where they were frustrated, for Baro
did not appere, nor other vision of spir' % but there was a terrible wynde and
tempest for the tyme of the circulation. And sithens that tyme he used no
consecrat cyrcule, but hath used the cristalle to invocate the spirit called
Scariot, which he called dyvers tymes into the cristall, to have knowledge of
thyngs stolne, which spirit hath geven hym knowledge an C. tymes, and thereby
men have been restored to their goodes.
And this practise by the cristalle he hath at the commaundement of my
lord protector executed in the presence of mr. Thynne, mr. Whalley, mr.
George Blage, and mr. Challoner, and one Weldon. And by this meane my lord
protector's plate was founde, where this deponent told his grace that it was hidd.
And about a moneth past, at the chaunge of the rnone, he did use this prac-
tise with the cristalle, and invocation of the spirite, to know whither he could
fynde things that were lost ; and about twoo moneths, likewise at Haleoke, for
treasure hid, but he hath founde none by his art.
Per me, WYLLIA- WYCHERLEY.
Item, he saith that he can invocate the spirite into the cristalle glasse
assone as any man, but he cannot bynde the spirit so sure as other from
their lyinge lyes.
Item, as concernyng the sword and the use therof he saith that he hath not
used the same, save only about twoo moneths past he used hallywater, a
sworde unconsecrated, and therefore was uneffectuouse, at Hale oke beside
Fullam, where they digged for treasure and found none. But as they were
working in the feat, ther came by them alongst the highway a black blynde
horse, and made this deponent and other with hym to ronne their wayes, for it
was in the nighte.
Otherwise he hath not wrought with sworde, sceptre, crowne, ring, or any
other thing.
Item, he saith that within this sevenight one Humfray Locke, about Wynd-
sore forest, and one Potter, of St. Clement's parish without Temple barre,
came to this deponent for a sworde and a sceptre going apon joynctes, which
hath been consecrated and now are polluted ; and a ring with the great name
of God written thrise, Tetragrammaton, which this deponent delivered them ;
» Divination by a magic crystal was practised by William Byg alias Leche about the
year 1465. See the Archaeological Journal, vol. xiii. p. 372, and in the same place a
note on the famous crystal of dr. Dee. See also a paper on crystals of augury, by H.
Syer Cuming, in the Journal of the Archaeological Association, vol. v. p. 51 ; and Brand's
Popular Antiquities, (edit. Ellis, 1813) ii. 413.
334 APPENDIX.
and they twoo with a preest entend at this or the next lunation to conjure for
treasure hid betwene Newbury and Reading.
Item, he saith that about ix yeres past he did conjure at Yarmouth in the
great circule, with the sworde and ring consecrated ; but nothing appeared unto
hym, because that an old preest being there was so sore afraide that he ran away
before the spirit called Ambrose Waterduke could appere.
Scryers. — Item, he knoweth that one Lowth, in Flete-strete, a broderer,
useth the cristall stone, and goeth about daily to dygge for treasure.
Thomas Malfrey of Goldstone besides Yarmouth, [and] a" woman besides
Stoke Clare, whose name [he] knoweth not, are skryers of the glasse.
Conjurors. — Maier, a preest, and now say-master of the mynt at Durham
house, hath conjured for treasure and their stolne goods.
Sir John Lloyd, a preest, that somtyme dwelt at Godstone besides Croydon,
hath used it likewyse.
Thomas Owldring, of Yarmouth, is a conjurer, and hath very good bookes of
conjuring, and that a great nomber.
Sir Robert Brian, of Hiegh-gate, preest, some tyme an armyt,a conjureth
with a syve and a pair of sheeres,b invocating saint Paule and Saint Peter.
And he also useth the psalter and the key with a psalme, Deus humani generis,
or Deus deorum.c
One Thomas Shakilton occupieth the syve and sheeres, and he dwellith in
Aldersgate-strete, a laborer, but he saith by saint Saviour that the man hath
doone therwith many praty feates, and many trouthes tryed out.
One Christopher Morgan, a plaisterer, and his wife, dwelling in Beche-lane,
besides the Barbicane, occupieth the syve and sheeres also.
Item, one Croxton's wife, in Golding-lane in Saint Giles parishe, occupieth
the syve and sheeres, and she only speaketh with the fayrayes.
John Davye, a Welshman, late dwelling with my lord protector's grace, is a
prophesier, and a great teller of thinges lost.
a Near the bishop of London's toll-house at Highgate, in the parish of Hornsey, was a
hermitage, with a chapel, — the nucleus around which the present town of Highgate was
formed. See Newcourt's Repertorium Eccles. Londinense, i. 654.
b A mode of divination described by Theocritus : see several passages collected about
it in Brand's Popular Antiquities, (edit. Ellis,) ii. 639. The points of the shears were
fixed in the wood of the sieve, which was balanced upright by two persons, on a finger of
each ; on the real thief being named, the sieve suddenly turned round.
The oracle of sieve and shears,
That turns as certain as the spheres.
Hudibras, Part II. Canto iii. 1. 569.
c Deus deorum is the 50th Psalm, of which the 18th verse, alluding to " a thief," has
been already cited in p. 332. I do not recognise Deus humani generis.
THE AUTOIiKXniAl'HY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 335
John Tumour, dwelling at a plac.e within twoo miles of Lynne, and his son,
conjureth a spirite.
One Durant, a paynter in Norwich, doth use invocation of spirites.
And this deponent saith that there be within England above v hundred con-
jurers as he thinketh, but he knoweth not their names ; and specially in Nor-
folk, Hartfordshire, and Wourcestershire and Gloucestershire a great nomber.
WYLLAA WYCHEHLEY.
On the 24th of May, 1551, we find " William Tassell committed to the cus-
todie of the master of th'orses for casting of figures and prophesieng." On the
next day, " William Tassell, of Balsam, neare Cambridge, bounde by recogni-
saunce of xl li. t'appeare from daie to dale before the counsaill." (Register of
the Privy Council, MS. Addit. 14,025, f. 199.)
On the 7th June, 1552, there was "a letter to sir Anthony Auchier to cause
one Rogers to be set in the pillorie for his sedicious reporting of lewde pro-
phecies, according to the minute." (MS. Addit. 14,026, f. 130.)
It would be easy to extend this note into a volume, if we went on from the
reign of Edward the Sixth into those of his successors, for the same struggle
with credulity and imposture was continued during the sixteenth century, and
with little abatement during the seventeenth.
Page 175. Gastone the lawyer. — The authors of the Athenae Cantabrigienses,
vol. i. p. 374, are inclined to "fear" that this was George Gascoigne, afterwards
distinguished us a poet. Still there is room to hope to the contrary, not only
because Gascoigne's flowers of poesy did not begin to bud until 1562, whereas
poets generally show themselves at an early age ; but further, because
" Gastone the lawyer " had " an old wife " as early as the date of Underbill's
anecdotes, that is, about 1551.
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY or THOMAS MOWNTAYNE.
Page 177. Whittington College. — Stowe relates, respecting the monument of
the founder of this college, and great city benefactor, sir Richard Whittington,
that his remains had been three times buried in the church of St. Michael in
the Ryal: "first, by his executors, under a faire monument ; then in the reigne
of Edward the Sixth, the parson of that church, thinking some great riches (as
he said) to be buried with him, caused his monument to be broken, his body
to be spoiled of his leaden sheet, and againe the second time to be buried ;
and> in the reigne of quene Mary, the parishioners were forced to take him up,
to lap him in lead as afore, to bury him the third time, and to place his monu-
ment, or the like, over him againe." The spoliating parson was, of course, our
over-zealous friend Thomas Mowntayne.
Page 180. The living God. — Mowntayne represents bishop Gardyner to say,
" They have nothing in their mouths, these heretics, but The Lord liveth, the
336 APPENDIX.
living God" &c. and that heretics might be recognised by their constant use of
such expressions. There is a corresponding statement in Foxe's account of
the examination of Richard Woodman in 1556. One of his answers was,
" No, I praise the living God." On which doctor Story remarked, " This is a
heretic indeed ! He hath the right terms of all heretics, the living God. I
pray you, be there dead Gods ? that you say the living God" Woodman quoted
Baruk, chapter vi., to prove both that there is a living God, and that there be-
dead gods; and afterwards the 84th Psalm. After which, doctor Story,
addressing bishop Christopherson, said, " My lord, I will tell you how you
shall know a heretic by his words, because I have been more used to them
than you have been ; that is, they will say the Lord, and we praise God, and
the living God. By these words you shall know a heretick." (See the conver-
sation at length in Foxe's story of Richard Woodman.)
Page 194. Funeral of Sir Oliver Leader.— On Thursday mornynge, beingc
the xviijth of Februarye, A° 1556, betweene iij and iiij in the mornynge, dyed
sir Olyver Leader knight, at his howsse at Greate Stolton, in the countye of
Huntyngton, wheras he was buryed the t'xve (25th ?) of the same moneth.
Morners, Mr. Wylsone, one of the clerkes of the chauncerye.
Gerarde Harvye.
George Symper.
Edward Butler.
Roberte Tonfyeld.
Standerd, Rychard Mylsent.
Pennon, Edmond Ogle.
His woorde, Now thus, thankyd be Jhs\ (MS. Coll. Arm. I. 15, f. 272 b.)
Page 211. Trudge-over-the-world was the soubriquet given to one George
Eagles, a tailor, whose martyrdom is related at some length by Foxe, under the
title of " The story and death of George Eagles, otherwise Trudgeover, a most
painfull travailer in Christ's Gospel," — " for he, wandering abroad into divers
and far countreys, where he could finde any of his brethren, did there most
earnestly encourage and comfort them, now tarrying in this town, and some
time abiding in that, certain moneths together, as occasion served, lodging
sometime in the countrey, and sometime for fear living in fields and woods,
who, for his immoderate and unreasonable going abroad, was called Trudge-
over. Often times he did lie abroad in the night without covert, spending
the most part in devout and earnest prayer In the queen's name a grievous
edict was proclaimed thorowout foure shires, Essex, Suffolke, Kent, and
Northfolke, promising the partie that took him twentie pounds for his pains."
At last he was seen at Colchester, at the fair time on Mary Magdalen's day,
and soon after caught hiding in a corn-field. His indictment "did runne
much after this fashion : George Eagles, thou art indicted by the name of
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS MOWNTAYNE. 337
George Eagles, otherwise Trudgeover the world, for that tliou didst such a
day make thy prayer, that God should turne queen Maries heart, or else
take her away." He suffered at Chelmsford the barbarous death of a traitor,
being hung, cut down alive, beheaded, and quartered. His head was placed
on the market cross at Chelmsford, and his quarters exposed at Colchester,
Harwich, Chelmsford, and S. Rouses (i.e. St. Osythe's).
The following passage occurs in the register of the privy council under the
3rd August, 1556 : " Where sondrie letters had been before directed to divers
justices for the apprehension of one Trudgeover, he being taken and executed
by mr. Anthony Browne, sergeant-at-law, in Essex, a letter as this day was
directed to the said sergeant Browne, geving hym thanks for his diligent
preceding against the said Trudge, willing hym to distribute his head and
quarters according to his and his colleagues' former determinations, raid to
precede with his complices according to the qualities of their offences."
In Foxe's story of Ralfe Allerton, who was apprehended by the lord Darcy
of Chiche, and burnt at Colchester Sept. 17, 1557, we read that the bishop
of Rochester (Maurice Griffin), in his examination on the 19th May, 1557,
asked him, " Were you a companion of George Eagles, otherwise called
Trudgeover? My lord of London tells me that you were his fellow com-
panion." Ralfe answered, "I knew him very well, my lord." The bishop
remarked, "By my faith, I had him once, and then he was as drunke as an
ape, for he stanke so of drinke that I could not abide him, and so sent him
away." Ralfe boldly replied, " My lord, I dare say you tooke your marke
amisse. It was either yourselfe, or some of your company; for he did neither
drinke wine, ale, nor beere, in a quarter of a yeere before that time ; and
therefore it was not he, forsooth." Foxe affirms of Eagles, " His diets was so
above measure spare and slender, that for the space of three yeers he used for
the most part to drink nothing but very water; whereunto he was compelled
through necessitie of the time of persecution ; and after, when he perceived
that his bodie by God's providence proved well enough with this diet, he
thought best to inure himself therewithall against all necessities."
Page 212. Mr. Tyrell.—See in Foxe a letter of Edmund Tyrel esquire,
dated from Raimesdon park, the 12th of June, 1555, reporting his capture of
John Denley and John Newman, who were afterwards burned ; also, a letter
of sir John Mordaunt and Edmund Tyrel esquire, justices of the peace for
Essex, sending up to London certain heretics from Great Berstede, 2 March,
1556. His name occurs frequently in Foxe as a cruel persecutor in Essex :
see the Index .to Cattley's edition. One of Foxe's larger cuts represents this
Edmund Tyrell, of Saynt Osythe's, burning the hand of Rose Alliu, of Much
Bentley. (On such tentative burning see a former note in p. 65.)
CAMD. SOC. 2 X
338 APPENDIX.
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CHANMER.
Page 220. Cranmer's book, De non ducenda Fratria, Supposed by Jenkyns
to be lost, is by W. H. C. in Notes and Queries, Second Series, vol. vi. p. 92,
identified with the article in Ames's History of Printing, p. 1133, entitled
Gravissimoe, fyc. censures.
Page 222, note. The literary history of Cranmer's Collections from the Holy
Scriptures and the Fathers, now the Royal MSS. 7 B. XI and XII, is preserved
in the following very remarkable correspondence of archbishop Parker : —
To the right honorable Sir William Cecyl, Knight,
Principal Secretary to the Q. Majestic. At the court.
(Extract.} — Now, Sir, with spying and serching, I have found out bi very
credible enformation, among other things, in whose handes the grete notable
wryten bokes of my predecessour, dr. Cranmer, shuld remayne : the partyes
yet denying the same ; and therupon despayre to discover them, except I maye
be ayded bi the councell's letters to obtayne them. I pray your honor to
procure ther letters to authorise me to enquire and serch for such monuments
by al wayes, as bi mi pore discretion shal be thought good : whether it be
bi deferryng an othe to the parties, or veweng ther studies, &c. This opportu-
nytie of enformation being suche, I wold wyshe I coud recover these bokes, to
be afterward at the Q[ueen's] commandment. I wold as moche rejoyce whyle
I am in the countreye to wynne them, as I wold to restore an old chancel to
reparation. Because I am not acqueynted with the stile of the councel's
letters in this case, I send you no minute, trusting that your goodnes will
think the lauber wel bestowed to cause the clarke of the councel to devise
the forme.
At my house, from Bekesborne, this 22 of August [1563].
Your honor's assured, MATTHUE CANT.
(Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, Appendix, p. 217.)
Sir William Cecill's reply, written from Windsor, Aug. 25 : —
" May it please your grace, I thank the same for your lettres. I am gladd
that you have herd of such hidd treasures, as I take the bookes of the holly
archbishop Cranmer to be. I have of late recovered of his wrytten bookes
v. or vj., which I had of one mr. Herd from Lyncoln. Your grace wryteth to
have lettres from the counsell : but to whom they shuld be wrytten, or who
the persons be of whom the wrytinges shuld be demanded, your grace's lettre
rnaketh no mention. And therfor, knowing no such ernestnes here or care of
such matters, I forbeare to press the counsell therwith, specially being not hable a
a Printed by Strype liable.
TFIE LIFE AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP CllANMER. 339
to render them an accompt who hath the wrytinges. But upon advertissment
therof, I will not fayle but procure such lettres. From Wyndsor, where
we ar yet in helth, thanked be Almighty God. On tewsdaye the Spa: ebasca-
dor dyed with in ij myles of a burning agew. 25 Aug. 1563. Your gracees at
command W. CECILL." (Autograph in MS. Reg. 7 B. XI.)
Archbishop Parker, in reply (from the original draft, MS. Reg. 7 B. XI.) :
" Where I dyd wright to your honor to procure the councell's letters for the
obteyning of certen auncyent wryten bokes of the late lord Cranmer, and
belike dyd not express particularly eythcr to whom these letters shuld be
directed, nor the persons of whom thei shuld be demanded, your honor shal
understand that the partye to whom belongeth these bokes, suyd to me to
recover them out of D. Nevyson's handes," in whose studye the owner playnly
avoucheth that he sawe them with his owne eyes there : who after that dyd
require them of hym, beyng conveyd away from hym the sayd owner ; but the
said Nevison denyeth to have them ; and I am persuaded he wold do the same
to myself yf I shuld de[mand] them; and thereupon desired to have the coun-
cell's letters which he might better regard, eyther directed to me to require
them of hym, or ellis to hym to delyver them to me, beyng none of his own but
usurped in secrecye, for the which I have made moch long enquirye, tyl nowe
the partye who owneth them detected so moche to me. I refer the considera-
tion of this my desire eyther to be satysfyed by the meanes of such letters
aforsaid, or ellys by yours privately, as yor gentle prudence shal thinke best.
Indeed the mater is of ernest importance, and nedeth your helpe. Yf gratitude
the sayd Nevyson to me ware not to seke.a Fynally I praye your honour onys
again helpe forward mr. Manwood's good entent,c as conscyence with the rea-
son d your office may convenyently beare yt. 7 Sept."
a Stephen Nevynson, LL.D. commissary-general of the diocese of Canterbury 1561,
and a canon of Canterbury about 1570. See a memoir of him in Athenae Cantab, i. 426.
b So the MS. Probably the archbishop intended to write, " In gratitude to me the said
Nevynson were not to seek," i. e. doctor Nevynson was in gratitude bound to accede to his
wishes without much solicitation.
c Mr. Manwood was apparently the person whom Parker calls the owner of the manu-
scripts, and who was prepared to transfer them to him upon recovering possession. Strype
(Life of Parker, p. 136) conjectures that the rightful owner could only be archbishop
Cranmer's son Thomas, as his father's heir ; but other arrangements might have trans-
ferred the books to mr. Manwood. This was no doubt Roger Manwood, serjeant-at-law
1567, justice of the queen's bench 1572, and chief baron of the exchequer 1578, the
founder of Sandwich Grammar- school : see Boys's History of Sandwich, 1792, 4to, pp.
200, 248, and Foss's Lives of the Judges.
d So the MS.
340 APPENDIX.
The council's letter (from the original in 7 B. XI.) : —
After our verie hartie commendations to your good lordshippe. Being given
t'understand that certaine written bokes containeng matters of divinytie, some-
time belonging to archebisshop Cranmer, your L.'s predecessour, are come to
th'andes of Doctor. Neveson, being verie necessary to be sene at this tyme ; we
have somwhat earnestlye writ to the said Mr. Neveson to deliver those bookes
unto your L. And like as we doubt not but he will furthwith deliver the
same unto you, considering they are for so good a purpose required of him ;
So, if he shall deny the delivery thereof, we thinke mete that your L. by your
owne authoritye, do cause his studye, and suche other places where you thinke
the said bokes do remayne, to be sought : and if the same bokes may be founde,
to take them into your L. custody. And thus we bid your good L. moste
hartely farewelle. From Windesore Castle, the xxiijth of September, 1563.
Your good L. most assured lovinge frendes,
N. BACON, C.S. W. NOETHT. PENBROKE.
R. DUDDELEY. E. CL.YNTON. F. KNOLLYS.
WILLM. PETRE, S. W. CECILL.
When archbishop Parker obtained the MSS. he caused transcripts to be
made of them, which Strype saw in the library of dr. Compton bishop of Lon-
don 1675-1713; and he has printed the contents of the chapters in Appendix
XXIII. to his Life of Parker. Another table of contents is given by Casley
in his Catalogue of the Royal Manuscripts.
The original volumes, now the Royal MSS. 7 B. XI. XII., passed again into
private hands. " I find (says Casley), in a Catalogue of MSS. formerly mr.
Theyer's of Cooper's Hill,* but which were bought for the King's library of mr.
Scott, that these two volumes were valued at 1001. ; but bishop Beveridge and
dr. Jane, appraisers for the King, brought down the price to 50Z." (Casley,
Catalogue of the Royal MSS. p. 125.) They must therefore have been acquired
for the Royal Collection in the reign of queen Anne, dr. Beveridge being bishop
of St. Asaph from 1704 to 1708.
Page 227. Ricd. Thorndcn, suffragan bishop of Dover. — Foxe has published a
letter to Thornden bishop of Dover, from Thomas Goldwell, prior of Christ-
church (noticed in p. 283), which was written from Brussels on the 16th of
June, 1554, by direction of cardinal Pole, then in that city. It severely censures
the suffragan for . his conduct and doctrine in the days of King Edward, and
again for having recently presumed to sing mass in pontificalibus before he had
a On the fly-leaf of 7 B. XI. is written : " This is the first volume of Bp. Cranmer 's
Common-place book. — JOHN THEYER. 4 September, 1659."
MORICE'S ANECDOTES, ETC. OF CRANMER. 341
received absolution; but at the same time conveys to him faculties for the con-
tinuance of his functions as suffragan. (Edition by Cattley, vii. 297.)
Page 228. On the posting of Cranmer's Declaration in London and in
Canterbury, see the Zurich Letters, i. 371.
Ibid. Sir Thomas Brydges. — In 1548 Thomas Brydges, next brother to
John first lord Chandos, was steward of the King's hundred of Chadlington,
and of his manors of Burford and Minster Lovell, and keeper of his forest of
Whichwood, and of his parks of Langley and Cornbury, at which last he
resided, and was buried in the church of Chadlington. Through the reign of
Edward VI. he had large grants of abbey lands. (Topographical Miscellanies,
1792. 4to.)
Sir Richard a Brydges (another brother ?) was, when sheriff of Berkshire, one
of the commissioners for the trial of Julins Palmer at Newbury, July 16, 1556;
and, in order to induce Palmer to renounce his opinions, made what Foxe terms
a " gentle offer " to him of meat and drink, and books, and ten pounds yearly,
so long as he would live with him.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES, &c. or CRANMER.
Page 235. The Family of Ralph Morice. — In one of his supplications to
queen Elizabeth, Ralph Morice represents that he had four daughters all mar-
riageable, and not wherewithal to bestow them according to their quality ; and
he prays to be relieved with the pension that had been allowed in the time of
the late prior Wildbore of St. Augustine's abbey in Canterbury, from his
estate at Beakesbourne, as it would be a good furtherance to his said daughters'
marriage.
I have been favoured by the Rev. James Craigie Robertson, M. A. the present
Vicar of Beaksbourne, with the following extracts from his parish register,
which appear to show that when the means arrived three out of Morice's four
daughter^ went off at double quick time. Let us hope that the fourth remained
to close her father's eyes in peace.
1570-1. Edward Vanvvylder and Margaret Moryce, Jan. 25.
James Cryppyn and Mary Morice, Jan. 29.
John Hart and Anne Morrice, Feb. 8.
Under 1561-2 occurs the burial of Alyce Morrys, Feb. 25.
Page 236. Commission to visit the dioceses of Rochester, Sfc. in 1547. — In
Foxe, edit. 15 , p. , is another communication of Morice, relating the con-
versation which took place between the archbishop and " the said register his
man," i.e. Morice, at Hampton Court, " touching the good effect and success of
342 APPENDIX.
the same visitation." Mr. Jenkyns has extracted it in his Memorials of
Cranmer, vol. i. p. 320.
Mr. Briggs, the "preacher" to the visitors, was Simon Briggs, fellow of
Pembroke hall, Cambridge, 1538, and of Trinity college, by the foundation
charter, 1546; D.D. 1547. See Athenae Cantabrigienses, i. 93.
Page 237. Ralph Morice further contributed to Foxe " A discourse touch-
ing a certain policy used by Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, in
staying King Henry the Eighth from redressing of certain abuses of ceremo-
nies in the Church ; being ambassador beyond the seas. Also the communica-
tion of King Henry the Eighth had with the ambassador of France at Hampton
court concerning the reformation of Religion as well in France as in England,
A.D. 1546, in the month of August." (Edit. 1570, p. 1425; Cattley's edition, v.
561 — 564.) I should in p. 234 and p. 237 have spoken of the second edition
of Foxe as dated 1570, not 1576.
Morice also wrote the recantation of one master Barber, M.A. of Oxford.
—Cattley's edit. v. 454.
Page 247. Mr. Isaac. — " Edward Isaac of the parishe of Well in the countie
of Kent," as he is described in Morice's paper respecting Latymer and Bayne-
ham (mentioned in p. 237), but which should be corrected to " Well court in
the parish of Ickham, near Littlebourn." When doctor Sandys (afterwards
archbishop of York) went into exile, mr. Isaac met him at Milton-shore in
Kent, and sent his eldest son with him to Antwerp. Isaac was afterwards
himself a refugee, resident some time at Strasburg, and afterwards at Frank-
fort, where his eldest son died. When Dr. Sandys was at Strasburg, " his
sustentation there was chiefly from one master Isaac, who loved him most
dearly, and was ever more ready to give than he to take." (Foxe, not im-
probably from Morice's information.) Mr. Isaac appears to have lived chiefly
at Frankfort during his exile, and his name occurs among those who were
strongly opposed to John Knox. (See the Troubles of Frankfort ; Hasted,
History of Kent, iii. 666, 722; Strype, Memorials, III. i. 231, 406 ; Annals, I.
i. 153; Latimer's Works, Parker Soc. ii. 221.)
Page 250. The Pelican. — Over the figure in brass-plate of John Prestwick,
dean of Hastings, in Warbleton church, Sussex, is a canopy terminating in a
finial, which is composed of the pelican feeding her young with her blood,
and this motto &fc Xj)U8 Irilexit nos. The date of this design is 1436. It is
engraved in Boutell's Monumental Brasses, and in the Sussex Archasological
Collections, vol. ii. p. 307. There was an old distich which thus declared the
meaning of this emblem —
Ut pelicanus fit matris sanguine sanus,
Sic sumus sanati nos oranes sanguine nati, i. e. Christi.
MORICE'S ANECDOTES, ETC. OF CRANMER. 343
Page 251. Sir John Gostwyck. — How Gostwyck was capable of acting is
shown by a memorandum under his own hand addressed to the King after
Crumwell's disgrace : "May it please your most excellent majestic to be adver-
tised that I, your most humble servaunt, John Gostwyck, have in my hands,
whiche I treasaured from tyme to tyme unknowne unto th'erl of Essex,
whiche if I had declared unto hyin he would have caused me to disburse by
commaundeinent, without warraunt, as heretofore I have done x M li."
(Ellis's Original Letters, II. ii. 162, from MS. Cotton. Append, xxviii. fol. 125.)
Sir Henry Ellis considers that this statement may have done Crumwell essential
harm, as counteracting his asseveration that he had never deceived the King
in any of his treasure.
Page 252. Certain prebendaries and justices of the shire. — In Morice's paper,
which was inserted by Foxe in his Actes and Monuments, concerning " the
trouble of Richard Turner, preacher, at Chatham," he has given some other
particulars of the doings of the popish justices of Kent; and thus mentions
their names — " the justices, such as then favoured their cause and faction, and
such as are no small fools, as sir John Baker, sir Christopher Hales, sir Thomas
Moile [of Westwell], knights, with other justices." In Jenkyns's Remains of
Cranmer, the archbishop's letters cxcvi. and cxcvin. are addressed to a justice
who had publicly impugned his doctrines, and letters cxcvn. and cxcix. are
the justice's replies, written in October 1537. The last letter is dated from
Raynham, but it is not clear from Hasted's History of Kent who was the justice
then there resident. Possibly it was sir Anthony St. Leger, whose fluctuating
religious sentiments have been elsewhere discussed (p. 179).
Page 256. — but stode withoute the doore emonges servyngmen and lackeis above
thre quarters of an hower. — This anecdote of Cranmer is the original of a passage
in Shakspere's Henry the Eighth, in which Dr. Butts tells the King: —
Dr. Butts. I'll shew your Grace the strangest sight
I think your Highness saw this many a day,
There, my Lord, —
The high promotion of his Grace of Canterbury,
Who holds his state at door, 'mongst pursuivants,
Pages, and footboys.
344 APPENDIX.
Page 2. Mary of Henawde and queen Philippa. — In the pedigree of Moyne
we read that sir John Moyne, who died about 1408, married Joan daughter
and heir of John Belvale, by Katharine, nurse to Philippa queen of Edward
III. (Hutchins, Hist, of Dorsetshire, first edit. iii. 407.) This sir John Moyne
had two coheiresses, — Elizabeth, married to William Stourton esquire, father
of the first lord Stourton ; and Hester, married to sir William Bonville of
Somersetshire. Sir William Moyne, lord of Sawtrey in Huntingdonshire, living
20 Ric. II. was a brother to sir John ; and, dying in 1404, was the subject of
the epitaph in Sawtrey church (p. 3). To this sir William Moyne was made
the remarkable surrender of the arms of Beaumeys, (Argent, on a cross azure
five garbs or,) which is printed in the Visitation of Huntingdonshire, at p. 16.
It was made by Thomas Grendale of Fenton in the same county, the cousin
and heir of John (or Nicholas) Beaumeys, and was dated at Sawtrey on the
22d Nov. 15 Ric. II. This was very shortly after the same Thomas atte
Hethe, otherwise called Thomas Grendale of Fenton, had been found the
nearest heir of Nicholas Beaumeys, who had died without heirs of his body on
the 24th Jan. 14' Ric. II. Thomas Grendale was- the son of Cecilia, daughter
of Margaret, daughter of Robert Beaumeys, father of William, father of John,
father of Robert, father of Nicholas.* The estates in question were one virgate
and a half in Copmanford, and ten shillings rent of assize in Upton, held of the
King as of the honour of Huntingdon as one twentieth part of a knight's fee,
and then in the King's hand on account of the minority of Nicholas Beaumeys.
(Inq. p. mort. held at Huntingdon on Saturday after the feast of the Circum-
cision 15 Ric. II.)
Whether Moyne inherited any blood of Beaumeys does not appear ; but, as
we find the family of Louthe quartering both Moyne and Beaumeys — on the
monument at Cretingham, p. 6, it might be presumed that they had formed a
marriage with an heiress of Moyne, particularly as they also assumed the Moyne
crest. And yet no such marriage is represented by the impalements in pp. 2, 3,
though it would seem that sir William Moyne and a Louthe married sisters
(Somayne ?)
One is also led to suspect some connection between " Mary of Henawde,"
the wife of Roger Louthe, and Katharine, wife of John Belvale before-men-
tioned, "nurse to queen Philippa." Could the consanguinity (as it was termed)
with Lionel duke of Clarence, be that supposed to exist between the child of a
nurse and her foster-child ? If Louthe had married a coheir of Belvale, the
family would probably have quartered the Belvale coat, which was Argent, a
chevron between ten billets sable.
* In the Visitation of Huntingdonshire, p. 16, these names will be found, drawn into a
tabular pedigree, but Margaret is made the daughter of Nicholas, who really died s. p.
ADDITIONAL NOTES. 345
The two families of Beaumeys and Le Moyne had been co-existent on the
two manors of Sawtrey from very early times. In an ancient feodary they
were thus described : —
" Dominus Robertus de Beaumes tenet capitale manerium de Beaumes in
villa de Salteria de domino comite Gloverniae, et est de feodo de Lovetot,* &fc.
"Dominus Willielmus le Moyne tenet manerium de Salteria le Moyne de
abbate de Ramesey, et dominus abbas de Rege."
The two manors continued in subsequent times to be named after their
former owners ; the former being also called Sawtrey Juett, from the countess
Judith widow of Waltheof earl of Huntingdon, temp. Will. Conq.
In Philipot's Stemmata, Coll. Arm. 75, is a pedigree of Moyne drawn for
William lord Stourton in 1575, upon which is tricked a very remarkable seal,
copied with the following memorandum: "Willielmus Moigne de com' Hun-
tingdon' miles, per chartam suam datam anno quinto Ricardi secundi, dedit
Ricardo Revenshere clerico, Simoni Burle militi et aliis seisinam de maneriis
suis de Sautre, Ravele, Gyddyng, Luddington, et Reweye, &c. et dictae chartae
apposuit sigillum suum ad arma talem qualem hie depinxi." The arms of
Moigne on this seal are the two bars and three mullets on chief: by the side
of which is the crest, placed on a helmet, which covers the head of a lion
sejant; the crest is in this instance a tall monk at whole length, holding his
whip of penance over the shield : behind him is a long-legged bird. The
legend : SIGILLVM WILLIEJLMI MOINE. It will be remembered that the Stourtons
(like the Louths) adopted this crest of a monk, and still continue to use a
device which now appears peculiarly appropriate to that eminent Roman
Catholic family.
Page 26. It was from Lyon key that Katharine duchess of Suffolk, having
left her house called the Barbican, between four and five of the clock in the
morning, embarked on her flight to the continent on the first of January,
1554-5. See the narrative in Foxe's Actes and Monuments.
Pages 43, 302. John Lascelles. — The first arrest of this gentleman is thus
mentioned in a letter of the council to secretary Petre, dated May 11, 1546 :
" Ye shall perceive that Mr. Crome notith in his aunswer, to be comeforted by
oon Lasselles, whome we have in examination, — nat called apon Cro.me's de-
tection, but because himself boosted abrode that he was desirous to be called
to the counseill, and he would answer to the pricke." (State Papers, 1830,
i. 844.) A few days after, according to the same reporter, his confidence had
* Hence the coat of Lovetoft in Sawtrey church (p. 2). See also the Testa de Neville,
pp, 354, 355 b.
CAMD. SOC. 2 Y
346 APPENDIX.
left him : for, under the date of the 14th of May, it is stated that " Lasselles
wil not answere to that parte of his conference with Crome that toucheth
Scripture matier, withoute he have the Kinges majestes expresse commande-
ment, with his protection; for he sayeth it is neither wisdom nor equitie that
he shuld kyll himself. Thus you see his Highnes must pardon, before he
knowe if Mr. Lasselles may have his will ; and in dede his answeres be ther-
after." (p. 850.) It is one of many instances that occur of persons having been
intrapped by an incautious expression of their sentiments, from the perils of
which the majority escaped by retractation or denial ; but the honest and con-
scientious were made to suffer the penalty of their "obstinacy."
Page 94. " The Lady Elizabeth Fane s 21 Psalms and 102 Proverbs," were
printed by Robert Crowley in 1550, 8vo. (Ames, Typographical Antiquities,
p. 760). I have not traced any remaining copy of this book. — Ames, p. 1103,
states that in 1563 John Charlwood had licence to print "a book of serten
Godly Prayers of Lady Fane's ; " but on examining the entry Mr. Payne Col-
lier found that the " lady Fane" was there a misreading for the lady Jane
(Grey). Registers of the Stationers' Company, (Shakespeare Soc.) i. 85.
Page 107. Banbury Gloss. — This phrase is used by bishop Latimer in his
letter to king Henry, printed by Foxe (edit. 1596, p. 1590) ; when speaking
of the pharisaical prelates, he declares, «* they have sore blinded your liege
people and subjects with their lawes, customs, ceremonyes, and Banbitry glosses,
and furnished them with cursings, excommunications, and other corruptions —
corrections I would say," &c.
Page 127, note. Desperate Dick. — This term occurs in doctor Thomas Wil-
son's Art of Rhetorique, 1553, " Though men kept their goodes never so close,
and locke them up never so fast, yet often times, either by some mischaunce
of fyre or other thinge, they are lost, or els desperate Dickes borowe now and
then, against the owner's wille, all that ever he hathe." (f. 101.) Thomas
Nash, in his contest with Gabriel Hervey, calls Richard Hervey desperate Dick :
and in 1568-9 Robert Ealie had license " to prynte a ballad intituled Desperate
Dycke" (Collier's Registers of the Stationers' Company, ii. 195.)
Page 151. The Seven Sciences Liberall were personified in one of the
pageants presented to King Edward VI. in his passage through London the
day before his Coronation. See the description, with their poetical speeches, in
The Literary Remains of King Edward VI., pp. cclxxxiv. et seq. Their names
agree with the list cited in p. 151 from the title-page of James Howell's
Familiar Letters, and with those represented in the annexed fac-simile, which
is copied from a^ woodcut used by Richard Grafton, printer to King Edward
the Sixth, in several of his works, particularly in Marbeck's Concordance of
ADDITIONAL NOTES.
347
the Bible 1550, Wilson's Arte of Logique 1551 and 1553, and probably others
(see Dibdin's edition of Ames's Typographical Antiquities, vol. iii. pp. 471,
474, 480.)
Page 328. Prophecies on going a journey. — " The people were grown unto
such a folly that scant would they ride or go any journey unlesse they con-
sulted either with their blind prophets, or at the least with their prophesies,
which yearly to no little hurt, both to the faith of Christ and wealth of the
realm, were without all shame divulged." A short treatise, declaring the de-
testable wickednesse of magicall sciences, as necromancie, conjuration of
spirites, curiouse astrologie, and such lyke : by Francis Coxe ; supposed to
have been first published in 1561. (Herbert's Ames, ii. 889.)
348 TREATMENT OF WILLIAM MALDON
THE CRUEL TREATMENT OF WlLLIAM MAL.DON WHEN A BOY, AT CllELMSFORD,
BY HIS FATHER.
Among the supplementary matter at the end of Foxe's work, under the head
of " God's punishment upon Persecutors and Contemners of the Gospel," are some
anecdotes communicated by William Maldon, then of Newington, which are thus
introduced : " Mention was made, not long before, of one William Maldon, who
in king Henry's time suffered stripes and scourgings for confessing the verity
of God's true religion." But no previous mention of William Maldon is to be
found. This shows that it had been Foxe's intention to insert the following
paper, written by Maldon, but that it was accidentally omitted. Had that
course been taken designedly, it might have been deemed more to the credit
of Foxe's discrimination, for as a record of personal suffering or of persecution
this narrative will by many be considered as trifling and insignificant. It is
the ordinary case of an arbitrary and passionate parent, exceeding the bounds
of parental discipline, and defeating his own object, by undue violence. The
lapse of three centuries, however, has given it a different value: for many
circumstances are incidentally noticed that are highly characteristic of the
manners of the times, and particularly of the humbler Yanks of the early
Protestants. The description of their nocking to hear the reading of the holy
scriptures, when first promulgated in the vulgar tongue, is especially remark-
able.
This document has hitherto appeared only in an abridged form in Strype's
Memorials of Cranmer, p. 64. The original is in a detached portion of Foxe's
papers (see the Preface). The handwriting is above mediocrity, showing Wil-
liam Maldon to have been a person of some education.
(MS. Harl. 590, fol. 77.)
Grace, peace, and mercy from God our Father and from our lord Jesus
Christ be with all them that love the gospell of Jesus Christ unfeignedly (so be
it) ! Not unto us, Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name be all honour and
glory ! Jentyll reder, understand that I do not take in hande to wryte this
ly tyll tratys as followeth of myne owne provoking, but I with another chanced
to goe in the company of mr. Foxe, the gatherer together of this grete boke, and
he desired us to tell hym if wee knewe of any man that had suffered persecu-
tion for the gospell of Jesus Christ, to that end he myght add it unto the boke
AT CHELM'SFORD, BY HIS FATHER. 349
<
of marters.* Then said I that I knewe one that was whipped in king Henryes
time for it, of his father. Then he enquired of me his name. Then I bewrayed
and said it was I myself, and tould him a pece of it. Then was he desirous to
have the whole surcomstance of it. Then I promysed him to wryght it, and as
I said to him, " Not for any vayne glory I will speke, but unto the prayse and
honour of our God, that worketh all in all men of all good gyftes that cometh
from above, unto whom be all honour and glory for ever in this lyfe and for
ever in the lyfe to come (so be it) I " As I find by the brefe crownakill *> that
the bibiil of the sacred schrypteures was set forth c to be rede in all churches
in Ingelande by the late worthy king Henry the viijth, (then was I about a xx
yeares of age,) and imedyately after dy veres poore men in the towne of Chel-
mysford in the county of Essex, where my father dwelled and I borne, and
with him brought up, the sayd poore men bought the Newe Testament of Jesus
Christ,d and on Sundays dyd set redinge in lower ende of the church, and many
wolde floke about them to heare theyr redinge. Then I came amonge the sayd
reders, to here their redyng of that glad and sweet tydyngs of the gospell.
Then my father seying this, that I lystened unto them everie sundaye, then
cam he and sought me amonge them, and brought me awaye from the hering
of them, and wolde have me to say the Lattin mattyns with hym, the which
greved me very mych, and thus dyd fete me awaye divers times. Then I see
I could not be in reste. Then thought I, I will learne to rede Englyshe, and
then will I have the Newe Testament and rede ther on myself; and then had I
learned of an English e prymmer as far as Patris sapyentia, and then on Sundays
I plyed my Engelysh prymmer.
The Maye tide following, I and my father's prentys Thomas Jeffrey layed
our mony together and bought the Newe Testament in Engelish, and hydde
it in our bed strawe, and so exersised it at convenient times. Then shortly
after my father set me to the kepyng of a shop of haberdashery and grosary
a This is one of several proofs that " The Book of Martyrs" acquired its familiar title
at an early period of its existence, of which others are noticed in the preface.
b Perhaps " A Breviate Chronicle," printed by John Mychell, 1552.
c In the year 1538.
d "No man can come unto me except it be geven hym of my Father. John vj."
Side note.
e So the MS. qu. Latin ? In a primer printed at Rouen in 1555, entitled " Hereafter
foloweth the Prymer in Englysshe and in Latin sette out along ; after the vse of Saru.
In edibus Roberti Valentini. M.D.lv." the place of which Maldon speaks will be found
under the head of Matyns of the Crosse, Patris sapientia, v&*itas divina, Deiis homo,
captus est hora mattitina, &c.
350 TREATMENT OF WILLIAM MALDON
I
wares, beyng a bowe shott from his howse, and there I plyed my boke. Then
shortly after I wolde begyn to speke of the schriptures, and on a nyghte about
eight acloke my father sate sleepyng in a chayr, and my mother and I fell on
resonyng of the crucifyx, and of the knelyng downe to it, and knokeynge on
the breste, and holding up our handes to it when it cam by on procession. Then
sayd I, it was plain idolatry, and playnely againste the commandement of God
(when he sayeth) Thow shalt not make to thyself anye graven image, thou shalt
not bow downe to it, nor worshyppe it. Then sayed she, " Thou thefe ! if
thy father knewe this, he would hange the. Wilte not thou worshippe
the crosse? and it was about the when thou weare cristened, and must
be layed on the when thou art deade," with other talke. Then I went and
hidde Frythes boke on the Sacrament," and then I went to bede. And
then my father awakyd, and my mother toulde him of our communycatyon.
Then came he up to our chamber, with a greate rodde, and as I harde
hym coming up I blessed me saying, " In the name of the Father, and of
the Sonne, and of the Holy Ghoste, so be it." Then sayd my father to
me, " Serra, who is your scholmaster ? tell me." " Forsouthe, father, (said I,)
I have no scholmaster but God, wher he sayth in his commandment, Thou
shalt not make to thyself any graven image, thou shalt not bow downe to it,
nor worshyppe it." Then he took me by the heare of my heade, with bothe
his handes, pullyd me out of the bede, behynd Thomas Jeffrey's bake, he
syttyng up in his bedde. Then he bestowed his rodde on my body, and style
wolde knowe my scholmaster ; and other then !• sayd before he had none of
me. And he sayd I spake againste the King's injuntyons, and as trewely as
the Lord liveth I rejoiced that I was betten for Christ's sake, and wepte not
one taare out of mine eyes, and I thynke I felte not the strypes, my rejoysyng
was so much. And then my father sawe that wen he had betten me inofe, he
let me goo, and I went to bedde agayne and shed not one tare out of myne
eyes. " Surely (sayde my father,) he is past grace, for he wepeth not for all
this." Then was he in twyse so much rage, and said, " Fette me an haulter, I
will surely hange him up, for as good I hange him up as another shoulde."
And when he sawe that nobody wolde goe, he went downe into his shopp, and
brought up an haulter, and the whyles he went, " A thou thefe ! (sayd my
mother,) howe haste thou angeryd thy father ! I never sawe hym so angary."
" Mother, (said I,) I am the more sorreyer he shoulde be so angary for this
a Probably "A boke made by John Frith, prisoner in the Tower of London,
answeringe unto M. More's letter which he wrote ayenst the first litle treatyse that John
Frith made concerninge the Sacrament and the body and bloode of Christe," &c first
printed in 1533, and repeatedly for some years after.
AT CHELMSFORD, BY HIS FATHER. 351
matter," and then began I to weepe for the grefe of the lake of knowledge in
them.* Then sayd rny mother, " Thomas JefFary, aryse, and make the reddy,
for I cannot tell what he will doe in his anger ;" and he sat up in his bede
puttynge on of his clothys, and my father cometh up with the haulter, and my
mother entretyd him to lett me alone, but in no wyse he wolde be intretyd,
but putte the haulter aboute my neke, I lying in my bede : he putte the
haulter about my neke, and pulled me with the haulter behynd the sayd
Thomas Jeffaryes' bake, almoste clene oute of the bede.b Then my mother
cryed out, and pullyed hym by the armes awaye ; and my brother Rycherd
cryed out that laye on the other syde of me, and then my father let go his
houlde, and let me alone and wente to bede.
Henr. 8.
(Indorsed,} Receaved of W. Maldon, of Newyngton.
a " Wepyng tares I wrete this, te thynk the lake of knowledge in my father and mother ;
they had thought they had done God good servise at that tyrne. I troste he hath forgeven
them." — Side note.
b " I thynke vj. dayes after my neke greved me with the pullyng of the haulter." —
Side note.
ERRATA.
Page 5, line 11, for here read there.
Page 149, line 22, for ther read then (than).
GLOSSARIAL INDEX.
I. WORDS. II. PHRASES. III. PROVERBS. IV. OATHS.
V. RELIGIOUS NAMES OF REPROACH. VI. SOBRIQUETS.
I. WORDS.
advoutrey, 50
ale-bench, 271
along (together), 349 note
altogethers, 248
armyt (hermit), 334
assoile, 40 note
axe (ask), 34, 45, 48, 56
bards (of horses), 148
beleve (by your leave), 184
belyke (by like), 156
a bowed (bent) groat, 121
brast (burst), 155,317
bridge (a landing place), 252
brigandine, 167
brokers in the law, 316
calculation, 326
to calke (calculate), 172
calker, 159
catchpole, 104
chanlyng (changeling), 205
chevance, 263
cise, 324
cloynars, 316
collygeners (members of colleges), 316
comoditie (advantage), 267
constable, 38, 104
conveyaunce, 109
costerell or coustrell 322
cow-cusen or cow-turd, 37
creably, 18
daftly, 102
CAMD. SOC.
I. WORDS — continued.
defalcate, 49
deny (refuse), 340
desperate debts, 298
detected, 32, 129
detection, 345
disple (or disciple), 289
double-hearted, 137
dubbed (my beard), 154
dysard (professional fool), 318
fasterne or vastern, 121
father-name, 309
favel, 160
fawn upon, 49
fawtor, 26
fayrayes (fairies), 334
fett (fetched), 80, 115, 116, 350
forest-bill, 38, 211
geare, 178
glo'synge, 231
God a mercy, 15, 165
good-fellow, 290
good-wife, 197
Gospeller, 155, 160, 324
gossips (sponsors at baptism), 152
gra mercy, 15
hable (able), 117 note, 338
hand-gun, 82
henchman or haunfhman, 322
heyho Rombelo, 29
hollock, 150
horly burly, 78; hurle burle, 167
2 z
354
GLOSS ARIAL INDEX.
I. WORDS — continued.'
horse-litter, 153
hosteler, 100, 269
howgh hoo, 67
howse-end, 23
impeach, 137 note
indifferent (impartial), 274
indurance (imprisonment), 255
infamy (an), 269
jugelar (juggler), 158
kercher, 332
knowen (carnally), 219, 220
laches, 38
lancequenets, 137
lattin (metal called), 299
legerdemayn, 109 note
lord lieutenant, 1 68 note
lovetyckes (love-tricks), 52
lowtryng (loitering), 182
lubberde, 36
luske, 16, 59
magistrall, 19
marshal of the field, or, of the camp, 168
mass-mongers, 316
mast (for master), 325
miser (a wretch) , 32
modirwife, 24 note
molspade, 37
mother (applied to a grandmother), 313
murian or morion, 1 68
necname (nick name), 73
nigromancie, 314
nosseled, 218
ostler of an inn, 100
pelting, 36
philopony, 16
placard, 332
place (text), 73, 77
poll-axe, 161, 322
poore-blind (purblind), or short-sighted? 240
poulter, 331
progeny (ancestry), 238
promoter, 161
I. WORDS — continued.
quidites, 219
rail (a double), 332
reback, 148
refricate, 117
room (place or office), 321
royster, 158
rumbylowe, 29
schoolyon, 50
scryer, 333, 334
seke (seek), to persecute, 169
Serjeants, 44, 104
shifter, 158
speres, " called men at arms," 321
sort (a great), 195; such a sort (number),
209, 271
speke (speech), 183
standeth me upon, 200
stand with (withstand), 256
stove, or sweating bath, 58
styngers, 316
supportacion, 30
surray (sirrah), 140; syrra, 79; serra, 350
swepestake, 265
system (sisters), 229
tall (gentleman), 36
token, 56
trade, 238
triple-cornet, 57
Trojan, 250
upholster, 85
vastern or f astern, 121
wahahowe, 67
warden (pear), 34
wench (a female child) ,171
wheras (meaning' whereat), 336
zowche, 54
II. PHRASES.
answer to the prick, 345
Banbury glose, 105, 346
bear in hand, 255
black dog of Bungay, 51
GLOSSARIAL INDEX.
355
II. PHRASES— continued.
black guard, 50
Bonner paunch, 51
born in a happy hour, 258
a bow shot (distance), 350
as if the catt had lycked you cleane, 89
changing your tippet and turning your coat, 118
clean-fingered clergy, 24, 37
con you thanks, 157
corry fa veil, 159
crafty conveyaunce, 109
a craftie crowder, 1 09
Croydon complexion, 51
curry favour, 159
a desperate Dick desirous to die, 127, 346
desperate debts, 28, 298
a dog's life, 30
drunk as an ape, 337
turned his face to the wall, 35
two faces in one hood, 89, 100, 120
fawn friendship, 62
as he had fished so he should fowl, 102
no small fools, 343
gentle reader, 86, 89, 120, &c. 348
too good (too much) for him, 122, 137
hot gospeller, 159, 324
grown out of knowledge, 213
out of hand, 179
smell his stinking heart, 87
heavy friend, 207
you hide yourself among the bushes, 130
hucker mucker, 162
hunt and hawk (a country gentleman's occu-
pation) 36
the living God, 179, 336
the Lord liveth, 335, 350
whether he knew, 64
Marian persecution, 57
Mariana tempora, Title-page
to help up your market, 109
masking mass, 81
massing matter, 193
to make up your own mouth, 129
II. PHRASES — continued.
make thee ready (dress), 351
a show to mock an ape withall, 120
walk naked in a net, 109
for the nonst (nonce ?) 175
held his nose to the grindstone, 85
out of hand, 179,258
he out with his sword, 324
past grace, 345
as Peter followed Christ, 128, 145
pilde priests, 62
played the devil, 212
poling and shaving, 49
post alone, 248
post haste, 81, 228
the king's prisoner, 36
gave a good report, 215
rail slander, 89
round in the ear, 181, 184, 191
ruffelynge roysters, 174
the sachell of oblivion behind the backe
parte, 245
seale his doctrine with his blood, 131
not to seek, 339
shaven crown, 37, 63 ; shaven pate, 37
sing another song, 178
sing a new song, 181
it standeth us (or me) upon, 117, 200
sleep sweetly in the Lord, 35
sterke nowght (or stark naught), 23
the stoney ground, 33
stop-gallant, or, stoup knave and know thy
master, 82
stand to your tackle, 251
make all things straight the world, 38
to-to (too dupl.}, 154
thick and three fold, 185
took your mark amiss, 337
tuting in the ear, 144
twine or untwine, 61
too old a trewant (Trojan ?), 250
water his plants, 213
white son, 149
356
HLOSSARIAL INDEX.
II. PHRASES — continued.
white witches, 174
as a ravening wolf greedy of his prey, 104 ;
looking as the wolf doth for a lamb, 188
world without end, 149
it is a world to see, 109
worth as many pence as there be shillings in
a groat, 90
not worth a fly, 267
III. PROVERBS.
Of all treasure
Cunning is the flower, 63
He that wylle in courte dwell
must corye favelle, 159
He thatt wylle in courte abyde
must cory favelle bake and syde, 159
Scarborough warning, 199
Such a master, such a servant, 201
The blind doth eat many a fly, 202
Fast bind, fast find, 205
IV. OATHS.
by my faith, 337
forsooth, 183, 188, 206, 270, 337, 350
Godamercy, 15, 165
by God's blood, 141, 178
_ by God's body, 163
God's passion, 179
in the name of God ! (a form of assent) 135,194
by the Lord's foot, 137
Mary, 140, 163, 165, 257, 266, 272
by mass, 14]
by the holy mass, 185
by saint Saviour, 334
V. RELIGIOUS NAMES OF REPROACH.
abbey lubberde, 36
ape of Antichrist, 317
Antichrist, 15, 233, 294, 315, 316, 317 bis
Baal, 149
Babylon (applied to Rome), 25
Babylonian bondage, 56
Balaamites, 28
Egypt (applied to Rome) , 25
Egyptian darkness, 56
the god of Northefolke, 330
heretick, 141, 318, 336
hot gospellers, 159, 324
Jack in the box, 73
massmonger, 316
mumpsimus, 141
Pharisee, 111, 141,316
Round Robin, 73
sumpsimus, 141
VI. SOBRIQUETS.
busking Palmer, 158
great Guilliam, 143
great Morgan and little Morgan, 174
little Palmer, 324
long Palmer, 158, 324
lusty Younge, 158
Dick of Dover, 227
Mar- elm, 267
Algrind, 267
Fill-sack, 267
the god of Northefolke, 330
Trudgeover the world, 336
GENERAL INDEX.
A , J. letter on Cranmer's
last hours, 229
Abetot, see Dabitote
Abingdon abbey, surrender of,
286
Adams, or Aldam, John, 43, 307,
310
Aldworth, Thomas, 95, 123
Alexander, keeper of Newgate,
and James his son, 147
Allen, Robert, aprophesyer, 159,
172, 173, 326
Allerton, Ralphe, 337
Alley, William, 22
Allin, Rose, 65, 337
Allyngton, mr. 46
Ambrose Waterduke, a spirit,
334
Amport, 71
Anderson, sir John, 333
Anthony, Anthony, 305 ; journal
of, xxvii
Antwerp, 212, 214; the English
house, 216
Apostles' mass at St. Paul's, 288
Articles of religion, see Six Ar-
ticles
Arundel, Henry Earl of, 136,139,
140, 142, 143, 170
archbishop, 294
Aske's rebellion, 285
Askew, Anne, her family history,
299 ; her marriage, 300 ; the
racking of, 303; entertained
by Anne Hartipole, 313
Aslacton, 218, 238, 263
family of, 250
Asple hall, 9
Astrology, 327
Astronomy, science of, 173, 326,
327
Attenborough, 31
Auchier, sir Anthony, 335
Aungell, William, 35
Austhorpe, 300
Austy, or Cornwell, Thomas, 295
Avales, see a Vales
Aylmer, bishop, nicknamed Mar-
elm, 267 ; letter attributed to,
xix
Ayscough, Anne, see Askew
sir Edward, 39, 300
Elizabeth, 299
sir Francis, 39
Faith, 299
Jane, 40
Martha, 300
sir William, 39, 249
Babington, Francis, Mary, Tho-
masine> Zachary, 9 — 13
Bacon, arms, 7
Lady Anne, 313
Badingham, 5
Bagenal, sir John, 291 ; sir Ni-
cholas, 291 ; sir Ralph, 158,
290 ; sir Samuel, 290
Bainham, see Baynham
Baker, sir John, 187, 188, 296,
304, 311, 313,343
Baldwin, Francis, 195
William, his « Funeralles
of Edward VI." 324
Bale, bishop, xvi. 6 1 , 287; extracts
from his Expostulation against
a frantic Papist in Hampshire,
315 ; his plays acted in Hamp-
shire and Kilkenny, 318
Balsham, 335
Banbury, 297
Banbury, of Stepney, 158, 160
Banbury glose, 105, 346
Barber, 302
Bards of horses, 148
Barker, alias Tayler, John, 19
William, 13
Barlow, bishop William, 223, 236
Barnes, dr. Robert, 294, 298
Baro, a spirit, 332
Bartelot, Richard, 282 bis
Barton, Elizabeth, 280, 281
Bath, 9, 319
John earl of, 139, 141
Bayfield, Richard or Robert, 294
Bayly, Robert, 333
Baynham, James, 45, 237
Baynton, sir Edward, 264, 295
Beard, the promoter, 161, 171,
214
Bearing a fagot, 20, 294
Beaumys, arms, 6, 334 ; pedigree,
344
Becon, Thomas, 31, 145, 218,
' 227
Bedford, John earl of, 42, 138,
140, 152, 257
Francis earl of, see Russell
Bekesbourn, 236, 338, 341
Belenian, or Otterden, Nicholas,
43, 307, 310
Bellasis, dr. Anthony, 253
Bellingham, Edward, 321
Belvale, Joan, John, 344 ; arms
of, ib.
Benedictine monasteries sup-
pressed, 282
Benefield, 57, 58
Benet, dr. William, 220, 243
Bentham, bishop, 58
Berkeley church, 20
sir Maurice, 167
Rowland, 66
sir William, 79, 80
Bernhere, Augustine, 58
Bettes, master, 293
Beveridge, bishop, 339
Beverstone, 87, 88
Bible, painted out of the hand of
king Henry, 288 ; eagerly read
in churches, 349
Bilney, Thomas, 25, 27, 65, 298
Bilson, Leonard, dr.Thos. 108
358
GENERAL INDEX.
Bishops' book, the, 224, 248
Bishop's Stoke, 317
Black dog of Bungay, 51
Blagge, sir George, 41, 302, 306,
333
Blean forest, 266
Blenerhasset, arms, 6 ; Elizabeth,
4, 302 ; sir Thomas, 4 ; John,
5. 302
Blunte, mr. 208
Bocking, dr. Edward, 280, 281
Boleyne, queen Anne, 52, 297,
305 ; coronation of, 250 ; exe-
cution, 283
Bolles, Agnes, Lucy, 299 ; Wil-
liam, 28, 299
Bolton, John, 87, 90, 96
Bonner, bishop, 65, 138, 147,
295 ; his personal appearance,
51
Bonner's coal-house at the Mar-
shalsea, 184
Bonville, Hester, sir William,
344
Books, built up in a wall, 171
Bostock, Lancelot, 291
Boulogne, 137, 148, 279
Bourn, sir John, 68, 134, 138,
139, 140, 142, 143
lady, 68
Bourne, Anthony, 68, 142
bishop Gilbert, 142, 287
Bourne, John, mayor of Reading,
126
Bowes, sir Martin, 40
— — sir Robert, 148
Bowls, playing at, 227
Bowyer, Robert, 90
Boxley, rood of, 286
Braban, 315, 316
Bradford, John, 93, 145
Bray, Edmund lord, Elizabeth,
162, John lord, 170
Brentwood, 212
Brereton, Randle, 283
Brewster, William, 295
Brian, sir Robert, 334
Brigandine, 166
Briggs, Simon, 236, 341
Bright, dr. Timothy, 18
Bristol, 31
Brooke, alias Organmaker, Alice,
Nicholas, Oliver, 62
— — Margaret, sir Richard, 143
Brooke, sir Robert, 205
Brooks, James, D.D. 185
Brown, Richard, LL.B. 20
Browne, sir Anthony, 139, 212,
321, 322
sir John, 228
Anthony, 337
Brussels, 339
Brydges, sir John, 144, 228
sir Richard, 341
sir Thomas, 144, 117, 228,
342
Brysse (Tailor), sir, 81,318
Brysto, one of the guard, 148
Bryttyne, porter of the Marshal-
sea, 184
Buckingham, Henry duke of, 292
Bullingham, bp. John, bp. Nicho-
las, Richard, Thomas, 65
Bungay, black dog of, 51
Burdett, Clement, 95, 126, 319
Burghley, lord, see Cecill
Burgoyne, Christopher, 206
Burning the hand, 65, 337
Burton, mr. 24
Butcher, John, 310
Butler, Edward, 123, 336
Butts, dr. William, 253, 256,343
Buxton, 9
Cage at Reading, 1 14
Calais, 136, 279, 283 ; the garri-
son of, 321
Calculation, 326
Calton, mr. 197
Calveley, sir George, 169; sir
Hugh, 42, 169; John, 169
Cambridge, Benet college, 8, 47 ;
Buckingham college, 240, 269 ;
castle, 36, 190; Dolphin inn,
240; the Griffin inn, 197;
Jesus college, ib.
Cambridge university, six learned
men consulted on the divorce,
216; plague there, 240
Campegius, cardinal, 240
Candle, test of burning with a, 65,
337
Canterbury, 279 ; St. Augustine's
monastery, 283 ; visitation of,
284 ; Christ church, 264 ; re-
storation of the mass at, 227 ;
prior's house burnt, 282 ; pri-
ory of St. Gregory's suppressed,
284 ; subsequent history, 265 ;
nunnery of St. Sepulchre's
suppressed, 284
Canterbury school, 273
Capon, bishop, 72, 74
Careles, Elizabeth, 58 ;• John, 58,
93
Carew, Anne, 152
— - sir Francis, 152
sir George, 147, 148
sir Nicholas, 152
sir Peter, 148
mr. 171
Carne, dr. Edward, 220
Carolstadius, 310
Carthusians, sentenced to death,
282
Castle Hedingham, 1, 3
Catchpole, 104
Cave, dr. 236
Cavendish, William, 284
Caversham bridge, 113, 121
Cecill, sir William, 58, 76, 78,
146; letter to archbishop
Parker, 338
Chadsey, William, D.D. 186
Chafin, Christopher, Thomas, 73
Challoner, mr. 333
Champenes, 295
Chandos, see Brydges
Charcoal, 51, 150
Charing cross, 288
CharlySj, keeper of Cambridge
castle, 199
Charms, 326
Chauntries, suppression of, 247
Cheke, sir John, 146
Chelmsford, 337, 348
Chercey, grocer, 270
Chester, sir William, 298
Cheyne, sir John, 21
Chidley, Robert, 153
Chipping Norton, 21
Chipping Ongar, 45, 46, 235
Chislet park, 265, 266
Cholmley, 147
Cholsey, 320
Christchurch Twinham, 72
Christopherson, bishop, 336
Circulus Salamonis, 332
Cirencester, 89
Clarence, Lionel duke of, 1, 35,
344
GENERAL INDEX.
559
Clarke, master John, 29*, 2«j4
Clerke, John, a prophesier, 314,
332
Clink, the, 49
Clinton, lord, 168
Clopton, Elizabeth, Frances, 4
Cobham, George lord, 166
Thomas, 1 66; hiscapture, 1 68
sir William, 166
Codnor castle, 57
Colchester, 210, 295, 325, 336;
a harbourer of heretics, 212
Cole, dr. Henry, 229
Common Prayer, Book of, 224,
225
Communion, a Protestant, dis-
turbed at the accession of
queen Mary, 178
Compter, in Wood-street, 146
Compton, near Winchester, 47
Concealed lands, commission for,
291
Conjurations, statute against, 330
Cooke, Anne, 313
sir Anthony, 146, 313
John, register of Winches-
ter, 49
chaplain at Lincoln's inn, 58
Cope, Alan, 16
— — sir Anthony, 236
Cornelius Agrippa, 221
Cornwallis, arms and quarter-
ings, 6 ; Edward, 5 ; Francis, 5,
7 ; sir John, 5 ; John, 7 ; Mar-
garet^, 7; epitaph, 6; Mary,
7 ; Philip, 7 ; Richard, 5, 7 ;
sir Thomas, 5 ; Thomas, 7
Cornwell, or Ansty, Thomas, 295
Corsley, 88
Cossyne, mr. 212
Cotton, Thomas, 189
Courtenay, Mary, sir William, 52
Coventry, 85, 163, 171
Coverdale, Miles, 295
Coxe, dr. 253
T Leonard, 107, 108, 109,
122 ; letters patent granted
to, 31.9
bp. Richard, 138, 236
William, 101, 109, 110
Craddock, John, 81
Cranmer, archbishop, 72 ; his le-
nity towards papists, 157, 246 ;
the life and death of, 2 1 8 — 233 ;
his Collections of Law, 221 ;
circumstances of his signing
king Edward's will, 226 ; his
last speech, 229; his wife, 243 ;
his arms, 238, 250 ; Morice's
anecdotes, 234 — 272 ; his con-
duct as to Canterbury school,
273; forbids preaching, 280;
inthronization, ib. ; his first
visitation, 281 ; does not fast
on saint Thomas' eve, 285 ;
read at Canterbury St. Paul's
epistle to the Hebrews, 286 ;
letter to Crumwell, 321; his
book De non ducenda Fratria,
338 ; his Collections from
the Holy Scriptures and the
Fathers, ib.
mrs. 243
Thomas (son of the arch-
bishop), 263
Cranmer hall, Line. 238
Crespin, Jean, his Actiones et
Monumenta Martyrum, xxiv
Cressly, mr. 240
Cretingham, 1, 4, 5, 7, 35
Croft, sir Herbert, 142
Croker, Thomas, 19
Crome, dr. 42, 298, 345
Crondal, 319
Cross, or Crucifix, kneeling to,
209, 350
Croxton's wife, 334
Croydon, 157
palace, 266, 267
Croydon complexion, 51
Crumwell, lord privy seal, 59,
147,248,271,283,284, 327;
his ruin,*843 ; Morice's anec-
dotes of, 236 ; letter of Cran-
mer to, 321
. sir Richard, 132
Cryppyn, James, Mary, 341
Crystal, magic, 333
Culpepper, master, 147
Cunning, couplet on, 63
CurleVwood park, 265
Dabitote, Humphrey,Richard, 61,
315
Dade, arms, 7
Dalaber, Anthony, 22, 293
Dale the promoter, 161
Dancing at court, 170
Dauiell, John, 163
Danske (Dantzig), 214
Dapres the dicer, 158
Darcy of Chiche, Thomas lord,
211, 314,337
Darcy of the North, Thomas lord,
285, 314
Daunce, Henry, 171
Davis, John, imprisonment of,
60—68,315
Davye. John, 334
Day, John, printer, 59, 88, 147,
172, 236
— bp. George, 249
Dawtrey, Jane, sir John, 7.5
Debts, Sperate and Desperate, 298
Dedham heath, 211
Deighton, John, 69, 76
Delves, George, 291
Denley, John, 337
Denny, sir Anthony, 237, 253,
254, 312; Joan lady, 312
Derby, earl of, 284
Dcrhatn, Francis, 259
Dering, Richard, 280, 281
Dicing, 174
Dieulacres abbey, 290
Disney, Jane, Richard, 40 ; his
children, 301
Dodding, Thomas William, 6 1
Donne of Horsenden, 123
Dover pier, 283
— priory, 265
Downer, 101, 109, 110
Drinking to strangers, 195
Drowrie, Thomas, 19
Droxford, 49
Dryver, mr. 157
Dudley, alias Sutton, arms, 2 ;
Katharine, 1, 35 ; Edward Sut-
ton, lord, K.G. his arms, 2
Henry, 164, 171
sir John, 147
see Northumberland
Duke, Anne, John, 302
Duisburg, 216
Dunkirk, 215
Dunstaple, 222
Durant, 335
Durham place, 242 ; mint at, 33 4
Dusgate, master, 237
Dyblye, William, 96, 126
Dyer, sir James, 206
Dymoke, Henry, 75
360
GENERAL INDEX.
Dyndee, 9
Dyott, sir, 293
Eagles, George, 211, 336
Easter, houselling at, 149
Edmondes, William, 90, 97, 99,
123,124; his wife, 116
Edon, master, 293
Edward VI. duke of Somerset's
appeal to, 80 ; false report of
his death, 173 ; circumstances
of Cranmer's signature to his
will, 226 ; called " a poor
child," 317; his worthy edu-
cation, 317 ; his inquiry re-,
specting St. ' George, 323 ;
" Funeralles of," 324
Elizabeth, princess, 53, 136 ; sent
a prisoner to Woodstock, 288;
her praise as queen, 82
Elmsted, 211
Ely, of Brazenose, 229
Emerods, of silver or gold, 25
Englefield, see Inglefield
Erasmus, 219, 227, 283
Erith boat, 23
Essex, Thomas Crumwell, earl
of, see Crumwell
Eton school, 239
Euer, Richard, 67, 315
Ewerby Thorpe, 300
Eyebright, the herb, 62
Fagot, carrying a, 20, 294
Fane, Henry, 94, see Vane
Farron, Laurence, 2
Fasterne park, 121
Fay re, maister, 306
Feasts, certain, prohibited, 285
Feerefilde, mr. 66
Ferrar, bp. Robert, 293
Ferrers, George, 163, 164, 166
note
Walter lord, 138
Finch, Katharine, sir William, 52
Fisher, bishop, execution of, 282
Fitzwilliam, Anne (lady), 312 ;
Jane (lady), 3 13
FitzWilliam, sir William, 298
Fitzwilliams, lord, 56
Flanders lock, 101
Fleet prison, 143, 144, 172
Fleming, Abraham, 51
Ford palace, 267
Ford, William, 29
Fortescue, sir Adrian, 31, 299
Fortune-telling, 174
Foster, William, 46
Foule, Thomas, 58
Foxe, bishop Edward 241, 294
FOXE, John, an inattentive editor,
xi, xxi ; life by his son, xii ;
descent of his MSS. xv ; his
veracity and the general cha-
racter of his Book of Martyrs,
xxii ; mentioned, 14, 15, 16,
17, 19, 141 ; his Oxford career,
59, xii; his " Actes and Mo-
numents," called the Book of
Martyrs, 69, 349; his treatment
of Thomas Thackham, 86, 92 ;
omitted much in second edi-
tion that by oversight escaped
him in the first, 92 ; a godly
preacher and his so famous a
work, 119; a most excellent
jewel of our age, and principal
pillar of religion, 120; Morice's
contributions to, 235 ; his mo-
difications thereof, 252, 255
bishop Richard, 250
Frances, Henry, 48
Freer, master, 293, 294
Friars, expelled throughout Eng-
land, 281
Friskney, 300
Frith, John, 18, 27, 56, 276, 293,
298; his Disputacion of Purga-
tory, 58; book on the Sacra-
ment, 350
Fulham, 217; the Holy oak be-
side, 333 *
Futter, arms, 7
Gage, sir John, 139, 140, 143,
144, 166, 167
Gainsford, Anne, 52 et seq. ; sir
John, 52 ; Katharine, 52 ;
Mary, 52
Galant, John, 95
Gardyner, bishop, 41, 48, 49, 71,
72, 76, 83, 152, 168, 178 et
seq., 201 ; conduct in riding
through London, 209; 220,
. 222, 223, 241,248,250,290,
294, 303, 305, 335,342; his
translation of Luke and John,
277; his personal habits, 180
Garrard, sir William, 134, 143,
145
Garret, Thomas, 293, 294
Gascoigne, George, 335 ; sir
John, 148
Gaston, the lawyer, 174, 335;
sir Henry, 174
Gateford, 43
Gateley , 1 00, 1 09, 1 1 0, 1 1 6, 1 1 7
Gates, sir Henry, 323 ; sir Geof-
frey, 28
Geffery, see Jeffrey
Geneva, 84, 96
Genevian party, 155
Gentlemen Pensioners, history
of the band of, 320
Gilby, Anthony, 84
Gloucester, 18, 21
Godsalve, sir John, 327
Godstone, 334
Goffe, Peter, 61
Gold, Henry, 280
Goldstone, 334
Goldwell, Thomas, 283, 339
Goodrich, bishop Thomas, 223
Good works, 181
Goslyng, Thomas, 333
Gostwyck, sir John, 251, 253,343
Gotham , 9
Grafton, Richard, 244, 346
Gravesend, 212,214
Grendale, Thomas, 344
Gresham, sir John, 172 ; sir
Thomas, 151
Greenwich, 323
Greville, sir Giles, 299
Grey, Lady Jane, see Jane
Griffin, bishop Maurice, 337
Griffith, mr. 76
Grig, a prophet, 331
Grindal, archbishop, 228 ; called
Al-grind, 267
Groom-porter, office of, 5
Gryffyn, Edward, 46, 206, 226
Gwent, dr. Richard, 296
Gylbart, 212
Hainault, see Henawd
Hales, Sir Christopher, 268, 273,
343
sir James, 265
GENERAL INDEX.
361
Hales, sir John, 236
Hall, mr. Robert, 323
Hals, see Hawes
Hampshire, opposed to Protes-
tant doctrines, 315
Hampton, 100, 101
Hampton court, 173, 341
Hancock, Thomas, auto-biogra-
phical narrative of, 71—84;
notes, 315; Gedeon, Sarah, 84
Hand-gun, 81
Harding, Thomas, 55, 56
Harley, bishop of Hereford, 85
Harpsfield, John, 47
Nicholas, 16
Harrow-on-the-Hill, 264
Harston, mr. Henry, 323
Hart, Anne, John, 341
Hartgills, murder of, xvi
Hartipole, Anne, 313; Richard,
314
Harvey, Henry, LL.D. 177
Harvye, Gerarde, 336
Harwich, 337
Hastings, sir Edward, 134,1 43,144
Henry lord, 134
Hatfield, Agnes, Laurence, 216
Hatton, sir Christopher, 323;
sir William, 57
Havyland, William, 78
Hawes, or Hals, John, 298
Hawkes, Thomas, 163
Hawton, 9
Hayes, 264
Headborough, 104
Hearing, arms, 7
Heath, archbishop, 61, 158, 236,
245, 295
Hedingham castle, 35
Heigham, sir Clement, 206
Henawd, Mary of, 1, 35, 344,
arms? 3
Henri d'Albret II. king of Na-
varre, 279
Henry VIII. 141, 148; anecdotes
of, 25, 36, 42, 54 ; styled " the
good king," 39 ; anecdotes of
connected with Cranmer, 252,
253, 260 ; purposed to send his
daughter Mary to the Tower,
259; his taking Otford and
Knole, 266 ; visits Dover,
283 ; his picture painted with
the bible defaced, 288 .
CAMD. SOC.
Herd, mr. 338
Hereford, Walter viscount, 138
Heretics known by their phrase-
ology, 336
Hering, Julins, 85
Hervey, Edmund, Isabella, 162;
John, 333
atte-Hethe, Thomas, 344
Hickley, sir John, 333
Hicks, Henry, 20
Highgate, hermitage at, 334
Hilsey, bishop John, 286
Hilstall, 300
Hinchinbroke, 148
Hoby, sir Philip, 314
Holcroft, sir John, 302
sir Thomas, 187, 196,210
Hollock, 150
Honne, master, 297
Hooper, bishop, 18, 21, 158, 264,
265
Home, Christopher, 70
Edward, martyrdom of, 19
bishop Robert, 50
Horse-litter, 153
Horsenden, 99, 110, 123
Horwode, William, 292
Hostler, meaning of, 100, 269
Hot gospellers, 159, 324
Howard, queen Katharine, 259
^-lord William, 163
Howbrough, Richard, 65
Hullier, John, 203, 206
Hungerford, mr. 181, 184
Hunsdon, lord, 322
Hunt, John, 74
Huntingdon, 195, 205
Francis earl of, 134
Hussey, Anthony, 216, 253
lord, 285
Hutchinson, Roger, 174
Incent, dr. dean of St. Paul's,
297
Inglefield, sir Francis, 90, 95,
152
Institution of a Christian Man,
224, 248
Ipswich, only two priests left in,
289
Isaac, Edward, 247, 342
Ive, Thomas, 135, 144, 145, 146,
157 ; sent to the Marshalsea,
161
3 v
Jane, dr. 339
(Grey or Dudley) queen,
her marriage, 136 ; her eleva-
tion to be queen, 80, L'_
when queen godmother to
Guilford UnderhiH, 1 «i2
(Seymour) queen, mar-
riage, 283; at Canterbury, ib. ;
death of, 285
Jeffrey, Thomas, 349, 350; dr.
William, 74, 118, 126
Jennings, William, 21
Jennynges, mrs. 35
Jewel, dr. John, 21, 22, 55
Joanes, Frances, Thomas, 123
Jodocus, 227
John Boone and Mast Parson,
172, 325
Johnson, Alice, 62
— John, Ottiwell, 305
— Robert, 61, 67
Thomas, 60, 62
Joliffe, Henry, 67, 315
Jonas, dr. Richard, 25
Jones, dr. John, 9
Julins, Christian name of, 85
Katharine of Arragon, queen,
219; death of, 285
Kempe, Bartholomew, Elizabeth,
302
Kenrycke, 196
Kent, popish justices of, 251
Kettlebers, 4, 7
Kettleby, 58
Key worth, 9, 10
King's Book, the, 224, 248
Kingston, sir Anthony, 147
Kirkstall abbey, 263
Knevet, lady Anne, 93
sir Anthony, 302, 304; sir Ed-
mond 312 ; William, 166, 168
Knightsbridge, 166
Knole, 266
Knollys family, 124 ; sir Francis,
85, 112
Kyme, Anne, Thomas, 39, 300;
John, 300
Laconicum, 57
Lambeth, 238, 248, 249, 277
— bridge, 252
Lanam, or Latham, 302
Landerci, 132, 148, 169
362
GENERAL INDEX.
Lane, sir Robert, 1 14
Langporte, a black monk, 293
Lascelles, John, 41, 302, 306,
307, 310, 345
Mary, 43
Latham, or Lanam, 302
Latimer, bp. Hugh, 141, 223,
237, 298
Latin service, revival of the, 131
Lawney, Thomas, 276
Lawrance, Edmond, 1 88
Layton, dr. Richard, 282 bis, 284
Leader, sir Oliver, 196, 200, 204,
206 ; funeral of, 336
Leche street, at Worcester, 64
Lee, archbp. Edward, 220
Edward Dunne, 123
Ralph, 98, 110, 123
Legh, dr. Thomas, 253, 282
Leicester, Robert earl of, 5 1
Levyns, Christopher, 283
Limehouse, or Limehurst, 134,
140, 153, 156, 157, 210
Lincoln, 203
Lincoln's inn, 46, 58
Lincolnshire, rebellion in, 284,
285
Litany, English, 288
Little ease, 189
Littleton, master, 42
Lloyd, sir John, priest, 334
Lodge, sir Thomas, 298
London, dr. John, 34, 2*2
London, mode of election of
members to parliament, 295 ;
the city watch, 325 ; high price
of wood, 150,324
- — Allhallows Barking, 298 ;
St. Bartholomew's, 295 ; hos-
pital, 44, 182; St. Botulph's
Bishopsgate, 29*; Christ's hos-
pital, 182; Charter house, 45;
Coleman st. 171 ; Lion's key,
26, 345 ; Long lane by Smith-
field, 96 ; Ludgate, watch at,
164, 324 ; St. Magnus church,
159; St. Margaret's Kastcheap,
23 ; St. Martin's Orgar, 23 ;
St. Michael in the Ryal, 177 ;
Montjoy house, 59; Newgate,
325 ; St. Pancras Sopcr lane,
177; St. Paul's church, ex-
hibitions of agility from its
steeple at the coronations of
Edward VI. and Mary, 155;
struck with lightning in 1561,
ib. ; the nave a place of con-
course, 172 ; the apostles'
mass, 288 ; penance of mar-
ried priests in, 289 ; rood of
Northen, 294 ; Paul's cross, 23,
51, 212, 286, 295; Saddlers'
hall, 40 ; Smithfield, burning of
heretics in, 43 ; Soper lane end,
297 ; Stocks- market, 145 ; St.
Thomas's Hospital, 182; St.
Thomas of Acres, 296 ; Whit-
tington college, 177, 178,335 ;
Wood street, 161 ; see Fleet
prison, Lincoln's inn, Newgate,
Tower
Longe, Joan, 131
Longland, bishop John, 219, 293
Lorraine, cardinal of, 279
Loughborough, 82
Louthe, arms, 3 ; quarterings,
6 ; branches of the family, 9 ,
Anne, 1, 4, 35, 302 ; Edith, 4 ;
Edmund, 4, 6, 35, 292, 302;
Elizabeth, 4, 5 ; Humfrey, 9 ;
JOHN, biography of, 7 ; Latin
verses by, 9; will, 10; anec-
dotes, 15 ; letter probably
written by, xix ; John, junior,
9, 11; Katharine, 1, 35, 37 ;
Lionel, 1,4, 5,6; inquisition
post mortem, 292; Margaret,
4, 5, 292; Mary, 1; Mary
(alias Babington), 9, 10; Pe-
ter, 10; Robert, 10; Roger,
I; Simon, 293; Thomas, 1, 4,
6, 35 ; inq. post mortem, 292 ;
Thomasine, 292; William, 9
Lovanian lusk, 16, 59
Lovelace, William, 21, 22
Lovetoft, arms, 2, 345
Lowth, embroiderer, 334 ; bishop
Robert, 292
Luke, doctor, see Shepherd
Lute, 137, 149
Luther, 2'J5, 29S
Lynne, 335
Lystcr, sir Michael, sir Richard,
71 ; Jane, 75
Macliell, John, 298
Maidstone, 267
Maier, 334
Maldon, 12
William, his cruel treat-
ment from his father, 348
Man, John, 33, 34
Man-midwifery, 24
Manwood, Roger, 339
Marbeck, John, 96, 346
Marchc, mr. 157
Markham, sir John, 173
Marshalsea prison, 184
Martyn, dr. Thomas, 180, 187
Mary, queen, king Henry threat-
ened to send her to the Tower,
259 ; her accession, 80 ; pro-
claimed in London, 153 ; in
Oxford, 80 ; her coming to the
Tower, 134 ; first proclamation
on religion, 81 ; her general
pardon, 83 ; coronation pro-
cession, 154; her marriage,
168; her dancing, 170; riding
through Cheapside, 209; dis-
inherited by Edward, 225 ; her
treatment of Cranmer, 226;
her belly laid out, 289
queen of Scots, xx
Maryan persecution, 57
Marriage contracts, Bale's cen-
sure of, 39
Mason, sir John, 139, 140, 236
Mervyn, sir Edward, 68
Molineux, arms and quarterings,?
Monk, crest of a, 345
Monmouth, Humphrey, 298
Moore, clerk of the check of the
gentlemen pensioners, 162
• Henry, abbot of Tower hill,
157
Mordaunt, sir John, 337
More, Edward, 34
John, 108, 121
sir Thomas, 26, 28 ; execu-
tion of, 282
Morgan, Christopher, 334; Ri-
chard, serjeant-at-law, 139, 140;
of Salisbury court, 158, 174;
Thomas his brother, 174
Morice, James, 45, 235 ; sir John,
235; Ralph, 45; memoirs of,
and his writings, 235, 341,
,'542 ; his daughters, 341 ; Wil-
liam, 45, 261
Morion, 168
Mortlake, 264
GENERAL INDEX,
Morwen, his verses on bishop
Gardyner, 85
Morysin, sir Richard, 146
Mountjoy house, 59
Mouse, eating the host, question
of, 40, 42
Mowntayne, Richard, 177
Thomas, the troubles of,
177—217, 335
Moyer, John, 87, 9G ; letter to
Thomas Purye, 88, 95, 110
Moyle, sir Thomas, 137, 343
Moyne, arms and crest, 3, 6 ; sir
John, sir William, 344
Mulso, arms, 2, 6; Anne, 1, 4,
35; Benet, 36; sir Edmund,
35 ; Thomas, 1 ; William, 4
Mummuth, see Monmouth
Mumpsimus , 141
Mylsent, Richard, 336
Names, instance of two
mina, 123
Netherclief, Stephen, 100
Neville, sir Alexander, sir An-
thony, 262 ; sir Edward, 152,
163; Frances, 152; Katha-
rine, 163 ; Richard, Thomas,
262, 265
Nevynson, dr. Stephen, 339
Newbury, 29, 31, 85, 106, 118,
128, 334, 341
Newent, 69, 70
Newgate prison, 143 et seq.t 153,
165
Newman the ironmonger, 105;
John, 337
Nicholson, Sygar, 203
Nicknames, satirical, 267, 350
Nine worthies, pageant of, 288
Non-residence of the clergy, 291
Norfolk, Thomas duke of, 5, 258,
276, 284, 314
Norris, Henry, 162, 283, 292
John, 162, 169
North, Edward lord, 264
Northampton, 120, 128
marquess of, 146, 322
Northumberland, John duke of,
134, 144, 158, 323 ; unpo-
pularity of, 226 ; archbp. Cran-
mer's occupation, with, 247;
resident at Oxford, 266; letter
to lord Darcy, 3 14 ; Bale's dedi-
cation to, 3 1 5, 316; see Dudley
Northwell, John, 7s, Ml
Norwich, 335
Nottingham, St. Mary's, 9, 10, 13
Oakingham, 48
Ochyne, Barnardine, 313
Ogle, Edmund, 336; Richard, 3 13
Okyng, dr. Robert, 72
Opilio, see Shepherd
Organmaker, alias Brook, Alice,
Nicholas, Oliver, 62
Orleans, 84
Ormond, see Urmond
Osberton, 299
Osiander, 243
Otford, 266
Otterden, or Belenian, Nicholas,
43
Owldring, Thomas, 334
Oxford, 15,58; scarcity in 1555,
232 ; proclamation of queen
Mary at, 80; Magdalen college,
85 ; cardinal Wolsey's college,
240
university, six learned men
consulted on the divorce, 219 ;
the scene of Cranmer's prose-
cution, 228 ; the first Protest-
ants of, 293 ; Friswith's col-
lege, ib.
earl of, 295 ; arms, 20
Pace, dr. Richard, 45, 141
Packinglon, Austen or Augus-
tine, 247 ; Robert, 296
Paget, William lord, 139, 140;
connives at a conjuror being
consulted, 331, 332
| Painted cloths, 205
i Palm borne on Palm Sunday, 287
Palmer, Julins, 85 et seq., 341
sir Thomas, 147, 148, 158;
called " busking " and " long
Palmer," 158; little, 324
Papists and Protestants, 141
Paris, 84
Parker, archbp.' 234, 251, 265,
269 ; letters of, 338
John, 12
Parliament of queen Mary, 289
Parr, queen Katharine, 305
Parry, Henry, 21,22
Parry, sir Thomas, :', l
Anne, sir Thomas, 299
Parton, Thomas, 61
Partridge, sir Miles, 158
Paul's cross, nee London
Peckham, Henry, 1 '
Pelican in her piety, 2'>0, 342
Pembroke, Anne countess of, 52 ;
Henry earl of, 131 ; William
earl of, 21, 152, 156
Pembsarn or Pepplcsham, 332
Penance of married priests at St.
Paul's, 289
Pendleton, Henry, D.D. 186
Penshurst, 94
Pentecost, Thomas, 286
Perlebeame, 56
Perrins, Johanna, Thomas, 133 ;
John, 153
Perry, see Purye
Peter, John, 147
Petit, John, 25, 295; will of,
296; Lucy, 29, 28, 296; Au-
drey and Blanche, 28 ; George,
31
Petre, dr. William, 282, 284
Philip, king, his dancing, libel
against, 187; ride through
Cheap, 209; labour made to
have him crowned, 289
Philippa, queen, 1, 344
Philippes, gaoler in the Tower, 27
Philpot, archdeacon John, 7, 15,
29, 47, 49 et seq.,93, 94, 313
sir Peter, 47
Pierrepont, Henry, 13
— •— sir William, 30
Pilgrimages prohibited, 281 ; di-
vination before going, 327
Pilkington, bishop, 156
Pinner, 264
Placard, 332
Plankney, Henry, 35
Pole, cardinal, 209, 289, 339
Pole-axes, 322
Ponet, bishop John, 49
Poole, 77 et seq. ; church, 81
Pope, his authority and name
prohibited, 282
Porchester, 5
Porter, arms of, 133 ; Agnes
Thomas, 132
Portman, sir WTilliam, 68
Potter, 333
364
GENERAL INDEX.
Poulet, lady Margaret, 7'J
Poynings, sir Thomas, 147
Poynter, mr. 157
Poyntz, sir Gabriel, Thomas, 235
Priests, required to put away
their wives by the act of Six
articles, 276; would have other
men's wives, 35, 36, 276 ;
" the old Mumpsimus," 141 ;
only two left in Ipswich, 289 ;
penance of married priests at
St. Paul's, ib.
Proctor, James, 188
Promoters, 161, 213
Prophecies respecting Anne Bo-
leyne, 52 ; on going a journey,
328, 347
Prophets, 331, 334
Protestants, 141 ; the first in Dor-
setshire, 77 ; the first at Ox-
ford, 293 ; in the city of Lon-
don, 296, 298 ; at the court
of Henry VIII. 311 ; concealed
in Mary's reign, 149
Psalm, the 50th, used for divina-
tion, 332, 334
Purye, Thomas, 87, 88, 95, 110;
letter to Foxe, 87 ; Katharine,
88
Puttenham, George, Rose, 52
Putto, of Colchester, 295
Pyttyes, parson, 186
Quynby, mr. 32 ; Anthony, ib. ;
Robert, 33
Rabetts, John, Mary, rev. Regi-
nald, 7
Rack, the, 1 88
Racking of Anne Askew, 303
Radcliffe highway, 134
Radcliffe, sir Humphrey, 161, 168,
322
Radley, 293 ; John, 110
Rainsford, William, 1 62
sir John, 148
Ramsey abbey, 36, 148
Raner, Adam, 216
Raynold, dr. Thomas, 25
Read, Anne, sir William, 229
Reading, 334; the Bear, 104,
126 ; the Cardinal's hat, 99,
100; the cage, 114; the ab-
bey, 96 ; royal palace and sta-
bles at, 121, 124; free-school,
86; mastership of, 120 — 122,
319
Rebeck, 148
Record, Robert, 30, 150, 173
Rede, Morgan, 78
Repps, alias Rugge, bishop, 223
Reynolds, dr. Robert, 71
Rich, Hugh, 280
Richard, 44, 273, 303, 304,
307, 310, 311
Richmond and Derby, Margaret
countess of, 235
Ridges, John, 121
Rigby, Richard, 280
Ring, sent as a token of credit,
56, 256, 270
Robardes, mr. 287
Robins, alias Morgan, Thomas,
174
Rochester, sir Robert, 95, 152
Rochford, lord, 283
Rogers, John, 290, 335
Rokeby, Ralph, 166
Rolston, Lancelot, 12, 13
Rood of Boxley, 286 ; rood of
Northern, 294
Rookwood, Nicholas, 166
Roper, William, 46
Rose, Thomas, 93
Rouen, 84
Rough, master, 58
Rowdon, Frances, Richard, 168
Roy, 298
Royston, 193
Rue, an antidote to poison, 22
Rugge, alias Repps, bishop, 223
Russell, Francis lord, 140
John lord, 257, see Bed-
ford
Rutland, earl of, 145, 146
Ryder, John, 96, 121
Sackville, sir Richard, nick--
named Fill-sick, 267 ; Rose,
William, 52
Sacrament of the altar, 68, 72,
183 ; nicknames given to, 73 ;
proclamation and act of par-
liament in reference to such
nicknames, 318
Saints, "blasphemed," 281; their
feasts forbidden, 289 ; in the
calendar of the Church of
England, 323, note
Saint George, and King Edward
the Sixth, anecdote of, 323 ;
his " History," ib. note
St. Ive's, 292
St. James's palace, 166, 287
St. John, sir John, 148
St. Leger, sir Anthony, 179, 273,
343
St. Osythe's, 211, 337 bis.
St. Paul, Jane, sir George, 40
Salisbury, 72 et seq. 105, 113,
124, 128
John, 293
Sampson, dr. Richard, 53, 55,
223
Sandford, mr. 57
Sandwich, 251
Sandys, archbishop Edwin, 50,
142, 342
Saunderton, 123
Sawtrey Beaumys, 1, 5, G, 7,
292, 344 ; Moygne, 35, 344 ;
arms in the manor-house, 2 ;
abbey and rectories, 35, 148
Scambler, bishop, 58
Scarborough, 269
warning, 199
Scariot, a spirit, 332
Scavenger's daughter, 189
Schoolmasters, severity of, 239
! Scory, bishop John, 218, 227,
228, 236
Scott, Bartholomew, Margaret,
244
Searchers of Gravesend, 212
Segar, mr. 203, 209
Sepulchre, the holy, on Good
Friday, 287
I Serjeants, 104
! Seven sciences, 151, 346
! Seven Sleepers, feast of, 49
i Seymer, sir Thomas, 295
i Seymour, sir John, 283
| sir Thomas, J47, 148; his
attack on Cranmer, 260
Shakilton, Thomas, 334
Shaxton, bishop Nicholas, 44,
223, 248, 306
Sheffield, Edmund lord, Marga-
ret, sir Robert, 57
Sheldon, William, 143
Shelley, William, 75
GENERAL INDEX.
Shepherd, Luke, 171, 325
Sherlcy, Jane, Ralph, 75
Shirley, sir Ralph, 132
Shoreditch, 28
Shotley, 5, 6
Shrewsbury, earl of, 9, 284
Shrift, on Shrove Tuesday, 287
Sieve and shears, divination by,
334
Singleton, 297
Harry, 100
Six Articles, the act of, 224;
other notices of, 61, 62, 71,
276 ; Cranmer's opposition
to,. 237, 247
Skelton, father and son, 38 ; the
host, 325
Skevington, sir William, 189
Skyppe, bishop John, 249
Smeaton, Mark, 283
Smith, Richard, S.T.P. 177; sir
Thomas, 331
Smythe, vicar of Christchurch
Twinham, 72
Somayne ? arms, 3
Somer, Wylle, 318
Somerset, duke of, 76, 78, 80,
1 73, 323 ; connives at a conju-
ror being consulted, 331, 333
Somner, master, 293
Sonning, 319
Sorcery, 1 75, 333
Southampton, 74, 76
countess of, 312
Southo, 1, 292
Southwark, 210, 212
the Clink, 49
Southwell, sir Richard, 8, 44,
,139, 140,143,166,167,187,188
— — Richard, jun. 46
Spears, or men-at-arms, 32 1,322
Speryne, see Perrins
Spilrr.an, mr. 284
Spirits, invocation of, 330, 332,
334
Stafford, sir William, 322
Stafforton, mr. 323
Stephens, dr. 241
Stepney, 45, 59, 134, 157. 158,
160
Sternhold, Thomas, 48
Steward, of the church of Read-
ing, 124; of the church of
Worcester, 142
Steward, dr. Edward, 71, 72
Stilton, 292
Stokisley, bishop John, 220, 223,
243, 298, 243 ; biog. note, and
anecdote respecting transla-
tion of the Acts, 277
Stoke Clare, 334
Stolen goods, divination for their
recovery, 332
Stonynge, Thomas, 188
Stop-gallant, 82
Story, mr. 147, 336
Stourton, Alice, William lord,
47 ; Elizabeth, William, 344 ;
Charles lord, xvi
Stove, or sudorific bath, 57
Stratford on the Bow, 160
Strypc, his intended life of Foxe,
xiii; character of his works, xvi
Stukeley,arms, 2, 6 ; Edith, John,
38
Suffolk, Charles Brandon, duke
of, his death, 82, 284
Henry Grey, duke of, 152 ;
arrest of, 164
Katharine duchess of, 312
Suffolk-place, 173
Supreme Head, title confirmed to
the king, 281
Sussex, Anne countess of, 312
Henry (not Thomas) earl
of, 139, 140, 143, 152, 161
Sutton in Ashfield, 12
Sweating, for health's sake, 57
sickness, 82
Symney, Richard, 12, 13
Symper, George, 336
Symson, Cuthbert, 189
Syon, 76, 173
Talbot, Robert, 33
Tanner, Mathias, 189
Tassell, William, 335
Taunton deanery, 243
Taverner, Richard, 293 ; his pro-
verbs, 160
Tayller, sir Bryse, 81
Taylor, alias Barker, John, 19,
20 ; mr. 298
Taylour, William, 67
Tawe, justice John, 160
Tetragrammaton, 333
Teynton, Glouc. 70
Thackham, Thomas, his defence
of his conduct towards Julins
Palmer, 85 et seq. ; biogra-
phical notices of, 131 ; a phy-
sician, 107, 129
Thomas, of Dursley, 106,
107
Thames, a scene on the, 252
Theyer, John, 339
Thikked, mrs. 35
Thirleby, bp. 236 bis, 249
Thomas, William, 84
Thornden, bp. Richard, 227, 339
Thorp, 300
Thorpe, Thomas, 294
Throckmorton, Anne lady, 152 ;
Clement, 163 ; Elizabeth, 95 ;
sir George, 143, 151, 163 ; Job,
163; sir John, 151., 324; Ka-
tharine, 143 ; Katharine lady,
163; Kenelm, 42, 302; Lio-
nel, 40, 302; Mary, 95; sir
Nicholas, 42, 152 ; sir Robert,
95 ; Simon, 302
Thynne, sir John, 333
Token, of credit to a messenger,
56, 256, 270
Toll-shop of Worcester, 61
Tomkins, Thomas, 65
Tonfyeld, Robert, 396
Tower of London, transactions
there at Mary's accession, 134
et seq. ; Allen and Thomas
Morgan prisoners, 174; the
rack at, 188
Traheron, Bartholomew, 33, 93
Tregonwell, dr. John, 220
Troys, Agnes, Thomas, 47
Trudge-over-the- world, 211, 336
Turner, Richard, 236, 343
Thomas, 123
dr. William, 61
Tumour, John, 335
Tusser, Thomas, 239
.Tybourn, 181
Tyndale, William, 25, 55, 140,
141, 235, 298; his Obedience
of a Christian Man, 53
Tyrrell, Edmund, 65, 212, 337
Twychener, Thomas or Richard,
48
Udall, mr. 186; Nicholas, 186,
239, 293
366
GENERAL INDEX.
Uffculme, 82
Ulster, Lionel earl of, 1 , 35
Underbill, Edward, biographical
notice of, 132; his children,
133 ; his autobiographical an-
ecdotes, 134 — 176; intimate
with the duke of Northumber-
land, 144, 158; called the Hot-
Gospeller, 160; his prayer, 175;
verses, 176; his anecdote of
King Edward and Saint George,
323
Guilford, 133, 153
Urmond, Jane, John, 303
Vacliell, Thomas, 96
Vales, John, 161, 171, 214
Vane, lady Elizabeth, 90, 93, 95;
her Psalms and Proverbs, 346 ;
sir Ralph, 94, 321
Vanwylder, Edvv., Margaret, 341
Vasternes, at Reading, 121
Vaughan, Cuthbert, 166
Verney, Edward, Francis, 171
Waad, Armigill, 314
Wackelyn, 186
Waddington, Richard, 313
Wadloe, 40, 47
Wainfleet, 300
Waldegrave, sir Edward, 95, 152
Walker, or Fuller, 66
Wallop, sir John, 148
Walsingham, custom of kissing
on returning from, 37
Waltham abbey, 240
Walthamstow, 28
Warden pears, 34
abbey, 34, 35
Ware, and its inns, 192
Warham, archbp. 56, 221, 244;
arms of, 250
Warren, W. 24
Waiter, curate of St. Bride's, 1 88
Watch, the city, 324
Wattes, the king's grocer, 28;
his daughter Lucy, ib.
Webb, mr. priest, 46
Welbeck, 30, 263
Welch, gaoler at Reading, 105,
128
Wcldon, 333
Wentworth, Thomas lord, 139
Westminster, Canon row, 57
Weston, dean Hugh, 166, 228,
287
mr. 283
the luteplayer, 302
Wesynham, Thomas, 292
Wever, Richard, 31
Whalley, Richard, 30, 333
Whitchurch, Edward, Margaret,
244
White, Christopher, 301, 306;
bp. John, 29, 30, 48 ; Richard,
74; Thomas, 78,81,324
Whitechapel, 171
Whitehall, 254
Whittington, 14
Whocke, , 70
Whorwood, Margaret, William,
143
Whype, Thomas, 205
Wicherley, William, a conjurer,
examinations of, 331
Wildbore, prior, 341
Williams, John lord, 80, 228
dr. John, 18, 20, 21
Williamson, Robert, 299
Willington, 251
Wilson, clerk of the chancery, 336
Wiltshire, earl of, 220, 242, 243
Wimbourne, 79
Winchester, marriage of queen
Mary at, 169; college, 7, 15,
29, 40, 55
marquess of , 7 9 , 1 7 0 ; his
jest respecting Saint George,
323
Windsor forest, 333
Wingham barton, 263
Winter, Anne, 132, 136; George,
143 ; Gilbert, 136 ; Robert,
122, 136, 143
Witchcraft, 173, 330
Wolsey, cardinal, 52, 56, 240,
293, .294; his college at Ox-
ford, 240
Wolvesey palace, 48
Wood, high price of, 324
Woodcock, official, 57
Woodcocke's wife, a prophetess,
29
Woodhouse, 31
Woodman, Richard, 336
Woodmongers, 150, 324
Worcester, CO et seq, ; the toll-
shop 65 ; clothing trade, 66
Worksop, 299
Wotton, 96
Wotton-under-edge, 69
Wotton, Brian, 32, 33 ; Edward,
33
Wrangle, 300
Wriothesley, lord, 34
lord chancellor, 42. 43, 303,
306, 307
Wrottesley, Elizabeth, Thomas,
299
Wyat, sir Thomas, 185, 267 ; in-
cidents of his rebellion, 162 et
seq. ; his capture, 168
Wythypolle, Paul, 296
Wyne, Richard, 36
Yarmouth, 334
Yelverton, sir Christopher, 120
Youle, Robert, 66
Young, archbp. Thomas, 8
Yownge, lusty, 158
Zealand, 211
Zouche, George, 52 — 58 ; sir
John, 52, 57 ; Margaret, 57
Zuinglian faction, 155
Westminster : Printed by J. B. Nichols and Sons, 25, Parliament Street.
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL
OF
THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
ELECTED 2nd MAY, 1859.
THE Council of the Camden Society, elected on the 2nd of May, 1859,
refer with satisfaction to the Report of the Auditors for proof of the con-
tinued welfare of the Society.
The Council have to report the death during the past year of the follow-
ing Members of the Society —
EDWARD NELSON ALEXANDER, Esq. F.S.A.
F. R. ATKINSON, Esq.
JOHN BRIGHT, Esq. M.D. •
The Rev. D. C. DELAFOSSE, M.A.
The Right Hon. the EARL DE GREY, F.S.A.
WILLIAM RICHARD HAMILTON, Esq. F.R.S., F.S.A,
PHILIP AUGUSTUS HANROTT, Esq. F.S.A.
JAMES MAITLAND HOG, Esq. ^
BISHOP MALTBY.
The LORD MURRAY.
Sir GEORGE T. STAUNTON, Bart.
LORD P. JAMES CRICHTON STUART, M.P.
To these is to be added the name — clarum et venerabile — of LORI>
MACAULAY. If any eulogy on this great writer by the Camden Society
could add to the brilliancy or the extent of his reputation, the Council
would gladly pay it: but all we could now say would be to echo sentiments
which have been universally expressed. The Camden Society may feel
proud in having been the medium of publishing authorities on which he
relied in his History of England, and must record his death with that
feeling of profound regret which must affect every lover of historical
research.
Although, as will be seen from the names just enumerated, the Camden
Society has during the past year been deprived in the course of nature of
2 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1860.
some of its oldest and most honoured members, that year has not been
without compensation in the addition made to the number of Public Insti-
tutions now enrolled on the List of Subscribers.
The Library of King's College, Cambridge, and the Chetham Library,
Manchester, have recently joined the Society ; while the interest taken in
its objects by our Transatlantic brethren is shown by the fact that no less
than five American Libraries have just been added to the List of
Members.
The Council venture to suggest that the friends of the Society cannot
more surely promote its usefulness and secure its permanence than by
doing whatever is in their power to bring its claims under the notice not
only of all lovers of history, but also of all corporate or associated bodies
which possess libraries.
The following Works have been issued since the last General Meet-
ing :—
I. The Camden Miscellany, Volume the Fourth, containing: 1. A London
Chronicle in the reigns of Henry VII. and Henry VIII. ; 2. The Childe of Bristow,
a Poem by John Lydgate ; 3. Expenses of the Judges of Assize riding the Western
and Oxford Circuits, temp. Elizabeth ; 4. The Incredulity of St. Thomas, one
of the Corpus Christi Plays at York ; 5. Sir Edward Lake's Interview with Charles
the First ; 6. Letters of Pope to Atterbury when in the Tower of London ; 7. Sup-
plementary Note on the Jesuits' College a*t Clerkenwell.
This Volume, which belongs to the subscription of the past year, has
been found fully equal to its predecessors in the variety and interest of its
several papers. The Miscellanies are generally approved, and the Council
will have pleasure in receiving valuable short papers suitable for a Fifth
Volume. Some such are already in hand.
II. The Journals of Richard Symonds, an Officer in the Royal Army, temp.
Charles I. Edited by CHARLES EDWARD LONG, Esq. M.A.
A Volume full of interest to the Historical Student, as well as abounding
in materials of great value to the Genealogist and Topographer.
III. Original Papers illustrative of the Life and Writings of John Milton, now first
published from MSS. in the State Paper Office. Edited by W. D. HAMILTON, Esq.
The name of Milton would justify and vindicate the publication of any
volume of papers in which his hand could be traced. The present volume,
which has been edited with great care by Mr. William D. Hamilton of
the State Paper Office, confirms and illustrates Milton's scholarship, by
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1860. 3
publishing various new Latin letters written by him for the government
of the day. It contains also the papers which explain the nature of the
pecuniary dealings between himself and the Powell family, many of them
now published for the first time, and the whole now also for the first time
thrown into one entire series.
The last published volume, which has only just been issued to the
Members, is —
IV. Letters of George Lord Carew, afterwards Earl of Totnes, to Sir Thomas
Roe. Edited by JOHN MACLEAN, Esq. F.S.A.
a volume full of gossip about the notables of the time, and containing
many interesting particulars of the Court and Courtiers of James the
First.
The Council would close its account of its stewardship by again calling
attention to the services which the Camden Society has rendered to
Historical Literature. The Council have shown that, by a careful dispo-
sition of the funds at their command, and by an equally careful selection of
books for publication, the Society is able to do good service to Historical
Literature, and to maintain its reputation as a valuable auxiliary to the
Historical Student.
By order of the Council,
JOHN BRUCE, Director.
WILLIAM J. THOMS, Secretary.
April 18, 1860.
REPORT OF THE AUDITORS.
WE, the Auditors appointed to audit the Accounts of the Camden Society, report
to the Society, that the Treasurer has exhibited to us an account of the Receipts and
Expenditure from the 1st of April, 1859, to the 31st of March, 1860, and that we
have examined the said accounts, with the vouchers relating thereto, and find the same
to be correct and satisfactory.
RECEIPTS.
By Balance of last year's account. .
Received on account of Members
f whose Subscriptions were in ar-
rear at the last Audit
The like on account of Subscrip-
tions due 1st May last (1859) . .
The like on account of Subscriptions
due 1st May next
Oneyear'sdividendon,£lOl63*.lrf.
3 per Cent. Consols, standing in
the names of the Trustees of the
Society, deducting Income Tax. .
By sale of Publications of past years
129
109 0 0
335 0 0
700
29 6
28 12
£633 0 0
EXPENDITURE. £. s. d.
Paid for printing and paper of 750 copies of " Camden
Miscellany," vol. iv 74 4 3
The like of 750 copies of "Symonds's Diary " 181 19 6
Paid for printing 600 copies of " Milton Papers " . . . . 42 5 0
Paid for binding 600 "Liber Famelicus," the like of
" Saville Correspondence," the like of " Blonde of
Oxford" „ 50 4 7
Paid for binding 500 " Symonds's Diary," and the like
of " Camden Miscellany" 38 0 0
Paid for Transcripts 11 69
Paid for Paper 4118 6
Paid for Miscellaneous Printing 10 14 0
Paid for delivery and transmission of 500 copies of
"Camden Miscellany," " Syraouds's Diary," and
" Milton Papers," with paper for wrappers, &c 26 7 10
Paid for Advertisements 3 5 6
One year's payment for keeping Accounts and General
Correspondence of the Society 52 10 0
Paid for postage, carriage of parcels, and other petty
cash expenses 806
By re-payment of one subscription paid in error 1 0 0
By Balance.
541 16 5
. 96 3 7
.£638 0 0
And we, the Auditors, further state, that the Treasurer has reported to us, that
over and above the present balance of £96 3s. Jd. there are outstanding various sub-
scriptions of Foreign Members, and of Members resident at a distance from London,
which the Treasurer sees no reason to doubt will shortly be received.
HENRY STONE SMITH,
G. R. CORNER.
ISth April, 1860,
NICHOLS, J G DA
20
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